Reconsidering Durability of Authoritarian Regime and Possibilities of Democratization in Tunisia
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Carter Center Preliminary Statement on Tunisia's Presidential Election
Carter Center Preliminary Statement on Tunisia’s Presidential Election Nov. 25, 2014 This statement is preliminary; a final report will be published four months after the end of the electoral process. Statement of Preliminary Findings and Conclusions Political Background Tunisians expressed their will in a competitive and peaceful presidential election. For the first time since independence, Tunisians were offered the opportunity to choose among a diverse group of presidential candidates in a genuine election. The Nov. 23 presidential polls, the second of two elections intended to consolidate Tunisia’s democratic transition, were administered in a professional and neutral manner. Tunisia is the only country in the Arab world to have successfully pursued a consistent path of democratic reform after the 2011 revolutions. As such, Tunisia could serve as a model for other countries in the region struggling to establish democratic institutions. The results of the October legislative elections helped to shape the dynamics of the presidential campaign. A broad-based party, Nidaa Tounes, emerged as the largest winner with 86 seats, while the Islamist movement Ennahdha was second with 69 seats. In a positive step, all political parties announced before the ISIE officially released the preliminary results that they would accept the outcome of the polls. Legal Framework International best practices indicate that the legal framework for the organization of an election should be readily accessible to the public, be transparent, and address all the components of an electoral system necessary to ensure democratic elections.1 Tunisia’s legal framework for presidential elections is generally in alignment with international standards.2 The electoral process is governed by the January 2014 constitution, the 2014 electoral law and the implementing regulations issued by the Independent High Authority for Elections (ISIE), the 1 OSCE/ODIHR, Guidelines for Reviewing a Legal Framework for Elections, page 4. -
2019 Presidential and Parliamentary Elections in Tunisia Final Report
ELECTION REPORT ✩ 2019 Presidential and Parliamentary Elections in Tunisia Final Report ELECTION REPORT ✩ 2019 Presidential and Parliamentary Elections in Tunisia Final Report One Copenhill 453 Freedom Parkway Atlanta, GA 30307 (404) 420-5100 www.cartercenter.org Contents Map of Tunisia................................. 4 The Independent High Authority Executive Summary ............................ 5 for Audiovisual Communications .............. 40 Background ................................. 6 Conclusion ................................ 41 Legal Framework ............................ 7 Candidates, Parties, and Campaigns ........... 42 Election Management ........................ 7 Campaigning in the First Round Voter Registration ........................... 8 of the Presidential Election .................. 42 Voter Education ............................. 8 Conclusion ................................ 44 Citizen Observation .......................... 8 Campaigning in the Parliamentary Election .... 44 Candidate Registration ....................... 8 Campaigning in the Second Round of the Campaign .................................. 9 Presidential Election ........................ 46 Voting and Counting ........................ 11 Campaign Finance ............................ 47 Tabulation ................................. 12 Social Media Monitoring ...................... 49 Electoral Dispute Resolution ................. 12 Legal Framework ........................... 49 Results .................................... 13 Methodology ............................. -
Political Transition in Tunisia
Political Transition in Tunisia Alexis Arieff Analyst in African Affairs April 15, 2011 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RS21666 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress Political Transition in Tunisia Summary On January 14, 2011, President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali fled the country for Saudi Arabia following weeks of mounting anti-government protests. Tunisia’s mass popular uprising, dubbed the “Jasmine Revolution,” appears to have added momentum to anti-government and pro-reform sentiment in other countries across the region, and some policy makers view Tunisia as an important “test case” for democratic transitions elsewhere in the Middle East. Ben Ali’s departure was greeted by widespread euphoria within Tunisia. However, political instability, economic crisis, and insecurity are continuing challenges. On February 27, amid a resurgence in anti-government demonstrations, Prime Minister Mohamed Ghannouchi (a holdover from Ben Ali’s administration) stepped down and was replaced by Béji Caïd Essebsi, an elder statesman from the administration of the late founding President Habib Bourguiba. On March 3, the interim government announced a new transition “road map” that would entail the election on July 24 of a “National Constituent Assembly.” The Assembly would, in turn, be charged with promulgating a new constitution ahead of expected presidential and parliamentary elections, which have not been scheduled. The protest movement has greeted the road map as a victory, but many questions remain concerning its implementation. Until January, Ben Ali and his Constitutional Democratic Rally (RCD) party exerted near-total control over parliament, state and local governments, and most political activity. -
Download the List of Participants
46 LIST OF PARTICIPANTS Socialfst International BULGARIA CZECH AND SLOVAK FED. FRANCE Pierre Maurey Bulgarian Social Democratic REPUBLIC Socialist Party, PS Luis Ayala Party, BSDP Social Democratic Party of Laurent Fabius Petar Dertliev Slovakia Gerard Fuchs Office of Willy Brandt Petar Kornaiev Jan Sekaj Jean-Marc Ayrault Klaus Lindenberg Dimit rin Vic ev Pavol Dubcek Gerard Collomb Dian Dimitrov Pierre Joxe Valkana Todorova DENMARK Yvette Roudy Georgi Kabov Social Democratic Party Pervenche Beres Tchavdar Nikolov Poul Nyrup Rasmussen Bertrand Druon FULL MEMBER PARTIES Stefan Radoslavov Lasse Budtz Renee Fregosi Ralf Pittelkow Brigitte Bloch ARUBA BURKINA FASO Henrik Larsen Alain Chenal People's Electoral Progressive Front of Upper Bj0rn Westh Movement, MEP Volta, FPV Mogens Lykketoft GERMANY Hyacinthe Rudolfo Croes Joseph Ki-Zerbo Social Democratic Party of DOMINICAN REPUBLIC Germany, SPD ARGENTINA CANADA Dominican Revolutionary Bjorn Entolm Popular Socialist Party, PSP New Democratic Party, Party, PRD Hans-Joe en Vogel Guillermo Estevez Boero NDP/NPD Jose Francisco Pena Hans-Ulrich Klose Ernesto Jaimovich Audrey McLaughlin Gomez Rosemarie Bechthum Eduardo Garcia Tessa Hebb Hatuey de Camps Karlheinz Blessing Maria del Carmen Vinas Steve Lee Milagros Ortiz Bosch Hans-Eberhard Dingels Julie Davis Leonor Sanchez Baret Freimut Duve AUSTRIA Lynn Jones Tirso Mejia Ricart Norbert Gansel Social Democratic Party of Rejean Bercier Peg%:'. Cabral Peter Glotz Austria, SPOe Diane O'Reggio Luz el Alba Thevenin Ingamar Hauchler Franz Vranitzky Keith -
Tunileaks, Les Documents Dévoilés Par Wikileaks Concernant La Tunisie
Les documents sont reproduits à lʼissue de cette Il est important ici de signaler quʼil sʼagit donc des présentation. câbles du pouvoir civil par opposition aux instances militaires. Pour le cas des documents auxquels nous TuniLeaks, les documents dévoilés par avons eu accès, en lʼoccurrence ceux concernant la Tunisie, il est frappant de relever la place des Wikileaks concernant la Tunisie : préoccupations américaines relatives aux droits de Quelques réactions à chaud. lʼHomme. Ce qui pour nous a été une surprise, dʼautant plus quʼil ne sʼagit pas de communiqués publics destinés à calmer des ONG, mais des Nawaat relaye, en exclusivité, une partie des échanges privés entre des diplomates. Sans aucun documents secrets qui concernent la Tunisie doute, l'ensemble des documents mis en ligne par dévoilés par Wikileaks. Le site qui a déjà été à Wikileaks révélera-t-il, s'agissant d'autres pays, des l'origine de la fuite de milliers de documents sur éléments qui heurtent des principes de droit de l'engagement américain en Irak et en Afghanistan. l'Homme. Mais pour le cas de la Tunisie, cela ne Les documents sont issus du réseau SIPRNet semble pas avoir été le cas au sein des documents (Secret Internet Protocol Router Network) de dont nous avons disposés. lʼadministration américaine utilisé pour la transmission de mémos diplomatiques et autres Nos premières appréciations sur le contenu sont des documents secrets. Tous les documents relatifs à la appréciations à chaud. Mais nous aurons lʼoccasion Tunisie sont classés secrets : (Classification de revenir dessus après plusieurs lectures SECRET//NOFORN). « Noforn », qui est une approfondies, seules à même de permettre de saisir restriction supplémentaire, signifie « Not releasable des détails qui pourraient sembler anodins à to Foreign Nationals », autrement dit « non diffusable première vue. -
Tunisia and Egypt in the Post-Arab Spring Process
Democratic Transitions in Comparative Perspective: Tunisia and Egypt in the Post-Arab Spring Process Author: Nazim Eryilmaz Persistent link: http://hdl.handle.net/2345/bc-ir:107424 This work is posted on eScholarship@BC, Boston College University Libraries. Boston College Electronic Thesis or Dissertation, 2017 Copyright is held by the author, with all rights reserved, unless otherwise noted. DEMOCRATIC TRANSITIONS IN COMPARATIVE PERSPECTIVE: TUNISIA AND EGYPT IN THE POST- ARAB SPRING PROCESS NAZIM ERYILMAZ A Master’s thesis submitted to the Faculty of the program in Middle Eastern Studies in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Boston College Morrissey College of Arts and Sciences Graduate School April 2017 © Copyright 2017 NAZIM ERYILMAZ DEMOCRATIC TRANSITIONS IN COMPARATIVE PERSPECTIVE: TUNISIA AND EGYPT IN THE POST-ARAB SPRING PROCESS NAZIM ERYILMAZ Advisor: Professor Ali Banuazizi, Ph.D. Abstract How can one think of the possibility of emergence of democracy in non-Western countries? Such an idea had been approached in pessimism for a long time in academia. This is because the conditions deemed indispensable for democratic development (such as high rates of urbanization and literacy) rarely existed in those countries. Thus, the concept “Western democracy” was considered an oxymoron, since, according to earlier scholars of democracy, only Western polities could meet the conditions/prerequisites for the genesis of democracy. Nevertheless, this long-held prophecy was challenged as non-Western countries demonstrated significant progress towards establishing a democratic rule, despite having “so-called” unfavorable conditions (such as religion or poor economic performance) to democratic development. Despite this global resurgence of democratic governance, the countries in the Middle East and North Africa were never able to develop a democratic rule, a situation that has long been explained by pointing at the “exceptional” characteristics (primarily Islam) inherent in the region. -
Legislative and Presidential Elections in Tunisia: Final Report
ELECTION REPORT ✩ Legislative and Presidential Elections in Tunisia Final Report October, November, and December 2014 ELECTION REPORT ✩ Legislative and Presidential Elections in Tunisia Final Report October, November, and December 2014 One Copenhill 453 Freedom Parkway Atlanta, GA 30307 (404) 420-5100 www.cartercenter.org Contents Foreword . 4 Candidates, Parties, and Campaigns . 34 Executive Summary . 6 Campaign Finance .. 37 Voter Registration . 7 The Campaign Period . 39 Candidate Registration . 8 Civil Society .. 45 Campaign . 9 Electoral Dispute Resolution . 47 Voting and Counting. 11 Election Day . 49 Tabulation . 11 Legislative Elections . 51 Election Dispute Resolution .. 12 First Round of the Presidential Election. 54 Results . 12 Second Round of the Presidential Election . .55 Recommendations . 13 Security . 57 The Carter Center in Tunisia . 14 Postelection Complaints . 58 Carter Center Election Complaints Against the Preliminary Results of Observation Methodology . 15 the Legislative Election . 58 International Obligations . 17 Complaints Against the Preliminary Results of the First Round of the Presidential Election . 59 Historical and Political Background . 18 Conclusions and Recommendations . 61 Electoral Institutions and the Framework for the Presidential and Legislative Elections . 22 Appendix A: Acknowledgments . 64 Legal Framework . 22 Appendix B: The Carter Center Boundary Delimitation . 23 Delegation and Staff . 65 Electoral System . .. 24 Appendix C: Terms and Abbreviations . 68 Election Management . 25 Appendix D: Statements and Press Releases . 70 Pre-election Developments . 30 Appendix E: Deployment Plan . 138 Voter Registration . 30 Appendix F: Checklists (Short Form) . 144 Voter Education . .. 33 Appendix G: Electoral Results . 161 Appendix H: Letter of Invitation . 165 Foreword By Ambassador (Ret.) Mary Ann Peters and security concerns to promote stability and Chief Executive Officer of The Carter Center satisfy citizens’ aspirations. -
STI Tunis Aktualizace K 1.9.2009
SOUHRNNÁ TERITORIÁLNÍ INFORMACE Tunisko Souhrnná teritoriální informace Tunisko Zpracováno a aktualizováno zastupitelským ú řadem ČR v Tunisu ke dni 01.09.2009 Seznam kapitol souhrnné teritoriálné informace: 1. Základní informace o teritoriu 2. Vnitropolitická charakteristika 3. Zahrani čně-politická orientace 4. Ekonomická charakteristika zem ě 5. Finan ční a da ňový sektor 6. Zahrani ční obchod zem ě 7. Obchodní a ekonomická spolupráce s ČR 8. Základní podmínky pro uplatn ění českého zboží na trhu 9. Investi ční klima 10. Očekávaný vývoj v teritoriu © Zastupitelský ú řad Tunis (Tunisko) 1. Základní informace o teritoriu 1.1. Oficiální název státu • Tuniská republika • Al Džumhúrija At Tunisia • La République Tunisienne 1.2. Rozloha • 162 155 km 2 (z toho 25 000 km 2 pouš ť) 1.3. Po čet obyvatel, hustota na km², podíl ekonomicky činného obyvatelstva • Po čet obyvatelstva 10.326 600 tis. (r. 2008) • Hustota na 1 km 2 63,8 obyv. (r. 2005) • Podíl ekonomicky činného obyvatelstva 46,4 % 1.4. Pr ůměrný ro ční p řír ůstek obyvatelstva a jeho demografické složení • Pr ůměrný ro ční p řír ůstek obyvatelstva, 0,99 % (r. 2006) • Demografické složení obyvatelstva 0–4 roky 8,0 %0–14 let 24,6 % • 15–64 let 68,6 % • 65 let a více 6,7 % 1.5. Národnostní složení • Arabové 97 %, Berbe ři 1 %, Evropané 1 %, Židé 1 % 1.6. Náboženské složení • 98 % muslimové (islám sunnitského ritu), k řes ťané 1 %, židé a ostatní 1 % 1.7. Úřední jazyk a ostatní nej čast ěji používané jazyky • arabština • ostatní nej čast ěji používané jazyky: francouzština, mén ě angli čtina, italština a n ěmčina 1.8. -
Towords O New Century
Towords o new Century he eighteenth Congress of the Sociolist lnternotionol (Sl) in Stockholm on2O-22June wos o historic meeting, Held olmost one hundred yeors .l889, ofter the founding of the Second lnternotionol in Poris in July it morked the first centenory of the internotionol sociolist movement, But this wos no nostolgic celebrotion, Colled with the theme of 'One Hundred Yeors of Struggle for Peoce ond Freedom Towords o New Century' , the Congress not only discussed the ochievements- ond troditions of democrotic sociolism worldwide, It olso corried out o thorough onolysis of the chonges thot hove occurred in the world in recent decodes, oddressing the chollenges foced by democrotic sociolists os they stond on the threshold of the twenty-first century, Reflecting such deliberotions, the Congress odopted o new plotform of oction in the form of the Declorotion of Principles of ihe Sociolist lnternotionol, { After yeors of rigourous discussion ond preporotion, the new declorotion supersedes the Fronkfurt Declorotion of l95l , We reprint the document in full, From the struggle for peoce ond humon rights to the internotionol economy ond o strotegy for environmentol survivol, the Stockholm Congress hod o wideronging ogendo, lt hos not therefore been possible to include every contribution within the scope of this Focus, The meeting .l00 wos ottended by Sl member porties, guests ond observers from over countries, But to give o reveoling insight into the debotes which took ploce, this Focus corries edited versions of two key speeches: one -
Tunisia's Volatile Transition to Democracy
Tunisia’s Volatile Transition to Democracy November 6, 2015 POMEPS Briefings 27 Contents 2014 parliamentary and presidential elections Tunisian elections bring hope in uncertain times . 6 By Lindsay Benstead, Ellen Lust, Dhafer Malouche and Jakob Wichmann The richness of Tunisia’s new politics . .. 8 By Laryssa Chomiak Tunisia’s post-parliamentary election hangover . 10 By Danya Greenfield Three remarks on the Tunisian elections . 13 By Benjamin Preisler Tunisia opts for an inclusive new government . .. 15 By Monica Marks What happens when Islamists lose an election? . 19 By Rory McCarthy Economic, security and political challenges Tunisia’s golden age of crony capitalism . 22 By Bob Rijkers, Caroline Freund and Antonio Nucifora Why some Arabs don’t want democracy . 24 By Lindsay Benstead Tunisia’s economic status quo . 26 By Antonio Nucifora and Erik Churchill Tunisian voters balancing security and freedom . 27 By Chantal Berman, Elizabeth R. Nugent and Radhouane Addala Will Tunisia’s fragile transition survive the Sousse attack? . 30 By Rory McCarthy Comparative analysis and regional context What really made the Arab uprisings contagious? . 34 By Merouan Mekouar Why is Tunisian democracy succeeding while the Turkish model is failing? . 36 By Yüksel Sezgin Arab transitions and the old elite . 38 By Ellis Goldberg Why Tunisia didn’t follow Egypt’s path . 43 Sharan Grewal How Egypt’s coup really affected Tunisia’s Islamists . 46 By Monica Marks When it comes to democracy, Egyptians hate the player but Tunisians hate the game . 50 By Michael Robbins What the Arab protestors really wanted . 52 By Mark R. Beissinger, Amaney Jamal and Kevin Mazur Reflection on the National Dialogue Quartet’s Nobel Prize Could Tunisia’s National Dialogue model ever be replicated? . -
Political Organization in the Middle East and North Africa
Taiwan Journal of Democracy, Volume 10, No. 1: 79-103 Political Organization in the Middle East and North Africa Larbi Sadiki and Amor Boubakri Abstract The essay seeks to look at the nature and peculiarities of political organization in the context of the Middle East and North African (MENA), with special reference to Egypt, Libya, Tunisia, and Yemen, countries which experienced popular uprisings that led to the ousting of authoritarian rulers in 2011. The essay begins with a contextualization of political organization, examining aspects of continuity and discontinuity, while at the same time focusing on old problems and new challenges. To this end, the inquiry is twofold. The first section looks at the nature of political parties and party politics, including electoral processes before the Arab Spring. The second section turns to post-Arab Spring political organization. It highlights legal and practical issues involved in the current setting in which political organizations are being reconstructed in a way that supports a process of renewal of political institutions, including parties and political party laws. The strengthening of the democratic process, it is concluded, needs a favorable legal setting, which reforms political organization in order to avoid old problems (e.g., exclusionary practices and nondemocratic elections) and responds to new challenges (democratization). Keywords: Political organization, political parties, MENA, Egypt, Tunisia, democratization. Democratization and Authoritarian Politics: Pre-Arab Spring Scholars from Thomas Carothers1 to Laurence Whitehead2 question the Larbi Sadiki is Associate Professor of International Relations and Democratization in the Depart- ment of International Affairs, Qatar University. <[email protected]> Amor Boubakri is Associate Professor of Public Law and a member of the Faculty of Law and Political Sciences at the University of Sousse in Tunisia. -
Tunisia Document Date: 1993
Date Printed: 11/06/2008 JTS Box Number: IFES 12 Tab Number: 32 Document Title: Pre-Election Technical Assessment: Tunisia Document Date: 1993 Document Country: Tunisia IFES ID: R01908 ~~I~ I~~I~ ~II ~I~ F - A B A F B C A * PRE-ELECTION TECHNICAL AssESSMENT TuNISIA December 15 - December 22, 1993 Jeff FISCher Dr. Clement Henry DO NOT REMOVE FROM IFES RESOURCE CENTER! INTERNATIONAL FOUNDATION FOR ELECTORAL SYSTEMS Pre-Election Technical Assessment: TUNISIA December 15 - December 22, 1993 Jeff Fischer Dr. Clement Henry January 31, 1994 Adila R. La"idi - Program Officer, North Africa and the Near East Keith Klein - Director of Programs, Africa and the Near East This report was made possible through funding by the United States Agency for International Development ! TABLE OF CONTENTS [. I. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY. .. 1 r. II. INTRODUCTION' . .. 3 r: m. CONTEXT OF DEMOCRATIZATION .......................... 5 A. Geographical Context . .. 6 B. The Pace of Democratization ............................ 9 r: C. Recent Events ..................................... 11 [] IV. LAWS AND REGULATIONS ................................ 14 A. Constitution ....................................... 14 B. Electoral Law ..................................... 14 L C. Other Relevant Laws ................................. 16 L V. ELECTORAL~lNSTITUTIONS_AND.OFFICIALS ................... 19 VI. POLmCAL-PARTIES'ANDCAMPAIGNING: ..................... 21 L A. Democratic~Constitutiona1Rally :(RCD).' ....................... '. 21 B. Movement· of Socialist Democrats:(MDS),>., ..........