China's Domestic Politics and Foreign Policy After the 19Th Party Congress

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

China's Domestic Politics and Foreign Policy After the 19Th Party Congress China's Domestic Politics and Foreign Policy after the 19th Party Congress Paper presented to Japanese Views on China and Taiwan: Implications for U.S.-Japan Alliance March 1, 2018 Center for Strategic & International Studies Washington, D.C. Akio Takahara Professor of Contemporary Chinese Politics The Graduate School of Law and Politics, The University of Tokyo Abstract At the 19th Party Congress Xi Jinping proclaimed the advent of a new era. With the new line-up of the politburo and a new orthodox ideology enshrined under his name, he has successfully strengthened further his power and authority and virtually put an end to collective leadership. However, the essence of his new “thought” seems only to be an emphasis of party leadership and his authority, which is unlikely to deliver and meet the desires of the people and solve the contradiction in society that Xi himself acknowledged. Under Xi’s “one-man rule”, China’s external policy could become “soft” and “hard” at the same time. This is because he does not have to worry about internal criticisms for being weak-kneed and also because his assertive personality will hold sway. Introduction October 2017 marked the beginning of the second term of Xi Jinping's party leadership, following the 19th National Congress of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and the First Plenary Session of the 19th Central Committee of the CCP. Although the formal election of the state organ members must wait until the National People's Congress to be held in March 2018, the appointees of major posts would already have been decided internally by the CCP. General Secretary Xi proclaimed the dawn of a new era and had the new "thought" crowned with his name enshrined in the official ideology of the CPC. In the address at the 19th Party Congress, he put himself on a par with his celebrated predecessors by claiming that Ma Zedong founded China, Deng Xiaoping made it richer, and now Xi himself is making it stronger. Deng Xiaoping led the effort to abolish party chairmanship in 1982 in the wake of the Cultural Revolution. He and his followers instituted in its place a collective leadership structure. The 19th Congress is historic in that this institution practically ceased to function in favor of the resurrection of leadership by a strong man. This paper studies the process of the re-emergence of “one-man rule” by Xi Jinping and discusses its implications for China’s domestic politics and foreign policy. 1. The centralization of power under Xi Jinping in the first term 1 It now sounds hard to believe, but Xi was believed to be a weak leader when compared to his immediate predecessors, namely Jiang Zemin and Hu Jintao. This prediction came from the differences in political upbringing. Jiang and Hu each had built a solid foundation rooted in their career in powerful departments or localities before climbing to the top job. For instance, Jiang worked for the First Machine-Building Industry Ministry and also worked in Shanghai; Hu cultivated a network during his tenure at the Communist Youth League. By contrast, Xi never had such a base among the central party or government departments to which he could turn and, instead, spent many years in the politically insignificant localities. However, once in the office of General Secretary Xi managed to amass power and authority in his hands within the first few years, whose extent surpasses both that of Jiang and of Hu. I argue that four factors contributed to Xi's rise. First, Xi's political support has been rooted in groups of individuals known as the "Second Red Generation" or the "Princelings." These groupings denote the descendants of the leaders from the revolutionary era. The word “Princelings” has a connotation that this group of people work together in pursuit of their own political and economic gains. By contrast, the “Second Red Generation” implies they are the heirs of the revolutionaries that carry on the revolutionary spirit. Members of this group include Xi Jinping, whose father is Xi Zhongxun, former vice premier; Wang Qishan, Secretary of the Central Commission for Discipline and Inspection, who is the son-in-law of Yao Yilin, formerly a member of the Politburo Standing Committee. In addition, there are officers of the People's Liberation Army (PLA), including Liu Yuan, a son of Liu Shaoqi, the former state president. These individuals identify themselves as members of the “founding families” and have a strong sense of ownership over the ruling system of the CCP. They are determined to support Xi Jinping and revamp the existing institutions, a task that they regard impossible to be accomplished by "employees" such as Jiang Zemin and Hu Jintao. Second, the Second Red Generation used the anti-corruption campaign as an effective leverage. This group had a strong resolve to topple corrupt, influential figures of the previous leadership, including Zhou Yongkang, who was a member of the Politburo Standing Committee on public security and had strong ties with Jiang, Guo Boxiong and Xu Caihou, who each served as vice chairman of the Central Military Commission, and Ling Jihua, who served Hu closely. There was no doubt that the anti-corruption campaign was also a tool in the power struggle. Third, since the Third Plenary Session of the 18th Central Committee in 2013 Xi Jinping effectively tightened his grip on power by creating new organizations over which he presides. The theme of this plenary was to accelerate reform on every front. It was decided then that new organizations, such as the Central Leading Small Group for Comprehensively Deepening Reforms and the National Security Commission (later renamed the Central National Security Commission), were to be installed as umbrella organizations designed to oversee various departments. Xi appointed himself as the leader of these organizations. This reform allowed him to directly order and render decisions to some areas, for example public security and social management, which were nominally governed by other members of the Standing Committee. Fourth and finally, Xi's centralization of authority became possible due in part to the lessons from the recent past. For instance, when Hu Jintao came to power, Jiang Zemin did not vacate the position of the chairman of the Central Military Commission. Jiang insisted that Hu benefit from someone like him who can take charge and manage, and that he could help Hu transition smoothly.1 As a result, there was confusion about who was in charge as the governing body had 1 Robert Lawrence Kuhn, The Man Who Changed China: The Life and Legacy of Jiang Zemin (Chinese Edition), Shanghai, Shanghai Translation Publishing House, 2005, p. 436. 2 two centers of power. Moreover, collective leadership allowed the stovepiping of bureaucracies, in which the responsible member of the Standing Committee reigned as the "king" of the assigned bureaucracy. This structure gave strong incentives for corrupt behavior. Hu probably was aware of these weaknesses, which explains why he gave up the post of the chairman of the Central Military Commission to Xi Jinping when he stepped down as general-secretary. Taken together, these four factors account for the centralization of power under Xi Jinping, which proceeded in a generally tense atmosphere. The process of centralization had several major obstacles, to which I now turn. 2. 2016 -- the year of upheaval: challenges to Xi Jinping's power and authority Xi Jinping made an announcement at the end of 2015 about the transformation of the PLA. The news almost coincided with the emergence of provincial leaders around January 2016 calling Xi the “core of the party center”. In the wake of the 1989 Tiananmen Incident, Deng Xiaoping called Jiang Zemin the "core" of the third-generation central leadership to give credence to Jiang's authority. By contrast, Jiang himself refused to let his successor, Hu Jingtao, be called the same. Senior cadres understood Xi’s attempt at consolidating power by gaining the "core" label. Whether to invoke this label became, in effect, a litmus test among the senior provincial leaders across the country. By the end of February, approximately two-thirds publicly declared Xi as the core. Yet this attempt failed to win unanimous support, which gave Xi's authority a huge blow according to party cadres in Beijing.2 Critics of Xi's struggle for greater authority also came from the private sector. In February, real estate mogul Ren Zhiqiang wrote on his popular blog his view against Xi’s order to the mass media to follow the party line more strictly. He had his blog shut down after some official media accused him of constituting an "anti-party element." Curiously, accusations against him quickly dissipated. On March 1, the Central Commission for Discipline and Inspection posted an article on its website titled, "Blind obeisance by a thousand people does not amount to a direct comment by a single person." Some interpreted it as having an underlying message reproaching Xi.3 Furthermore, an open letter was posted on the internet on the early morning of March 4 that urged Xi to resign. That website could be classified as a medium in the "official domain." The letter offered a litany of charges against Xi's failed policies, including the centralization of authority, the interference with the economy, diplomatic isolation, mismanagement on Hong Kong and Taiwan, excessive press regulations, lethargy among bureaucrats caused by the anti- corruption campaign.4 A dissenting voice also came from inside the party. The National People's Congress started the day after the infamous letter. In a press conference he held during the Congress, Zhang Chunxian, party secretary of the Xinjiang-Uyghur Autonomous Region, when 2 Interview in Beijing, February 2016.
Recommended publications
  • How China's Leaders Think: the Inside Story of China's Past, Current
    bindex.indd 540 3/14/11 3:26:49 PM China’s development, at least in part, is driven by patriotism and pride. The Chinese people have made great contributions to world civilization. Our commitment and determination is rooted in our historic and national pride. It’s fair to say that we have achieved some successes, [nevertheless] we should have a cautious appraisal of our accomplishments. We should never overestimate our accomplish- ments or indulge ourselves in our achievements. We need to assess ourselves objectively. [and aspire to] our next higher goal. [which is] a persistent and unremitting process. Xi Jinping Politburo Standing Committee member In the face of complex and ever-changing international and domes- tic environments, the Chinese Government promptly and decisively adjusted our macroeconomic policies and launched a comprehensive stimulus package to ensure stable and rapid economic growth. We increased government spending and public investments and imple- mented structural tax reductions. Balancing short-term and long- term strategic perspectives, we are promoting industrial restructuring and technological innovation, and using principles of reform to solve problems of development. Li Keqiang Politburo Standing Committee member I am now serving my second term in the Politburo. President Hu Jintao’s character is modest and low profile. we all have the high- est respect and admiration for him—for his leadership, perspicacity and moral convictions. Under his leadership, complex problems can all get resolved. It takes vision to avoid major conflicts in soci- ety. Income disparities, unemployment, bureaucracy and corruption could cause instability. This is the Party’s most severe test.
    [Show full text]
  • Hong Kong SAR
    China Data Supplement November 2006 J People’s Republic of China J Hong Kong SAR J Macau SAR J Taiwan ISSN 0943-7533 China aktuell Data Supplement – PRC, Hong Kong SAR, Macau SAR, Taiwan 1 Contents The Main National Leadership of the PRC 2 LIU Jen-Kai The Main Provincial Leadership of the PRC 30 LIU Jen-Kai Data on Changes in PRC Main Leadership 37 LIU Jen-Kai PRC Agreements with Foreign Countries 47 LIU Jen-Kai PRC Laws and Regulations 50 LIU Jen-Kai Hong Kong SAR 54 Political, Social and Economic Data LIU Jen-Kai Macau SAR 61 Political, Social and Economic Data LIU Jen-Kai Taiwan 65 Political, Social and Economic Data LIU Jen-Kai ISSN 0943-7533 All information given here is derived from generally accessible sources. Publisher/Distributor: GIGA Institute of Asian Affairs Rothenbaumchaussee 32 20148 Hamburg Germany Phone: +49 (0 40) 42 88 74-0 Fax: +49 (040) 4107945 2 November 2006 The Main National Leadership of the PRC LIU Jen-Kai Abbreviations and Explanatory Notes CCP CC Chinese Communist Party Central Committee CCa Central Committee, alternate member CCm Central Committee, member CCSm Central Committee Secretariat, member PBa Politburo, alternate member PBm Politburo, member Cdr. Commander Chp. Chairperson CPPCC Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference CYL Communist Youth League Dep. P.C. Deputy Political Commissar Dir. Director exec. executive f female Gen.Man. General Manager Gen.Sec. General Secretary Hon.Chp. Honorary Chairperson H.V.-Chp. Honorary Vice-Chairperson MPC Municipal People’s Congress NPC National People’s Congress PCC Political Consultative Conference PLA People’s Liberation Army Pol.Com.
    [Show full text]
  • March 2018.Cdr
    VOL. XXX No. 3 March 2018 Rs. 20.00 Ambassador Luo Zhaohui and his wife Counselor Jiang Ambassador Luo Zhaohui and his wife Counselor Jiang Yili met with Mr. V. Narayanasamy, Chief Minister of Yili met with Ms. Kiran Bedi, Lieutenant Governor of Puducherry. Puducherry. Ambassador Luo Zhaohui and his wife Counselor Jiang Ambassador Luo Zhaohui and his wife Counselor Jiang Yili had dinner with some Ambassadors to India and their Yili met with Mr. Syed Ahmed Bukhari and his family, the spouses. Shahi Imam of the Jama Masjid. Ambassador Luo Zhaohui and his wife Counselor Jiang Ambassador Luo Zhaohui and his wife Counselor Jiang Yili attended the Symposium in Memory of Professor Xu Yili visited the Fo Guang Shan Educational and Cultural Fancheng. Centre. NPC & CPPCC Annual Sessions 2018 1. Xi Jinping Unanimously Elected Chinese President, CMC Chairman 4 2. Newly-elected President Xi Steers China Toward Prosperity 5 3. Li Keqiang Endorsed as Chinese Premier 9 4. Premier Li Keqiang Meets the Press 10 5. China’s National Legislature Concludes Annual Session 22 6. China’s Top Political Advisory Body Concludes Annual Session 23 7. China’s Massive Cabinet Restructuring Plan Adopted 26 8. Landmark Two Sessions Set Course for “New Era” 28 External Affairs 1. Xi Jinping Holds Telephone Talks with President Vladimir Putin 30 of Russia 2. Xi Jinping Holds Telephone Talks at Request with Chancellor Angela 31 Merkel of Germany 3. Xi Jinping Holds Talks with King Tupou VI of Tonga 32 4. Leaders of Various Countries Warmly Congratulate Xi Jinping on his 34 Election as President of China 5.
    [Show full text]
  • China's Dual Circulation Economy
    THE SHRINKING MARGINS FOR DEBATE OCTOBER 2020 Introduction François Godement This issue of China Trends started with a question. What policy issues are still debated in today’s PRC media? Our able editor looked into diff erent directions for critical voices, and as a result, the issue covers three diff erent topics. The “dual circulation economy” leads to an important but abstruse discussion on the balance between China’s outward-oriented economy and its domestic, more indigenous components and policies. Innovation, today’s buzzword in China, generates many discussions around the obstacles to reaching the country’s ambitious goals in terms of technological breakthroughs and industrial and scientifi c applications. But the third theme is political, and about the life of the Communist Party: two-faced individuals or factions. Perhaps very tellingly, it contains a massive warning against doubting or privately minimizing the offi cial dogma and norms of behavior: “two-faced individuals” now have to face the rise of campaigns, slogans and direct accusations that target them as such. In itself, the rise of this broad type of accusation demonstrates the limits and the dangers of any debate that can be interpreted as a questioning of the Party line, of the Centre, and of its core – China’s paramount leader (领袖) Xi Jinping. The balance matters: between surviving policy debates on economic governance issues and what is becoming an all-out attack that targets hidden Western political dissent, doubts or non-compliance beyond any explicit form of debate. Both the pre-1949 CCP and Maoist China had so-called “line debates” which science has seen this often turned into “line struggles (路线斗争)”: the offi cial history of the mostly as a “fragmented pre-1966 CCP, no longer reprinted, listed nine such events.
    [Show full text]
  • Journal of Current Chinese Affairs
    China Data Supplement March 2008 J People’s Republic of China J Hong Kong SAR J Macau SAR J Taiwan ISSN 0943-7533 China aktuell Data Supplement – PRC, Hong Kong SAR, Macau SAR, Taiwan 1 Contents The Main National Leadership of the PRC ......................................................................... 2 LIU Jen-Kai The Main Provincial Leadership of the PRC ..................................................................... 31 LIU Jen-Kai Data on Changes in PRC Main Leadership ...................................................................... 38 LIU Jen-Kai PRC Agreements with Foreign Countries ......................................................................... 54 LIU Jen-Kai PRC Laws and Regulations .............................................................................................. 56 LIU Jen-Kai Hong Kong SAR ................................................................................................................ 58 LIU Jen-Kai Macau SAR ....................................................................................................................... 65 LIU Jen-Kai Taiwan .............................................................................................................................. 69 LIU Jen-Kai ISSN 0943-7533 All information given here is derived from generally accessible sources. Publisher/Distributor: GIGA Institute of Asian Studies Rothenbaumchaussee 32 20148 Hamburg Germany Phone: +49 (0 40) 42 88 74-0 Fax: +49 (040) 4107945 2 March 2008 The Main National Leadership of the
    [Show full text]
  • China's Logistics Capabilities for Expeditionary Operations
    China’s Logistics Capabilities for Expeditionary Operations The modular transfer system between a Type 054A frigate and a COSCO container ship during China’s first military-civil UNREP. Source: “重大突破!民船为海军水面舰艇实施干货补给 [Breakthrough! Civil Ships Implement Dry Cargo Supply for Naval Surface Ships],” Guancha, November 15, 2019 Primary author: Chad Peltier Supporting analysts: Tate Nurkin and Sean O’Connor Disclaimer: This research report was prepared at the request of the U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission to support its deliberations. Posting of the report to the Commission's website is intended to promote greater public understanding of the issues addressed by the Commission in its ongoing assessment of U.S.-China economic relations and their implications for U.S. security, as mandated by Public Law 106-398 and Public Law 113-291. However, it does not necessarily imply an endorsement by the Commission or any individual Commissioner of the views or conclusions expressed in this commissioned research report. 1 Contents Abbreviations .......................................................................................................................................................... 3 Executive Summary ............................................................................................................................................... 4 Methodology, Scope, and Study Limitations ........................................................................................................ 6 1. China’s Expeditionary Operations
    [Show full text]
  • Xi Jinping Stands at the Crossroads What the 19Th Party Congress Tells Us
    Li-wen Tung Xi Jinping Stands at the Crossroads What the 19th Party Congress Tells Us Prospect Foundation 2018 PROSPECT FOUNDATION Xi Jinping Stands at the Crossroads What the 19th Party Congress Tells Us Author: Li-wen Tung(董立文) First Published: March 2018 Prospect Foundation Chairman: Tan-sun Chen, Ph.D.(陳唐山) President: I-chung Lai, Ph.D.(賴怡忠) Publishing Department Chief Editor: Chung-cheng Chen, Ph.D.(陳重成) Executive Editor: Julia Chu(朱春梅) Wei-min Liu(劉維民) Editor: Yu-chih Chen(陳昱誌) Published by PROSPECT FOUNDATION No. 1, Lane 60, Sec. 3, Tingzhou Rd., Taipei, Taiwan, R.O.C. Tel: 886-2-23654366 This article is also available online at http://www.pf.org.tw All rights reserved. Except for the quotation of short passages for the purposes of criticism and review, no part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. ISBN: 978-986-89374-6-8 Prospect Foundation The Prospect Foundation (hereafter as the Foundation), a private, non-profit research organization, was founded on the third of March 1997 in Taipei in the Republic of China on Taiwan. Strictly non-partisan, the Foundation enjoys academic and administrative independence. The Foundation is dedicated to providing her clients government agencies, private enterprises and academic institutions with pragmatic and comprehensive policy analysis on current crucial issues in the areas of Cross-Strait relations, foreign policy, national security, international relations, strategic studies, and international business. The Foundation seeks to serve as a research center linking government agencies, private enterprises and academic institutions in terms of information integration and policy analysis.
    [Show full text]
  • Zhao Leji 赵乐际 Born 1957
    Zhao Leji 赵乐际 Born 1957 Current Positions • Secretary of the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection (2017– present) • Member of the Politburo Standing Committee (2017–present) • Director of the Central Organization Department of the CCP Central Committee (2012–present) • Deputy Head of the Central Leading Group for Party Building Work (2012–present) • Deputy Head of the Central Leading Group for Inspection Work (2012–present) • Member of the Politburo (2012–present) • Full member of the Central Committee of the CCP (2002–present) Personal and Professional Background Zhao Leji was born on March 8, 1957, in Xining City, Qinghai Province. His ancestral home is Xi’an, Shaanxi Province, and his parents served as cadres who moved from Xi’an to support frontier work in economically disadvantaged Qinghai. Zhao joined the CCP in 1975. He was a “sent-down youth” at an agricultural commune in Qinghai’s Guide County during the Cultural Revolution (1974–75).i He received an undergraduate degree in philosophy from Peking University in Beijing (1977–80) and was part of the last class comprised of the so-called “worker-peasant-soldier students.” Zhao also attended the graduate program in currency and banking at the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences (1996–98) and the graduate program in politics at the Central Party School (2002–05), both via part-time studies. In the Department of Commerce of the Qinghai provincial government, Zhao served as a communications officer (1975–77) and as a clerk in the political division (1980–82). Between 1980 and 1983, he served in various roles within the Qinghai Provincial Commerce School, namely instructor, Chinese Communist Youth League (CCYL) secretary, and deputy head of the dean’s office.
    [Show full text]
  • Xi Jinping and the 'Other' China by Peter Wood
    Volume 17, Issue 8 June 9, 2017 In a Fortnight: Xi Jinping and the 'Other' China By Peter Wood Xi Jinping Promotes Protégés to Top Positions in Run-Up to 19th Party Congress By Willy Lam The Southern Theater Command and China’s Maritime Strategy By Nan Li Recent Developments in the Chinese Army’s Helicopter Force By Dennis J. Blasko Waiting in the Wings: PLAAF General Yi Xiaoguang By Kenneth Allen and Jana Allen Xi Jinping and the 'Other' constitutes an important pillar of its domestic le- gitimacy. Not surprisingly, the CCP has launched China a propaganda push in state media to highlight its progress. At the end of May, China held its annual Chi- At the center of much of the attention is the nese Poverty Alleviation International Forum (中 “core” of the Party, Xi Jinping, whose experi- 国扶贫国际论坛), which serves to draw attention ences in the countryside as a young man, and to Chinese achievements in this area (Xinhua, major policies have been offered up as proof of May 26). Poverty alleviation is likely to remain a the Party’s continuing ties to regular people and key theme in state media as China prepares for its commitment to China’s urban and rural poor. the 19th Party Congress later this year. The Chi- nese Communist Party (CCP) has set for itself the Xi Jinping, in particular, is being lauded as a ma- ambitious goal of largely eradicating poverty by jor driver of these efforts. Xi has made sweeping 2020. Its previous success in moving large num- economic reform and the expansion of the bers of Chinese out of poverty—largely due to “moderately prosperous” class ( 小康) core Deng Xiaoping’s Reform and Opening policies— planks of his policies, particularly as embodied ChinaBrief June 9, 2017 in the “Four Comprehensives” (China Brief, Feb- ordinary Chinese, inequality is rising, and the ruary 23).
    [Show full text]
  • 2016 Chinese Control and Decision Conference (CCDC 2016)
    2016 Chinese Control and Decision Conference (CCDC 2016) Yinchuan, China 28-30 May 2016 Pages 1-625 IEEE Catalog Number: CFP1651D-POD ISBN: 978-1-4673-9715-5 1/11 Copyright © 2016 by the Institute of Electrical and Electronics Engineers, Inc All Rights Reserved Copyright and Reprint Permissions: Abstracting is permitted with credit to the source. Libraries are permitted to photocopy beyond the limit of U.S. copyright law for private use of patrons those articles in this volume that carry a code at the bottom of the first page, provided the per-copy fee indicated in the code is paid through Copyright Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Danvers, MA 01923. For other copying, reprint or republication permission, write to IEEE Copyrights Manager, IEEE Service Center, 445 Hoes Lane, Piscataway, NJ 08854. All rights reserved. ***This publication is a representation of what appears in the IEEE Digital Libraries. Some format issues inherent in the e-media version may also appear in this print version. IEEE Catalog Number: CFP1651D-POD ISBN (Print-On-Demand): 978-1-4673-9715-5 ISBN (Online): 978-1-4673-9714-8 ISSN: 1948-9439 Additional Copies of This Publication Are Available From: Curran Associates, Inc 57 Morehouse Lane Red Hook, NY 12571 USA Phone: (845) 758-0400 Fax: (845) 758-2633 E-mail: [email protected] Web: www.proceedings.com Technical Papers Session SatA01: Adaptive Control (I) Date/Time Saturday, 28 May 2016 / 13:30-15:30 Venue Room 01 Chair Wei Wang, Beihang Univ. Co-Chair Shicong Dai, Beihang Univ. 13:30-13:50 SatA01-1 Neural-based adaptive output-feedback control for a class of nonlinear systems 1 Honghong Wang, Qingdao Univ.
    [Show full text]
  • Chapter 2 Beijing's Internal and External Challenges
    CHAPTER 2 BEIJING’S INTERNAL AND EXTERNAL CHALLENGES Key Findings • The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) is facing internal and external challenges as it attempts to maintain power at home and increase its influence abroad. China’s leadership is acutely aware of these challenges and is making a concerted effort to overcome them. • The CCP perceives Western values and democracy as weaken- ing the ideological commitment to China’s socialist system of Party cadres and the broader populace, which the Party views as a fundamental threat to its rule. General Secretary Xi Jin- ping has attempted to restore the CCP’s belief in its founding values to further consolidate control over nearly all of China’s government, economy, and society. His personal ascendancy within the CCP is in contrast to the previous consensus-based model established by his predecessors. Meanwhile, his signature anticorruption campaign has contributed to bureaucratic confu- sion and paralysis while failing to resolve the endemic corrup- tion plaguing China’s governing system. • China’s current economic challenges include slowing econom- ic growth, a struggling private sector, rising debt levels, and a rapidly-aging population. Beijing’s deleveraging campaign has been a major drag on growth and disproportionately affects the private sector. Rather than attempt to energize China’s econo- my through market reforms, the policy emphasis under General Secretary Xi has shifted markedly toward state control. • Beijing views its dependence on foreign intellectual property as undermining its ambition to become a global power and a threat to its technological independence. China has accelerated its efforts to develop advanced technologies to move up the eco- nomic value chain and reduce its dependence on foreign tech- nology, which it views as both a critical economic and security vulnerability.
    [Show full text]
  • Hu's Groundwork for the 17Th Party Congress
    Li, China Leadership Monitor, No.13 New Provincial Chiefs: Hu’s Groundwork for the 17th Party Congress Cheng Li Understanding the kinds of leaders Hu Jintao currently promotes also reveals the political and socioeconomic objectives he will most likely pursue in the future. Throughout 2004, especially after Hu consolidated his power at the Fourth Plenum of the 16th Central Committee in September, China’s provincial leadership underwent a major reshuffling. Most of the newly appointed provincial chiefs (party secretaries and governors) advanced their political careers primarily through the Chinese Communist Youth League (CCYL), received postgraduate education (usually in economics and management), and were leaders in less developed inland provinces. Their recent promotions are attributable not only to their political ties with Hu, but also to the fact that they share Hu’s populist vision for China’s development. Some of these provincial chiefs will be Hu’s nominees for Politburo seats at the next party congress. They will likely become part of Hu’s team to carry out political reform and socioeconomic policies in line with Hu’s perceived mandate. Deciphering Hu’s Leadership Ever since becoming general secretary of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) at the 16th Party Congress, Hu Jintao has demonstrated his political wisdom and skill by making major policy moves while deliberately confusing potential critics both at home and abroad.1 Examples abound: • While he presents himself as a populist leader who represents the interests of the Chinese people, Hu’s main political agenda is to consolidate what the Chinese call inner-party democracy, which is “democracy” enjoyed only by party elites and not the general public.
    [Show full text]