DOCSLIB.ORG

The Second Term of the Xi Jinping Leadership: New Economic Team to Start Its Full-Fledged Activities Next March

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
The Second Term of the Xi Jinping Leadership: New Economic Team to Start Its Full-Fledged Activities Next March 2017.11.14 (No. 18, 2017) The Second Term of the Xi Jinping Leadership: New Economic Team to Start its Full-fledged Activities Next March Naoki Umehara Senior Economist [email protected] Emerging Economy Research Department Institute for International Monetary Affairs (IIMA) 1. The 19th National Congress of the Communist Party of China (1) Birth of new Xi Jinping leadership The 19th National Congress of the Communist Party of China (hereinafter “CPC”) (the 19th CPC congress) was held for seven days from October 18th to 24th. It was the first congress since the 18th congress held in November 2012 and the next one (the 20th CPC congress) is to be convened after five years in the autumn of 2022. In the morning of the opening day (18th) General Secretary Xi Jinping delivered his political work report1 which lasted for three and a half hours. The state television broadcasted nationwide the entire process of his address. He stressed that the five years starting with the 19th congress would be an important period to enter a “New Era” by securing a decisive victory in building a moderately prosperous society in all respects and striving for the great success of socialism with Chinese characteristics. Although the key player was General Secretary Xi Jinping who was going to take a second term, much attention was also given to the two former General Secretaries, Mr. Jiang Zemin and Mr. Hu Jintao, who sat on both sides of General Secretary Xi. The attitude of Mr. Xi to each of 2 the former secretaries apparently differed, as far as it was seen on the TV. According to the 1 Please refer to the following for a full text of the report Mr. Xi Jinping made in the morning on October 18th. http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/download/Xi_Jinping's_report_at_19th_CPC_National_Congress.pdf 2 Mr. Xi Jinping looked like having an intimate, mutually assessable good relationship with Mr. Hu Jintao, but the relationship with Mr. Jiang Zemin looked like a cool and more formal one. Mr. Xi is a direct successor of Mr. Hu Jintao, and if recalling the last change of the administrations that occurred five years ago, it may seem only the 1 China watchers in Hong Kong, Taiwan and the US, the broadcasting is interpreted to have revealed nationwide the complicated power relationships in the Communist Party, conflicts of their interest, and the existence of covert struggles surrounding them. The recent CPC congress was participated by more than 23 hundreds of national delegates and special invitees3. Before it closed on 24th, the congress elected 204 members and 172 candidate members for the central committee of the party, and 133 members for the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection, thus it formally established the reshuffled Central Committee and the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection for the tenure of the coming five years (the 19th session). At the same time, it adopted a resolution on the revised “Constitution of the CPC”. On the following day of the congress (25th), the first Plenary Session of the 19th CPC Central Committee (hereinafter “the first Plenary Session”) was held with the participation of 500+ members elected earlier, and the first Plenary Session elected from Central Committee 25 members of the Political Bureau (hereinafter “Central Politburo”) of CPC, and seven members of the Standing Committee of Central Politburo (hereinafter “Politburo Standing Committee”) and the General Secretary to the Central Committee4. In this way, the new leadership was launched for the second Xi Jinping administration. (2) Top echelon of the CPC Central Committee The organizational chart of the CPC Central Committee and the ranks of the top members of the Central Politburo of CPC were listed on the website of the Party after the closing of the congress5. The General Secretary of the Central Committee of CPC is Mr. Xi Jinping (64), and the remaining Politburo Standing Committee members are Mr. Li Keqiang (62, reelected for the second term), M. Li Zhanshu (67), Mr. Wang Yang (62), Mr. Wang Huning (62), Mr. Zhao Leji (60) and Mr. Han Zheng (63) 6. All the members of the Central Committee are in their 60s (also reflection of the close affiliation between the two. But it will be more appropriate to interpret it that this is rather a projection of images carefully staged by the authorities to reflect the intention and message of the current administration. 3 Among 2,354 representatives combined of 2,280 national delegates and 74 special invitees, 2,338 attended the session. 4 Separately nominated and endorsed were seven members of CPC Central Committee Secretariat; members of CPC Central Military Commission, including one Chairman and two Vice-chairman; and 19 Standing Committee members of CPC Central Commission for Discipline Inspection consisted of one Secretary, eight Deputy-secretaries, and ten Standing Committee members. CPC Central Committee Secretariat is an organization to deal with the works for Politburo Standing Committee and its Standing Committee. Seven secretaries now consist of one of members of Politburo Standing Committee (Mr. Wang Huning), five from Central Politburo members, and one from Central Committee members. 5 The organizational chart of the Party’s main organizations is shown (together with the profile of members on a click) on http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/special/19cpcnc/leadership.htm 6 In the 10 year period under General Secretary Hu Jintao (the 16th and 17th sessions), there were nine Politburo Standing Committee members and relatively balanced policy management was made. For this reason, the management was referred to as “China Nine” by Prof. Homare Endo (Head of International Exchange Center, Tokyo University of Social Welfare, and Honorary professor of Tsukuba University, Doctorate of Science, who writes many books and comments on China). Likewise, the first term of Mr. Xi Jinping administration was often referred to as “China Seven”, but since Mr. Xi Jinping rose in prominence as a “Core” of Central Committee of CPC at the sixth 2 under 67) with no members in the 50s of age. This means that there is a high likelihood that at the 20th CPC congress after five years since 2017, no one can be elected as a new General Secretary of new generation who will lead the Party the following 10 years. This is regarded to have increased a possibility that Mr. Xi Jinping continues to occupy the supreme power as a strongest single leader even after 2022. Focusing on the 25 members of the Central Politburo of CPC, more than half of the committee members (i.e.15 members) are seen to be close or loyal to Mr. Xi (Xi faction)7. In other words, Mr. Xi has succeeded in making an ally of more than half of the Central Politburo members, and if the decision should be taken by majority vote, he will be easily able to suppress the opponents. In this sense, it can be said that the second-term Xi Jinping Leadership has already acquired a high level of stability. If this concentration of power continues, however, there is a risk that the intra-party balance will be disrupted by an ever increased power of only Xi faction, and the diversity of opinions within the party will be lost. Whether an appropriate balance will be maintained or not will be determined in the time ahead by the skills of the members of Politburo Standing Committee including General Secretary Xi Jinping. (3) Amendment of CPC Constitution At the 19th CPC congress the revision of Constitution of CPC drew much more attention than ever. Although it is a normal thing for CPC to revise the constitution at the CPC national congress held every five years8, this year consultations had continued until just before the opening day on how to revise it. On the wish of Mr. Xi, it seemed to have been discussed to insert into the “General Program” of the constitution short phrases like “Xi Jinping Thought” or “Xi’s Idea of Government Management”, but in the end it was settled by writing in it a rather long phrase9 of “Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era”10. This was only a product of compromise. In the previous version of the constitution, there had been incorporated guiding principles and ideals of Mao Zedong, Deng Xiaoping, Jiang Zemin (Theory of Three Represents), and Hu Plenary Session of 18th Central Committee of CPC held in the autumn 2016, there has been a subtle cognitive discrepancy in that naming. 7 The Yomiuri Shimbun reported on October 26th that 15 members out of 25 Central Politburo members are loyal to Mr. Xi, and the Nikkei also demonstrated later the same recognition. In other words, about 60% of the members of the Central Politburo are loyal to Mr. Xi, although there are only three for Xi faction among seven in the Politburo Standing Committee. 8 Please refer to the historical record of revising of the constitution of CPC. http://dangshi.people.com.cn/n/2012/1115/c85037-19587296.html (in Chinese) 9 In Chinese, it is represented by 16 letters of “习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想” and it is unclear whether the noun of Xi Jinping modifies “a new era” or “the thought”. If the former is the case, the phrase will give an image of “a new era that Xi Jinping will unlock” and in the latter case it will mean “new thought advocated by Xi Jinping”. Interpretation among the Chinese people is also unknown or ambiguous. 10 For the full text of revised party constitution, refer to the following URL. http://cpc.people.com.cn/n1/2017/1029/c64094-29614515.html (in Chinese) 3 Jintao (Scientific Outlook on Development), but only “Mao Zedong Thought” and “Deng Xiaoping Theory” had borne personal names other than Marxism-Leninism.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • How China's Leaders Think: the Inside Story of China's Past, Current
    bindex.indd 540 3/14/11 3:26:49 PM China’s development, at least in part, is driven by patriotism and pride. The Chinese people have made great contributions to world civilization. Our commitment and determination is rooted in our historic and national pride. It’s fair to say that we have achieved some successes, [nevertheless] we should have a cautious appraisal of our accomplishments. We should never overestimate our accomplish- ments or indulge ourselves in our achievements. We need to assess ourselves objectively. [and aspire to] our next higher goal. [which is] a persistent and unremitting process. Xi Jinping Politburo Standing Committee member In the face of complex and ever-changing international and domes- tic environments, the Chinese Government promptly and decisively adjusted our macroeconomic policies and launched a comprehensive stimulus package to ensure stable and rapid economic growth. We increased government spending and public investments and imple- mented structural tax reductions. Balancing short-term and long- term strategic perspectives, we are promoting industrial restructuring and technological innovation, and using principles of reform to solve problems of development. Li Keqiang Politburo Standing Committee member I am now serving my second term in the Politburo. President Hu Jintao’s character is modest and low profile. we all have the high- est respect and admiration for him—for his leadership, perspicacity and moral convictions. Under his leadership, complex problems can all get resolved. It takes vision to avoid major conflicts in soci- ety. Income disparities, unemployment, bureaucracy and corruption could cause instability. This is the Party’s most severe test.
    [Show full text]
  • China's Domestic Politics and Foreign Policy After the 19Th Party Congress
    China's Domestic Politics and Foreign Policy after the 19th Party Congress Paper presented to Japanese Views on China and Taiwan: Implications for U.S.-Japan Alliance March 1, 2018 Center for Strategic & International Studies Washington, D.C. Akio Takahara Professor of Contemporary Chinese Politics The Graduate School of Law and Politics, The University of Tokyo Abstract At the 19th Party Congress Xi Jinping proclaimed the advent of a new era. With the new line-up of the politburo and a new orthodox ideology enshrined under his name, he has successfully strengthened further his power and authority and virtually put an end to collective leadership. However, the essence of his new “thought” seems only to be an emphasis of party leadership and his authority, which is unlikely to deliver and meet the desires of the people and solve the contradiction in society that Xi himself acknowledged. Under Xi’s “one-man rule”, China’s external policy could become “soft” and “hard” at the same time. This is because he does not have to worry about internal criticisms for being weak-kneed and also because his assertive personality will hold sway. Introduction October 2017 marked the beginning of the second term of Xi Jinping's party leadership, following the 19th National Congress of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and the First Plenary Session of the 19th Central Committee of the CCP. Although the formal election of the state organ members must wait until the National People's Congress to be held in March 2018, the appointees of major posts would already have been decided internally by the CCP.
    [Show full text]
  • China's Logistics Capabilities for Expeditionary Operations
    China’s Logistics Capabilities for Expeditionary Operations The modular transfer system between a Type 054A frigate and a COSCO container ship during China’s first military-civil UNREP. Source: “重大突破！民船为海军水面舰艇实施干货补给 [Breakthrough! Civil Ships Implement Dry Cargo Supply for Naval Surface Ships],” Guancha, November 15, 2019 Primary author: Chad Peltier Supporting analysts: Tate Nurkin and Sean O’Connor Disclaimer: This research report was prepared at the request of the U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission to support its deliberations. Posting of the report to the Commission's website is intended to promote greater public understanding of the issues addressed by the Commission in its ongoing assessment of U.S.-China economic relations and their implications for U.S. security, as mandated by Public Law 106-398 and Public Law 113-291. However, it does not necessarily imply an endorsement by the Commission or any individual Commissioner of the views or conclusions expressed in this commissioned research report. 1 Contents Abbreviations .......................................................................................................................................................... 3 Executive Summary ............................................................................................................................................... 4 Methodology, Scope, and Study Limitations ........................................................................................................ 6 1. China’s Expeditionary Operations
    [Show full text]
  • Xi Jinping Stands at the Crossroads What the 19Th Party Congress Tells Us
    Li-wen Tung Xi Jinping Stands at the Crossroads What the 19th Party Congress Tells Us Prospect Foundation 2018 PROSPECT FOUNDATION Xi Jinping Stands at the Crossroads What the 19th Party Congress Tells Us Author: Li-wen Tung（董立文） First Published: March 2018 Prospect Foundation Chairman: Tan-sun Chen, Ph.D.（陳唐山） President: I-chung Lai, Ph.D.（賴怡忠） Publishing Department Chief Editor: Chung-cheng Chen, Ph.D.（陳重成） Executive Editor: Julia Chu（朱春梅） Wei-min Liu（劉維民） Editor: Yu-chih Chen（陳昱誌） Published by PROSPECT FOUNDATION No. 1, Lane 60, Sec. 3, Tingzhou Rd., Taipei, Taiwan, R.O.C. Tel: 886-2-23654366 This article is also available online at http://www.pf.org.tw All rights reserved. Except for the quotation of short passages for the purposes of criticism and review, no part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. ISBN: 978-986-89374-6-8 Prospect Foundation The Prospect Foundation (hereafter as the Foundation), a private, non-profit research organization, was founded on the third of March 1997 in Taipei in the Republic of China on Taiwan. Strictly non-partisan, the Foundation enjoys academic and administrative independence. The Foundation is dedicated to providing her clients government agencies, private enterprises and academic institutions with pragmatic and comprehensive policy analysis on current crucial issues in the areas of Cross-Strait relations, foreign policy, national security, international relations, strategic studies, and international business. The Foundation seeks to serve as a research center linking government agencies, private enterprises and academic institutions in terms of information integration and policy analysis.
    [Show full text]
  • December 15, 1965 Cable, Ruo Jiaoyu and Li Qiang to the Ministries of Foreign Affairs and Foreign Trade, 'Vice Premier Ri Ju- Yeon's Discussion of War Materials'
    Digital Archive digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org International History Declassified December 15, 1965 Cable, Ruo Jiaoyu and Li Qiang to the Ministries of Foreign Affairs and Foreign Trade, 'Vice Premier Ri Ju- yeon's Discussion of War Materials' Citation: “Cable, Ruo Jiaoyu and Li Qiang to the Ministries of Foreign Affairs and Foreign Trade, 'Vice Premier Ri Ju-yeon's Discussion of War Materials',” December 15, 1965, History and Public Policy Program Digital Archive, PRC FMA 106-01477-01, 9-10. Translated by Charles Kraus. http://digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org/document/118687 Summary: Ambassador Ruo Jiaoyu and Li Qiang summarize a meeting held with Ru Ju-yeon on China's provision of war materials to North Korea. The two countries reached a consensus that "[North] Korea’s support for the revolution in the South [Korea] is needed." Credits: This document was made possible with support from the MacArthur Foundation. Original Language: Chinese Contents: English Translation From: [North] Korea Extra Urgent (65) Received by [Ministry of Foreign] Trade No. 291 Vice Premier Ri Ju-yeon Discusses the Issue of War Materials [To] The Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Ministry of Foreign Trade Copy: The Premier [Zhou Enlai] (Top Secret) On the 10th [of December 1965] Ri Ju-yeon [Ri Ju Yon] discussed the issue of war materials prior to signing the trade protocol. He said: the Politburo of the Korean Workers’ Party and Premier Kim Il Sung have seen the draft put forth by the Chinese side and both feel very grateful. The Korean side has no dissenting views on this document. [He] said Premier Kim instructed that the entirety of the grain and the oil would be accepted in order to meet the requirements for war preparations, but that it is not good to freely accept foreign currency, because one cannot say that this is a requirement for war preparations.
    [Show full text]
  • China Table of Contents • Dozens Of
    Table of Contents Dozens of Bitter Winter Reporters arrested Early Rain pastor accused of inciting subversion Special weekly FORB Newsletter, 21 December 2018 Woman dies after torture during interrogation by Chinese authorities Yu Baorong, a Christian from The Church of Almighty God brutally tortured by Chinese Communist Police Special weekly FORB newsletter, 14 December 2018 ‘I must denounce this wickedness openly’ – detained Chinese pastor Repression of Christian church intensifies China cracks down on Christians -- a new era of religious persecution has arrived Legislative landmark: US Congress passes Reciprocal Access to Tibet Act Yingye’er re-education camp managed like prison (video) 100 church attendees in custody, attacks ongoing Special Weekly FORB Newsletter, 7 December 2018 Government unleashes new round of religious persecution Woman tortured to death by Chinese police: the case of Huang Guorong Woman driven to suicide by the Chinese Communist Government’s long- term harassment: the case of Wang Hongli Special weekly FORB newsletter, 30 November 2018 Uyghurs in China: Position of EU High Representative/Vice-President Mogherini Monetary reward offered for Muslim man’s recapture CCP calls for crackdown against whistleblowers and media Xinjiang authorities sentence Uyghur philanthropist to death for unsanctioned Hajj House church raided twice for standing up to authorities CCTV cameras installed in washrooms at church Burial site forcibly excavated for being “unattractive” (videos) 130 Christians detained
    [Show full text]
  • Asia Focus #3
    PROGRAMME ASIE QUELLE COMPOSITION DU POLITBURO ET DU COMITÉ CENTRAL CHINOIS APRÈS 2017 ? Par Alex PAYETTE STAGIAIRE POSTDOCTORAL CRSH UNIVERSITÉ DE MONTREAL OCTOBRE 2016 Septembre 2016 ASIA FOCUS #3 l’IRIS ASIA FOCUS #3 - PROGRAMME ASIE / Octobre 2016 lors que 2016 se termine et que la campagne anticorruption agressivement menée par la tristement célèbre « jiwei » [纪委] a pris fin, il ne reste que A quelques mois pour finaliser la sélection interne des cadres qui seront appelés à être élus en novembre au Politburo ainsi qu’au Comité central. Cela dit, depuis la fin de 2015, nous avons pu remarquer un certain durcissement, voire même un « repli » de la part de Xi, tant dans son attitude face au pouvoir (p. ex. retour aux idiomes/symboles maoïstes, méfiance ouverte de l’Occident, attitude de plus en plus inflexible en matière de structures internationales, etc.), que dans son attitude envers certains patriarches du Parti, notamment Jiang Zemin (président de la République populaire entre 1993 et 2003) et Hu Jintao (président de 2003 à 2013), ainsi qu’envers les autres forces en présence sur la scène politique chinoise (par exemple la Ligue des jeunesses communistes [共青团]1, la « faction du pétrole » [石油帮]2, la bande Shanghai [ 上海帮], la bande du Jiangxi [江派], etc.). Ce dernier a également resserré son emprise non seulement sur Beijing – par le biais de son proche collaborateur Wang Xiaohong [王 小洪]3-, mais bien aussi sur le pays en entier. Tandis que le temps d’« abattre les tigres » [打虎] et que les déraillements de la jiwei sont encore perceptibles, en particulier dans la province du Hebei4, fort est de constater que l’impact n’est pas celui escompté, sauf dans les cas de Su Shulin [苏树林]5 et Jiang Jiemin [蒋洁敏]6, et qu’il ne sera pas vraiment possible d’évaluer les dégâts de cette campagne avant la formation du Comité central de 2022.
    [Show full text]
  • Victoria's China Strategy
    Victoria’s China Strategy PROGRESS REPORT 2018 OUR STRATEGY TO ENGAGING WITH CHINA That Victoria becomes China’s gateway to Australia based on the strength of our VISION connections and the depth of our understanding of each other’s people, culture and economic needs. THEMES Deeper understanding Genuine connections Mutual prosperity Victoria’s engagement Victoria will build Victoria will work with China to with China will reflect a substantive and enduring identify economic opportunities deeper understanding of connections with China at that target the intersection of the Chinese people, culture every level – between our Victoria and China’s respective and economic needs – and governments (including at comparative advantages Victoria will also work with the bilateral provincial level), and development needs to China to build a similar businesses, communities maximise the mutual economic understanding of Victoria and individuals. value of our relationship. and Australia. AHEAD OF SCHEDULE TO MEET OUR TARGETS 2016 Strategy 2018 progress 2026 baseline benchmark target 25% % % INVESTMENT 8 20 AND JOBS Victoria’s total share of Chinese investment to Australia $ 10 $ $ 6.5 BILLION 11.5 BILLION BILLION TRADE Victoria’s exports to China $ 2.7 $ $ 2.2 BILLION 3.4 BILLION BILLION VISITORS Overnight expenditure by Chinese visitors to Victoria 20,700 14,500 18,125 STUDENTS Chinese postgraduate student enrolments in Victoria Current INTRODUCTION Two years ago, we More important is what’s behind these while our deepening sister-state launched Victoria’s numbers — genuine connections and relationships with Jiangsu and new China Strategy. deeper understanding. Sichuan Province are bringing us The Strategy provided It’s those connections that make our even closer.
    [Show full text]
  • Uyghur Religious Freedom and Cultural Values Under Siege
    .•.WORLD ♦ ._ It"◊ UNAEPRUltNT'ED UYGHUR • ~ • NATIONS A PEOPU:S rnmmm • • ORGANIZATION I \ HIH 111! \\'- , I< Jlt, 11 )II< I CONGRESS ~ -~ ♦ • • ♦ unpo.(?1'9 Uyghur Religious Freedom and Cultural Values Under Siege 26 February 2018 10:30 am - 12:30 pm Cannon House Office Building Room 121 Washington, DC 20515 U You're invited to join the Uyghur Human Rights Project on February 26th 2018 at 1.0:30 a.m. to 12:30 p.m. in the Cannon House Office Building, Washington, D.t. RSVP here ATEventbrite.com Religious freedom and cultural values are under siege in East Turkestan, the homeland of the Uyghurs. Advanced technologies are being deploye·d against the Uyghurs in the name of security, creating what amounts to the world's most advanced police state, with serious implications for the future of China. and the world. Chinese authorities consider religious diversity a threat to the country's stabili~d, as~: result, implement an autocratic monopoly over freedom of religion. The Uyghurs' language ar@'.cu1tur~} are also being systematically marginalized and actively suppressed by the Chinese government. l:i.oder tti'e" pretense of "antHerrorism", Chinese authorities crackdown ruthlessly on Uyghur communit~ actii~;. East Turkestan, depriving them of their fundamental human rights. Under the pretense of thel1:,culfore and religious practice being a security threat, a security crackdown has intensified in recent moFiths, with more than 1;10,000 of Uyghurs being detained in re-education camps, study abroad students beliig forced_ to return home for political assessment, with widespread political campaigns and militarizatio~reatin~ a climate of fear.
    [Show full text]
  • Translated List of 19Th CC Full Members (204) 乙晓光ding
    Translated list of 19th CC Full Members (204) 乙晓光 Ding Xiaoguang 丁来杭 Ding Laihang 丁学东 Ding Xuedong 丁薛祥 Ding Xuexiang 于伟国 Yu Weiguo 于忠福 Yu Zhongfu 万立骏 Wan Lijun 习近平 Xi Jinping 马飚 Ma Biao (Zhuang ethnic group) 马兴瑞 Ma Xingrui 王宁 Wang Ning (Armed Police) 王军 Wang Jun 王勇 Wang Yong 王展 Wang Zhan 王毅 Wang Yi 王小洪 Wang Xiaohong 王玉普 Wang Yupu 王正伟 Wang Zhengwei (Hui ethnic group) 王东明 Wang Dongming 王东峰 Wang Dongfeng 王尔乘 Wang Ercheng 王志民 Wang Zhimin 王志刚 Wang Zhigang 王沪宁 Wang Huning 王国生 Wang Guosheng 王建武 Wang Jianwu 王晓东 Wang Xiaodong 王晓晖 Wang Xiaohui 王家胜 Wang Jiasheng 王蒙微 Wang Mengwei 尤权 You Quan 车俊 Che Jun 君力 Jun Li 巴音朝鲁 Ba Yinchaolu (Mongolian ethnic group) 巴特尔 Ba Teer (Mongolian ethnic group) 艾力更•依明巴海 Ailigeng Yimingbahai (Uighur ethnic group) 石泰峰 Shi Taifeng 布小林 Bu Xiaolin ( Mongolian ethnic group) 卢展工 Lu Zhangong 白春礼 Bai Chunli ( Man ethnic group) 吉炳轩 Ji Bingxuan 毕井泉 Bi jingquan 曲青山 Qu Qingshan 朱生岭 Zhu Shengling 刘奇 Liu Qi 刘雷 Liu Lei 刘鹤 Liu He 刘士余 Liu Shibu 刘万龙 Liu Wanlong 刘奇葆 Liu Qibao 刘国中 Liu Guozhong 刘国治 Liu Guozhi 刘金国 Liu Jinguo 刘结一 Liu Jieyi 刘振立 Liu Zhenli 刘家义 Liu Jiayi 刘赐贵 Liu Cigui 刘粤军 Liu Yuejun 齐扎拉 Qi Zhala (Tibetan ethnic group) 安兆庆 An Zhaoqing (Xibo ethnic group) 许勤 Xu Qin 许又声 Xu Yousheng 许达哲 Xu Dazhe 许其亮 Xu Qiliang 阮成发 Ruan Chengfa 孙志刚 Sun Zhigang 孙金龙 Sun Jinlong 孙绍骋 Sun Shaocheng 孙春兰 Sun Chunlan (Female) 杜家毫 Du Jiahao 李屹 Li Yi 李希 Li Xi 李斌 Li Bin (Female, Government office) 李强 Li Qiang 李干杰 Lin Ganjie 李小鹏 Li Xiaopeng 李凤彪 Li Fengbiao 李玉赋 Li Yufu 李传广 Li Chuanguang 李纪恒 Li Jiheng 李克强 Li Keqiang 李作成 Li Zuocheng 李尚福 Li Shangfu 李国英 Li Guoying 李桥铭
    [Show full text]
  • Initial Assessment of Xi Jinping's Work Report at 19Th Party Congress
    21 October 2017 ‘INITIAL ASSESSMENT OF XI JINPING’S WORK REPORT AT 19TH PARTY CONGRESS’ By JAYADEVA RANADE The crucial 19th Congress of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) opened in Beijing on October 18, 2017, amidst stringent security restrictions in Beijing and other major cities in China. Nearly a thousand foreign reporters from 130 countries are reported to be covering the Congress. The Congress was preceded by other important meetings, namely the 7th and last Plenum of the 18th CCP Central Committee (CC), and of the Party’s powerful anti-corruption body the Central Discipline Inspection Commission (CDIC) chaired by Xi Jinping’s close associate and Politburo Standing Committee member, Wang Qishan. CCP CC General Secretary Xi Jinping, who holds fourteen formal positions -- more than any other CCP leader so far -- is poised to emerge stronger from this Congress. His sustained anti-corruption campaign has eliminated opposition in the Party and military and drastically reduced the influence wielded by his predecessor once removed, Jiang Zemin. In September 2017, China’s official media publicised that more than 176 CCP cadres equivalent to the rank of central Vice Minister and above had been dismissed and arrested for corruption and that more than 14,000 officers of the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) had been similarly dismissed, including more than 86 officers of and above the rank of Major General. Just weeks before the Congress, Xi Jinping publicly demonstrated his authority by arresting two top Generals, appointing 20 Generals to command thirteen new Group Armies and promoting close associates to head the PLA Army (ground forces) and PLA Air Force.
    [Show full text]
  • China Papers No
    China Papers No. 15 | 2009 State capacity, Democratic Principles and Constitutional Order: Modern State-building in Post- Totalitarian Society Qiang Li China Papers ABSTRACT This paper challenges the popular discourse on political change in China. It starts with a model of two-dimension political reform in a post totalitarian society: modern state building through reorganizing of state-society relations and reconstruction of a political order through democratic restructuring. The chapter argues that while we have seen the predominance of the second dimension in the political reform in the former Soviet Union, significant political change in China has been taking place primarily along the first dimension. The focus on state building has enabled the Chinese state to experience a revolutionary change in the past 30 years while still able to provide an institutional environment ensuring economic reform and opening. China Papers The past three decades have witnessed China's market oriented economic reform and rapid economic growth. The general consensus, however, is that China has not undertaken meaningful political reforms in comparison with the former Soviet Union and Eastern Europe. The question then naturally arises: without some forms of political reforms, would China's relatively successfully market transition and sustained economic development be conceivable? Or put it in another way; is a totalitarian social and political structure compatible with market economy? The key to answer such a question is to specify the meaning of "political reform", particularly the main tasks of political reform in a post-totalitarian society. Theoretically, political reforms in post-totalitarian societies contain at least two tasks. The first is to redefine the state society relationship and build a modem state.
    [Show full text]