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Theopompus's Philippica
chapter five Theopompus’s Philippica heopompus of Chios (FGrHist 115) was widely renowned in antiq- T uity for the severity with which he condemned the moral faults of the characters peopling his Philippica. Few indeed escaped the scathing vigor of his pen. Despite his family’s exile from Chios, Theopompus seems to have had the necessary funds to carry out thorough research (TT 20 and 28,FF25, 26 and 181) and did not have to work for a living, but was able to devote himself wholly to his writing.1 Because he was in no need of either patronage or an income, he had the freedom to write whatever he pleased without risk of losing his livelihood by causing offense. It is per- haps for this reason that he was known in antiquity as “a lover of the truth” (φιλαληθης )(T28). We must now determine whether or not this epithet was justified in Theopompus’s use of the past in the Philippica. In addition to his numerous epideictic speeches, Theopompus wrote three known historical works: an epitome of Herodotus, a Hellenica, and a Philippica.2 It is likely the epitome of Herodotus was Theopompus’s earliest 1. A recent discussion of the (very vague and contradictory) evidence for Theopompus’s life can be found in Michael Attyah Flower, Theopompus of Chios: History and Rhetoric in the Fourth Century BC (Oxford: Clarendon, 1994), 11–25. 2. Suda, s.v. Θε π µπ ς ι ς ρ ητωρ (ϭ T 1). 143 144 lessons from the past historical work,3 but all that remains of it is an entry in the Suda stating it contained two books (T 1) and four attributed fragments from ancient lexica giving it as the authority for the use of specific words (FF 1–4), although the possibility exists that some other, unattributed fragments may belong to it also. -
Cambridge University Press 978-1-107-10444-0 — Rome and the Third Macedonian War Paul J
Cambridge University Press 978-1-107-10444-0 — Rome and the Third Macedonian War Paul J. Burton Index More Information Index Abdera, Greek city on the h racian coast, 15n. second year 41 , 60 , 174 political disruption sparked by Roman h ird Macedonian War embassy, 143 second year troubles with Sparta, 13 , 82n. 23 brutalized by Hortensius, 140 Acilius Glabrio, M’. (cos. 191), 44 , 59n. 12 embassy to Rome, 140 Aetolian War s.c. de Abderitis issued, 140 , see also second year Appendix C passim given (unsolicited) strategic advice by Abrupolis, king of the h racian Sapaei, 15n. 41 Flamininus, 42 attacks Macedonia (179), 58 , 81 Syrian and Aetolian Wars Acarnania, Acarnanians, 14 second year deprived of the city of Leucas (167), 177 Battle of h ermopylae, 36 – 37 First Macedonian War recovers some cities in h essaly, 36 Roman operations in (211), 25 Aelius Ligus, P. (cos. 172), 112 politicians exiled to Italy (167), 177 Aemilius Lepidus, M. (ambassador) h ird Macedonian War embassy to Philip V at Abydus (200), 28 , second year 28n. 53 political disruption sparked by Roman Aenus and Maronea, Greek cities on the embassy, 143 h racian coast, 40 , 60 , 140 , 174 two executed by the Athenians (201), 28n. 53 declared free by the senate, 46 – 47 Achaean League, Achaeans, 12 – 13 dispute between Philip V and Rome over, Achaean War (146), 194 44 – 45 , 55 , 86 , 92 , 180 Archon- Callicrates debate (175), 61 , 61n. 29 , embassy to Rome from Maronean exiles (186/ 62n. 30 , 94 – 96 5), 45 congratulated by Rome for resisting Perseus Maronean exiles address senatorial (173), 66 , 117 commission (185), 46 conquest of the Peloponnese, 13 , 82n. -
The Oracle and Cult of Ares in Asia Minor Matthew Gonzales
The Oracle and Cult of Ares in Asia Minor Matthew Gonzales ERODOTUS never fails to fascinate with his rich and detailed descriptions of the varied peoples and nations H mustered against Greece by Xerxes;1 but one of his most tantalizing details, a brief notice of the existence of an oracle of Ares somewhere in Asia Minor, has received little comment. This is somewhat understandable, as the name of the proprietary people or nation has disappeared in a textual lacuna, and while restoring the name of the lost tribe has ab- sorbed the energies of some commentators, no moderns have commented upon the remarkable and unexpected oracle of Ares itself. As we shall see, more recent epigraphic finds can now be adduced to show that this oracle, far from being the fantastic product of logioi andres, was merely one manifestation of Ares’ unusual cultic prominence in south/southwestern Asia Minor from “Homeric” times to Late Antiquity. Herodotus and the Solymoi […] 1 The so-called Catalogue of Forces preserved in 7.61–99. In light of W. K. Pritcéhesttp’s¤ dtahwo rodu¢g h» mreofbuota˝tnioanws eo‰xf osunc hs mscihkorlãarws, aksa O‹ .p rAorbmÒalyoru, wD . FehdlÊinog ,l aunkdio Se.r Wg°eastw, ßwkhaos steoekw teo‰x dei,s c§rped‹ idt ¢th teª asuit hkoerfitay loªf sHie krordãontuesa o n thixs ãanldk eoath:e pr rpÚowin dts¢, tIo w›silli skimrãplnye rseif eŒr ttãhe t ree kadae‹r kto° rPerait cphreotts’s∞ tnw ob omÚawj or trexatãmleknetas ,o f t§hpe∞irs waonr k,d S¢t udkieas i‹n AlnÒcifenot i:G reetkå Two podg¢ra phkyn IÆVm (aBwe rk=eãleky e1s9i8 2) 23f4–o2in85ik a°nodi sTih ek Laiatre Silch¤xoola otf oH. -
Pausanias' Description of Greece
BONN'S CLASSICAL LIBRARY. PAUSANIAS' DESCRIPTION OF GREECE. PAUSANIAS' TRANSLATED INTO ENGLISH \VITTI NOTES AXD IXDEX BY ARTHUR RICHARD SHILLETO, M.A., Soiiii'tinie Scholar of Trinity L'olltge, Cambridge. VOLUME IT. " ni <le Fnusnnias cst un homme (jui ne mnnquo ni de bon sens inoins a st-s tlioux." hnniie t'oi. inais i}iii rn>it ou au voudrait croire ( 'HAMTAiiNT. : ftEOROE BELL AND SONS. YOUK STIIKKT. COVKNT (iAKDKX. 188t). CHISWICK PRESS \ C. WHITTINGHAM AND CO., TOOKS COURT, CHANCEKV LANE. fA LC >. iV \Q V.2- CONTEXTS. PAGE Book VII. ACHAIA 1 VIII. ARCADIA .61 IX. BtEOTIA 151 -'19 X. PHOCIS . ERRATA. " " " Volume I. Page 8, line 37, for Atte read Attes." As vii. 17. 2<i. (Catullus' Aft is.) ' " Page 150, line '22, for Auxesias" read Anxesia." A.-> ii. 32. " " Page 165, lines 12, 17, 24, for Philhammon read " Philanimon.'' " " '' Page 191, line 4, for Tamagra read Tanagra." " " Pa ire 215, linu 35, for Ye now enter" read Enter ye now." ' " li I'aijf -J27, line 5, for the Little Iliad read The Little Iliad.'- " " " Page ^S9, line 18, for the Babylonians read Babylon.'' " 7 ' Volume II. Page 61, last line, for earth' read Earth." " Page 1)5, line 9, tor "Can-lira'" read Camirus." ' ; " " v 1'age 1 69, line 1 , for and read for. line 2, for "other kinds of flutes "read "other thites.'' ;< " " Page 201, line 9. for Lacenian read Laeonian." " " " line 10, for Chilon read Cliilo." As iii. 1H. Pago 264, " " ' Page 2G8, Note, for I iad read Iliad." PAUSANIAS. BOOK VII. ACIIAIA. -
University Microfilms, Inc., Ann Arbor, Michigan LINDA JANE PIPER 1967
This dissertation has been microfilmed exactly as received 66-15,122 PIPER, Linda Jane, 1935- A HISTORY OF SPARTA: 323-146 B.C. The Ohio State University, Ph.D., 1966 History, ancient University Microfilms, Inc., Ann Arbor, Michigan LINDA JANE PIPER 1967 All Rights Reserved A HISTORY OF SPARTA: 323-1^6 B.C. DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Linda Jane Piper, A.B., M.A. The Ohio State University 1966 Approved by Adviser Department of History PREFACE The history of Sparta from the death of Alexander in 323 B.C; to the destruction of Corinth in 1^6 B.C. is the history of social revolution and Sparta's second rise to military promi nence in the Peloponnesus; the history of kings and tyrants; the history of Sparta's struggle to remain autonomous in a period of amalgamation. It is also a period in Sparta's history too often neglected by historians both past and present. There is no monograph directly concerned with Hellenistic Sparta. For the most part, this period is briefly and only inci dentally covered in works dealing either with the whole history of ancient Sparta, or simply as a part of Hellenic or Hellenistic 1 2 history in toto. Both Pierre Roussel and Eug&ne Cavaignac, in their respective surveys of Spartan history, have written clear and concise chapters on the Hellenistic period. Because of the scope of their subject, however, they were forced to limit them selves to only the most important events and people of this time, and great gaps are left in between. -
Roman Policies Towards Antiochus III and the Greeks from Winter 197/196 B.C
Roman Policies towards Antiochus III and the Greeks from Winter 197/196 B.C. to Autumn 196 B.C. [Roms Politik gegenüber Antiochos III. und den Griechen zwischen Winter 197/196 a.c. und Herbst 196 a.c.] Eike Hellmut Deutschmann (Universität Hamburg) [email protected] Abstract Zusammenfassung In the Second Macedonian War (200-196 B.C.), the Die res publica verminderte im Zweiten res publica reduced the strength of the enemy King Makedonischen Krieg (200-196 a.c.) die Macht des Philip V apparently to establish a new political gegnerischen Königs Philipp V - anscheinend um order in Southern Balkans: Assumedly a pro- eine neue politische Ordnung im südlichen Roman balance of forces should prevail there, Balkanraum zu etablieren: Vermutlich sollte dort untainted by influence of another major power. A ein romfreundliches Kräftegleichgewicht particular senatorial policy towards the Greeks vorherrschen, auf das keine andere Großmacht probably did not exist before the fighting in Hellas Einfluß hat. Eine speziell an die Griechen gerichtete came to an end in summer 197 B.C. In the same Politik seitens des römischen Senats gab es year, the Seleucid king Antiochus III brought large wahrscheinlich nicht vor Ende der parts of the west coast of Asia Minor under control Kampfhandlungen in Hellas im Sommer 197 a.c. In and set about crossing the Hellespont. Rome dem Jahr erweiterte der seleukidische König subsequently stylized itself as the guardian of Antiochos III. seinen Einflussbereich auf große Teile freedom for the Greeks living in Hellas and Asia der kleinasiatischen Westküste und schickte sich Minor. The statesmen of the res publica could have an, den Hellespont zu überqueren. -
ATLAS of CLASSICAL HISTORY
ATLAS of CLASSICAL HISTORY EDITED BY RICHARD J.A.TALBERT London and New York First published 1985 by Croom Helm Ltd Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group This edition published in the Taylor & Francis e-Library, 2003. © 1985 Richard J.A.Talbert and contributors All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilized in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data Atlas of classical history. 1. History, Ancient—Maps I. Talbert, Richard J.A. 911.3 G3201.S2 ISBN 0-203-40535-8 Master e-book ISBN ISBN 0-203-71359-1 (Adobe eReader Format) ISBN 0-415-03463-9 (pbk) Library of Congress Cataloguing in Publication Data Also available CONTENTS Preface v Northern Greece, Macedonia and Thrace 32 Contributors vi The Eastern Aegean and the Asia Minor Equivalent Measurements vi Hinterland 33 Attica 34–5, 181 Maps: map and text page reference placed first, Classical Athens 35–6, 181 further reading reference second Roman Athens 35–6, 181 Halicarnassus 36, 181 The Mediterranean World: Physical 1 Miletus 37, 181 The Aegean in the Bronze Age 2–5, 179 Priene 37, 181 Troy 3, 179 Greek Sicily 38–9, 181 Knossos 3, 179 Syracuse 39, 181 Minoan Crete 4–5, 179 Akragas 40, 181 Mycenae 5, 179 Cyrene 40, 182 Mycenaean Greece 4–6, 179 Olympia 41, 182 Mainland Greece in the Homeric Poems 7–8, Greek Dialects c. -
Pushing the Boundaries of Myth: Transformations of Ancient Border
THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO PUSHING THE BOUNDARIES OF MYTH: TRANSFORMATIONS OF ANCIENT BORDER WARS IN ARCHAIC AND CLASSICAL GREECE A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE DIVISION OF THE HUMANITIES IN CANDIDACY FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY DEPARTMENT OF CLASSICS: ANCIENT MEDITERRANEAN WORLD BY NATASHA BERSHADSKY CHICAGO, ILLINOIS MARCH 2013 UMI Number: 3557392 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. UMI 3557392 Published by ProQuest LLC (2013). Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code ProQuest LLC. 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, MI 48106 - 1346 Acknowledgements I would like to express my deep gratitude to the members of my dissertation committee, Jonathan Hall, Christopher Faraone, Gloria Ferrari Pinney and Laura Slatkin, whose ideas and advice guided me throughout this research. Jonathan Hall’s energy and support were crucial in spurring the project toward completion. My identity as a classicist was formed under the influence of Gregory Nagy. I would like to thank him for the inspiration and encouragement he has given me throughout the years. Daniela Helbig’s assistance was invaluable at the finishing stage of the dissertation. I also thank my dear colleague-friends Anna Bonifazi, David Elmer, Valeria Segueenkova, Olga Levaniouk and Alexander Nikolaev for illuminating discussions, and Mira Bernstein, Jonah Friedman and Rita Lenane for their help. -
Thucydides 1.19.1 and the Peloponnesian League Sarah Bolmarcich
Thucydides 1.19.1 and the Peloponnesian League Sarah Bolmarcich HE OBLIGATIONS of the members of the Peloponnesian League to their leader Sparta have always been a mat- T ter of debate among scholars.1 Frequently the debate has taken the form “What was the constitution of the Pelopon- nesian League?” Some believe it had a formal constitution, involving fixed treaty obligations, regular League assemblies, and solemn oaths to follow the Spartans wherever they might lead and to share their friends and enemies, while others see a much more informal League, organized around Sparta in a series of loose defensive alliances.2 In some sense, this is not the 1 See G. Busolt, Die Lakedämonier und ihre Bundesgenossen (Leipzig 1878); U. Kahrstedt, Griechisches Staatsrecht I Sparta und seine Symmachie (Göttingen 1922); G. Busolt and H. Swoboda, Griechische Staatskunde II (Munich 1926) 1330– 1334; J. A. O. Larsen, “Sparta and the Ionian Revolt: A Study of Spartan Foreign Policy and the Genesis of the Peloponnesian League,” CP 27 (1932) 136–150, “The Constitution of the Peloponnesian League,” CP 28 (1933) 257–276, “The Constitution of the Peloponnesian League, II,” CP 29 (1934) 1–19; D. Kagan, The Outbreak of the Peloponnesian War (Ithaca 1969) 9–30; G. E. M. de Ste. Croix, The Origins of the Peloponnesian War (London 1971) 89– 166 and 333–342; K. Tausend, Amphiktyonie und Symmachie (Stuttgart 1992); G. Cawkwell, “Sparta and Her Allies in the Sixth Century,” CQ 43 (1993) 164–176; J. E. Lendon, “Thucydides and the Constitution of the Pelopon- nesian League,” GRBS 35 (1994) 159–178; E. -
Sparta, Its Fleet, and the Aegean Islands in 387-375 BC 67
ELECTRUM * Vol. 23 (2016): 65-76 doi: 10.4467/20800909EL.16.004.5823 www. ejoumals.eu/electmm Sp a r t a , It s Fl e e t , a n d t h e Ae g e a n Is l a n d s in 387-375 BC Wojciech Duszyński Jagiellonian University in Kraków Abstract: The naval politics of Sparta in the period between the Corinthian and Boeotian Wars is a problem that barely features in modern studies on classical Greek history. The article tries to partially fill this gap, through analysis of the scant sources. The author argues that Sparta did not withdraw completely from maintaining its own presence in the Aegean Sea after conclusion of the King’s Peace. From the few testimonies, especially of Xenophon and Polyaenus, we can conclude that Sparta even kept a fleet (albeit small) in this period. This means that some kind of influence on insular poleis could have been exerted. Possible examples of Spartan actions, like on Thasos, are also disputed. However, all bridgeheads in the Aegean that Sparta probably had were lost in the first phase of the Boeotian War. This puts into question the quality of Lacedaemonian leader ship, in terms of both political and military command. The article was prepared as a part of grant: The Aegean Islands 8th-4th c. BC - 4th c. AD. Centre or Periphery o f the Greek World. Project ID: 2012/07/B/HS3/03455. Key words: Athens, Sparta, Aegean Sea, islands, fleet, Second Athenian League, King’s Peace, Corinthian War, Boeotian War. -
The Histories by Herodotus Chapter, a Hexagon with Light Border Is Drawn Near the Location the Character Hylaea Comes From
For each location mentioned in a chapter, a hexagon with dark border is drawn near that location. Dnieper For each character mentioned in a Gelonus The Histories by Herodotus chapter, a hexagon with light border is drawn near the location the character Hylaea comes from. placable locations mentioned Celts Danube Pyrene three or more times Chapter Color Scale: Gerrians Carpathian Mountains Tanaïs Where a region is dominated by a large settlement (like a capital), Far Scythia the settlement is generally used instead of the region to save space. I III V VII IX Some names in crowded locations on the map have been left out. Dacia Tyras Borysthenes II IV VI VIII Cremnoi Istros the place or the people was Illyria Scythian Neapolis mentioned explicitly Getae Marseille Odrysians Black Sea a character from nearby was Aléria Italy Mesambria Caucasus Massagetae Phasis mentioned Paeonia Sinop Pteria Caere Brygians Apollonia city or mountain location Mt. Haemus Caspian Byzantium Colchis Sea Sardinia Taranto Thyrea Sogdia Siris Velia Messapii Terme River Cyzicus Gordium Sybaris Crotone Cappadocia Sardis Armenia Messina Segesta Rhegium Greece Tigris Caspiane Tartessos Gela Pamphylia Parthia Carthage Selinunte Syracuse Milas Kaunos Cilicia Telmessos Nineveh Kamarina Lindos Posideion Xanthos Salamis Euphrates Kourion Ecbatana Amathus Gandhara Cyprus Tyre Sidon Cyrene Lotophagi Babylon Susa Barca Garamantes Macai Saïs Ienysos Heliopolis Petra Atlas Persepolis Asbystai Awjila Memphis Ammonians Egyptian Thebes Greece in detail Elephantine BC invasion b Myrkinos 480 y Xe rxes Red Macedonia Abdera Cicones Eïon Doriscus Sea Therma The Nile Olynthus Akanthos Thasos Cardia Sestos Pieria Vardar Samothrace Lampsacus Chalcidice Sane Imbros Abydos Pindus Mt. -
Concerning Philip II of Macedon's Alleged
Of Philosophers and Kings: Concerning Philip II of Macedon’s Alleged “Debt” to Plato By K.R. Moore Bio: K.R. Moore is senior lecturer in the History of Ideas at Teesside University in Middlesbrough, UK. Dr. Moore completed his PhD at the University of St. Andrews, writing up his thesis on Plato’s Laws. He is the author of a number of books and articles mainly on Plato but, more recently, essaying into the scholarly realms of Alexander, much to his delight. He teaches classes on Greek and Roman History including one titled Images of Alexander the Great, which specifically addresses the latter’s reception and historiographical traditions. Abstract: A fragment of Carystius' Historical Notes, preserved by Athenaeus in Book XI of the Deipnosophistae, reports that Phillip II owed his kingship to Plato because the latter had sent an emissary to Perdiccas III of Macedon, Phillip’s brother and the king at that time, one Euphraeus of Oreus, who persuaded him to put Philip in charge of a territory of Macedon. This placed him in a prime position to ascend to the throne when Perdiccas was killed by the Illyrians in 359 BC and, by extension, made it possible for Alexander III of Macedon to become king. This article will consider the validity of that assertion through a close examination of this source, along with Demosthenes’ Third Philippic, 59–62, Diogenes Laertius’ Plato III.40, Favorinus, Memorabilia III (quoting Theopompus) and others that lend some credibility to the assertion. Could this extraordinary claim actually be true? Or were the likes of Athenaeus and others promoting their own pro-Platonic agenda, trying to garner some credit for Alexander’s legacy? Or could both be the case? This article is at once a study in Hellenistic receptions of Alexander and a kind of “thought experiment” in terms of historical causation.