Xi Jinping Stands at the Crossroads What the 19Th Party Congress Tells Us

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Xi Jinping Stands at the Crossroads What the 19Th Party Congress Tells Us Li-wen Tung Xi Jinping Stands at the Crossroads What the 19th Party Congress Tells Us Prospect Foundation 2018 PROSPECT FOUNDATION Xi Jinping Stands at the Crossroads What the 19th Party Congress Tells Us Author: Li-wen Tung(董立文) First Published: March 2018 Prospect Foundation Chairman: Tan-sun Chen, Ph.D.(陳唐山) President: I-chung Lai, Ph.D.(賴怡忠) Publishing Department Chief Editor: Chung-cheng Chen, Ph.D.(陳重成) Executive Editor: Julia Chu(朱春梅) Wei-min Liu(劉維民) Editor: Yu-chih Chen(陳昱誌) Published by PROSPECT FOUNDATION No. 1, Lane 60, Sec. 3, Tingzhou Rd., Taipei, Taiwan, R.O.C. Tel: 886-2-23654366 This article is also available online at http://www.pf.org.tw All rights reserved. Except for the quotation of short passages for the purposes of criticism and review, no part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. ISBN: 978-986-89374-6-8 Prospect Foundation The Prospect Foundation (hereafter as the Foundation), a private, non-profit research organization, was founded on the third of March 1997 in Taipei in the Republic of China on Taiwan. Strictly non-partisan, the Foundation enjoys academic and administrative independence. The Foundation is dedicated to providing her clients government agencies, private enterprises and academic institutions with pragmatic and comprehensive policy analysis on current crucial issues in the areas of Cross-Strait relations, foreign policy, national security, international relations, strategic studies, and international business. The Foundation seeks to serve as a research center linking government agencies, private enterprises and academic institutions in terms of information integration and policy analysis. The Foundation also seeks to establish contact and strengthen cooperation with think tanks throughout the world, including those based in Mainland China, in order to exchange information, publications and research fellows, and to compare results of consultant services. To accomplish the above-mentioned objectives, the Foundation is engaged in the following activities: - To conduct client-oriented policy analysis relevant to Cross-Strait relations, foreign policy, national security, international relations, strategic studies and international business. - To sponsor or cosponsor domestic, Cross-Strait and international conferences. - To invite eminent scholars and distinguished guests to visit the Republic of China. - To assist local scholars and experts to visit internationally renowned universities, research centers and think tanks. - To publish Prospect Quarterly, Prospect Series, other academic papers and policy reports on current crucial issues in the research areas mentioned above. - To sponsor academic institutions, scholars and experts specializing in the above-mentioned research areas. For more updated information, please go to our web-site at: http://www.pf.org.tw Contents I. Xi Jinping’s Centralization of Power ……………………………… 3 II. The 19th Party Congress’ Political Report ………………………… 8 III. The Implications of Leadership Changes ………………………… 16 IV. What Comes Next? ………………………………………………… 28 V. Implications on Cross-Strait Relations …………………………… 31 Contributor ………………………………………………………………… 35 List of Figures Figure 1: The Party’s Nerve Center: Xi’s Inner Circle of Political Advisors and New Party Leading Small Groups …………… 7 Figure 2: Fan of Power: The Politburo Brings Together the Key Figures of Party, State, and Military in China ……………… 9 Figure 3: The Headlines of a Report Delivered by Xi Jinping to the 19th National Congress of the Communist Party of China…………………………………………………… 12 Figure 4: A Two-Stage Development Plan for the Period from 2020 to the Middle of the 21st Century ……………………… 14 Figure 5: China’s Most Powerful ………………………………………… 21 Figure 6: How the CCP Rules: China’s Leadership after the 19th Party Congress ………………………………………………… 29 Xi Jinping Stands at the Crossroads – What the 19th Party Congress Tells Us 1 Xi Jinping Stands at the Crossroads What the 19th Party Congress Tells Us Li-wen Tung Professor Department of Public Security Central Police University Abstract Chinese politics have a high degree of uncertainty. Although it is impossible to know for sure what the future will be, some important signals of the 19th Party Congress have already been sent. Already the most powerful Chinese leader in over three decades, Xi Jinping has built a political foundation solid enough to defy convention. The centralization of power around Xi undoubtedly has increased his authority but it also has reversed much of the institutionalization of rules and procedures generally regarded as essential to party and administration normalization. Xi Jinping now has an institutional guarantee of support. With more personal authority than anyone since Mao Zedong, and having transferred power from ministries and technocrats to party officials and committees, he has the opportunity at the 19th Party Congress to consolidate his position and stamp his authority on the government. The characteristics of this new leadership lineup are “the elderly do not stay; the young men do not enter.” The highlight of the 19th CPC National Congress was that “Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era” is now written into the newly revised CPC Constitution, marking a significant breakthrough in the sinicization of Marxism. Keywords: Centralization of Power, Policy Adjustments, Theoretical/Ideological Innovation, A Third Term, The Chinese Dream The 19th National Congress of the Communist Party of China (CPC), an event every five years to set the party’s national policy goals and elect its top leadership, was held at the Great Hall of the People, Beijing, between 18 and 24 October 2017. Many people reasonably have focused on the drama of personnel shuffles. Since the 2 Prospect Policy Studies Series trajectory of President Xi Jinping’s second term will depend largely on his support within the political establishment, the size and shape of leadership turnover at this event demand close attention. In fact, every China’s Communist Party (CCP) National Congress contains leadership changes, policy adjustments, and theory/ideology innovation. The composition of leaders – across the Politburo Standing Committee (PSC), Politburo, and Central Committee – not only serves as a barometer of Xi’s power, but also suggests his plausible policy priorities. Understanding the new leadership lineup and its dynamics will be critical to Cross-Strait relations moving forward. Unfortunately, Chinese politics have a high degree of uncertainty. Indeed, before Xi’s administration began in earnest, some speculated that he might take a gentler line on Tibet. Instead, the past few years have seen the government’s merciless pursuit of Tibetan self-immolators and their families while expanding the “grid” surveillance system. Just as Christopher K. Johnson said: “Chinese politics has no rules.”1 The prototypical example of which is that Xi Jinping swiftly centralized political power shortly after the 18th CCP National Congress in 2012, differing from the prediction of many experts when he was elected General Secretary. Although it is impossible to know for sure what the future will be, some important signals of the 19th Party Congress already have been sent, and an analysis of recent political trends suggests that observers should learn to expect the unexpected. Before the 19th Party Congress, the question concerning most people was, “will Xi consolidate his power?” During the congress, however, the question most frequently asked by foreign media was, “Is Xi planning on a third term?” Already the most powerful Chinese leader in over three decades, Xi has built a political foundation solid enough to defy convention. Speculation is rife that he will probably hang on to power after his two terms as the CCP’s General Secretary end in 2022 – meaning he Christopher K. Johnson, “Chinese Politics Has No Rules, But It May Be Good if Xi Jinping Breaks Them,” August 9, 2017, CSIS, <https://www.csis.org/analysis/chinese-politics-has-no- rules-it-may-be-good-if-xi-jinping-breaks-them>. Xi Jinping Stands at the Crossroads – What the 19th Party Congress Tells Us 3 theoretically could be in power until at least 2027. At a time when the United States is retreating from its global leadership responsibilities and China is attempting to assert itself as a global leader, changes to the political agenda of China’s governing party and its top leadership are of increasing importance to the rest of the world. What impact will Xi Jinping have on China and the world as China rises as a totalitarian state under this powerful dictator? The world needs a robust China. Its huge market has become a key growth driver for global companies. No problem, from climate change to globalization, can be solved without Beijing’s involvement. To ensure that China can play a positive role as a major global power, however, the country needs free discussion and open criticism. This is in both China’s and the world’s interest. In this regard, Xi Jinping stands at the crossroads. As such, we will discuss the way Xi Jinping centralized power, the policy- ideology signals of the 19th Party Congress’ political report, the implications of leadership changes, and the implication on the Cross-Strait relations. I. Xi Jinping’s Centralization of Power Ten years ago, when Xi Jinping was elected as successor, few people knew him and the reason for his qualifying was that he had no factions, no political achievements, and no threats to anyone. Five years ago, Xi Jinping’s path to the Chinese presidency at the 18th Communist Party Congress was shrouded in political intrigue. Yet, as president, Xi has succeeded in a Maoist crusade to reshape and gain control of the party, military, and internal security apparatus. Xi has consolidated his position. At the heart of this has been the anti-corruption campaign. To Xi’s supporters, this represents the General Secretary’s earnest desire to rid the party of impure elements that undermine the party’s legitimacy.
Recommended publications
  • How China's Leaders Think: the Inside Story of China's Past, Current
    bindex.indd 540 3/14/11 3:26:49 PM China’s development, at least in part, is driven by patriotism and pride. The Chinese people have made great contributions to world civilization. Our commitment and determination is rooted in our historic and national pride. It’s fair to say that we have achieved some successes, [nevertheless] we should have a cautious appraisal of our accomplishments. We should never overestimate our accomplish- ments or indulge ourselves in our achievements. We need to assess ourselves objectively. [and aspire to] our next higher goal. [which is] a persistent and unremitting process. Xi Jinping Politburo Standing Committee member In the face of complex and ever-changing international and domes- tic environments, the Chinese Government promptly and decisively adjusted our macroeconomic policies and launched a comprehensive stimulus package to ensure stable and rapid economic growth. We increased government spending and public investments and imple- mented structural tax reductions. Balancing short-term and long- term strategic perspectives, we are promoting industrial restructuring and technological innovation, and using principles of reform to solve problems of development. Li Keqiang Politburo Standing Committee member I am now serving my second term in the Politburo. President Hu Jintao’s character is modest and low profile. we all have the high- est respect and admiration for him—for his leadership, perspicacity and moral convictions. Under his leadership, complex problems can all get resolved. It takes vision to avoid major conflicts in soci- ety. Income disparities, unemployment, bureaucracy and corruption could cause instability. This is the Party’s most severe test.
    [Show full text]
  • State of the Field Proficiency, Sustainability, and Beyond
    2012 State of the Field Proficiency, Sustainability, and Beyond April 12–14, 2012 | Washington, D.C. At a Glance Dear Colleagues: Contents 2012 Wednesday, April 11 Welcome to the Fifth Annual National Chinese Language Conference! At a Glance Front Inside Cover * 10 a.m.–6 p.m. Registration Open Whether this is your first or fifth year participating in the conference, we are very pleased *** Welcome Letters 1–2 1–4 p.m. Preconference Workshops that you are joining us in Washington, D.C., to examine and reflect upon the state of Chinese language and culture education, both in the United States and abroad. The field Thank-Yous 3 Thursday, April 12 has come a long way over the past few decades. This meeting is an excellent time for us 6:45 a.m.–6 p.m. Registration Open* to take stock of what has been accomplished and what we still must strive to achieve. Preconference 4 8 a.m.–3 p.m. Preconference School Visits The 21st century is a time of rapid change, bringing both challenges and opportunities. *** We hope that this conference will inspire you to think creatively about the effective use of 9 a.m.–12 p.m. Preconference Workshops Main Conference 8 resources and collaboration across the field. 1–4 p.m. Preconference Workshops*** **** 1–4:15 p.m. Exhibits Open Your work is more important than ever, and we applaud your dedication to equipping Speaker Biographies 43 4:30–7:30 p.m. Plenary I: Opening Plenary and I SING BeiJING Concert** our students — the leaders of tomorrow — with the skills and knowledge they need to 7:45–9:00 p.m.
    [Show full text]
  • China's Domestic Politics and Foreign Policy After the 19Th Party Congress
    China's Domestic Politics and Foreign Policy after the 19th Party Congress Paper presented to Japanese Views on China and Taiwan: Implications for U.S.-Japan Alliance March 1, 2018 Center for Strategic & International Studies Washington, D.C. Akio Takahara Professor of Contemporary Chinese Politics The Graduate School of Law and Politics, The University of Tokyo Abstract At the 19th Party Congress Xi Jinping proclaimed the advent of a new era. With the new line-up of the politburo and a new orthodox ideology enshrined under his name, he has successfully strengthened further his power and authority and virtually put an end to collective leadership. However, the essence of his new “thought” seems only to be an emphasis of party leadership and his authority, which is unlikely to deliver and meet the desires of the people and solve the contradiction in society that Xi himself acknowledged. Under Xi’s “one-man rule”, China’s external policy could become “soft” and “hard” at the same time. This is because he does not have to worry about internal criticisms for being weak-kneed and also because his assertive personality will hold sway. Introduction October 2017 marked the beginning of the second term of Xi Jinping's party leadership, following the 19th National Congress of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and the First Plenary Session of the 19th Central Committee of the CCP. Although the formal election of the state organ members must wait until the National People's Congress to be held in March 2018, the appointees of major posts would already have been decided internally by the CCP.
    [Show full text]
  • Elite Politics and the Fourth Generation of Chinese Leadership
    Elite Politics and the Fourth Generation of Chinese Leadership ZHENG YONGNIAN & LYE LIANG FOOK* The personnel reshuffle at the 16th National Congress of the Chinese Communist Party is widely regarded as the first smooth and peaceful transition of power in the Party’s history. Some China observers have even argued that China’s political succession has been institutionalized. While this paper recognizes that the Congress may provide the most obvious manifestation of the institutionalization of political succession, this does not necessarily mean that the informal nature of politics is no longer important. Instead, the paper contends that Chinese political succession continues to be dictated by the rule of man although institutionalization may have conditioned such a process. Jiang Zemin has succeeded in securing a legacy for himself with his “Three Represents” theory and in putting his own men in key positions of the Party and government. All these present challenges to Hu Jintao, Jiang’s successor. Although not new to politics, Hu would have to tread cautiously if he is to succeed in consolidating power. INTRODUCTION Although the 16th Chinese Communist Party (CCP) Congress ended almost a year ago, the outcomes and implications of the Congress continue to grip the attention of China watchers, including government leaders and officials, academics and businessmen. One of the most significant outcomes of the Congress, convened in Beijing from November 8-14, 2002, was that it marked the first ever smooth and peaceful transition of power since the Party was formed more than 80 years ago.1 Neither Mao Zedong nor Deng Xiaoping, despite their impeccable revolutionary credentials, successfully transferred power to their chosen successors.
    [Show full text]
  • Journal of Current Chinese Affairs
    3/2006 Data Supplement PR China Hong Kong SAR Macau SAR Taiwan CHINA aktuell Journal of Current Chinese Affairs Data Supplement People’s Republic of China, Hong Kong SAR, Macau SAR, Taiwan ISSN 0943-7533 All information given here is derived from generally accessible sources. Publisher/Distributor: Institute of Asian Affairs Rothenbaumchaussee 32 20148 Hamburg Germany Phone: (0 40) 42 88 74-0 Fax:(040)4107945 Contributors: Uwe Kotzel Dr. Liu Jen-Kai Christine Reinking Dr. Günter Schucher Dr. Margot Schüller Contents The Main National Leadership of the PRC LIU JEN-KAI 3 The Main Provincial Leadership of the PRC LIU JEN-KAI 22 Data on Changes in PRC Main Leadership LIU JEN-KAI 27 PRC Agreements with Foreign Countries LIU JEN-KAI 30 PRC Laws and Regulations LIU JEN-KAI 34 Hong Kong SAR Political Data LIU JEN-KAI 36 Macau SAR Political Data LIU JEN-KAI 39 Taiwan Political Data LIU JEN-KAI 41 Bibliography of Articles on the PRC, Hong Kong SAR, Macau SAR, and on Taiwan UWE KOTZEL / LIU JEN-KAI / CHRISTINE REINKING / GÜNTER SCHUCHER 43 CHINA aktuell Data Supplement - 3 - 3/2006 Dep.Dir.: CHINESE COMMUNIST Li Jianhua 03/07 PARTY Li Zhiyong 05/07 The Main National Ouyang Song 05/08 Shen Yueyue (f) CCa 03/01 Leadership of the Sun Xiaoqun 00/08 Wang Dongming 02/10 CCP CC General Secretary Zhang Bolin (exec.) 98/03 PRC Hu Jintao 02/11 Zhao Hongzhu (exec.) 00/10 Zhao Zongnai 00/10 Liu Jen-Kai POLITBURO Sec.-Gen.: Li Zhiyong 01/03 Standing Committee Members Propaganda (Publicity) Department Hu Jintao 92/10 Dir.: Liu Yunshan PBm CCSm 02/10 Huang Ju 02/11
    [Show full text]
  • China's Logistics Capabilities for Expeditionary Operations
    China’s Logistics Capabilities for Expeditionary Operations The modular transfer system between a Type 054A frigate and a COSCO container ship during China’s first military-civil UNREP. Source: “重大突破!民船为海军水面舰艇实施干货补给 [Breakthrough! Civil Ships Implement Dry Cargo Supply for Naval Surface Ships],” Guancha, November 15, 2019 Primary author: Chad Peltier Supporting analysts: Tate Nurkin and Sean O’Connor Disclaimer: This research report was prepared at the request of the U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission to support its deliberations. Posting of the report to the Commission's website is intended to promote greater public understanding of the issues addressed by the Commission in its ongoing assessment of U.S.-China economic relations and their implications for U.S. security, as mandated by Public Law 106-398 and Public Law 113-291. However, it does not necessarily imply an endorsement by the Commission or any individual Commissioner of the views or conclusions expressed in this commissioned research report. 1 Contents Abbreviations .......................................................................................................................................................... 3 Executive Summary ............................................................................................................................................... 4 Methodology, Scope, and Study Limitations ........................................................................................................ 6 1. China’s Expeditionary Operations
    [Show full text]
  • December 15, 1965 Cable, Ruo Jiaoyu and Li Qiang to the Ministries of Foreign Affairs and Foreign Trade, 'Vice Premier Ri Ju- Yeon's Discussion of War Materials'
    Digital Archive digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org International History Declassified December 15, 1965 Cable, Ruo Jiaoyu and Li Qiang to the Ministries of Foreign Affairs and Foreign Trade, 'Vice Premier Ri Ju- yeon's Discussion of War Materials' Citation: “Cable, Ruo Jiaoyu and Li Qiang to the Ministries of Foreign Affairs and Foreign Trade, 'Vice Premier Ri Ju-yeon's Discussion of War Materials',” December 15, 1965, History and Public Policy Program Digital Archive, PRC FMA 106-01477-01, 9-10. Translated by Charles Kraus. http://digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org/document/118687 Summary: Ambassador Ruo Jiaoyu and Li Qiang summarize a meeting held with Ru Ju-yeon on China's provision of war materials to North Korea. The two countries reached a consensus that "[North] Korea’s support for the revolution in the South [Korea] is needed." Credits: This document was made possible with support from the MacArthur Foundation. Original Language: Chinese Contents: English Translation From: [North] Korea Extra Urgent (65) Received by [Ministry of Foreign] Trade No. 291 Vice Premier Ri Ju-yeon Discusses the Issue of War Materials [To] The Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Ministry of Foreign Trade Copy: The Premier [Zhou Enlai] (Top Secret) On the 10th [of December 1965] Ri Ju-yeon [Ri Ju Yon] discussed the issue of war materials prior to signing the trade protocol. He said: the Politburo of the Korean Workers’ Party and Premier Kim Il Sung have seen the draft put forth by the Chinese side and both feel very grateful. The Korean side has no dissenting views on this document. [He] said Premier Kim instructed that the entirety of the grain and the oil would be accepted in order to meet the requirements for war preparations, but that it is not good to freely accept foreign currency, because one cannot say that this is a requirement for war preparations.
    [Show full text]
  • New Leaders Begin the Search for Economic Reform
    Signaling Change: New Leaders Begin the Search for Economic Reform Barry Naughton Xi Jinping and Li Keqiang are now the two top leaders in China. Both have moved quickly to break with the Hu-Wen Administration and signal their support for dramatic new economic reforms. The structure of the new Politburo Standing Committee appears to support their aspirations. Neither Xi nor Li has yet committed to specific reform measures, and the obstacles to reform are formidable. However, both Xi and Li have committed to a process that will lead to the creation of a reform program by late 2013. From the standpoint of economic reform policy, the outcome of the 18th Party Congress was clear and unambiguous. The two top leaders, Xi Jinping and Li Keqiang, emerged from the Congress with a substantial degree of room to maneuver. Both leaders quickly displayed their willingness to break with what had become business as usual under Hu Jintao and Wen Jiabao. Xi and Li, each in his own way, moved quickly to express their intention to support a revitalized program of economic reform. Xi Jinping has received most of the attention, which is certainly appropriate. Xi has brought a more direct and personal style to the top job, a refreshing change of pace that has generally been welcomed both in China and abroad, and has shown that he intends to keep an eye on economics. Li Keqiang has also begun to signal his intentions. Although Li’s approach is more understated—in part because he will not actually step in as Premier until the March National People’s Congress meetings—his comments merit close attention.
    [Show full text]
  • China's 17Th Communist Party Congress, 2007: Leadership And
    Order Code RS22767 December 5, 2007 China’s 17th Communist Party Congress, 2007: Leadership and Policy Implications Kerry Dumbaugh Specialist in Asian Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Summary The Chinese Communist Party’s (CCP) 17th Congress, held from October 15 - 21, 2007, demonstrated the Party’s efforts to try to adapt and redefine itself in the face of emerging economic and social challenges while still trying to maintain its authoritarian one-Party rule. The Congress validated and re-emphasized the priority on continued economic development; expanded that concept to include more balanced and sustainable development; announced that the Party would seek to broaden political participation by expanding intra-Party democracy; and selected two potential rival candidates, Xi Jinping and Li Keqiang, with differing philosophies (rather than one designated successor-in- waiting) as possibilities to succeed to the top Party position in five years. More will be known about the Party’s future prospects and the relative influence of its two potential successors once the National People’s Congress meets in early 2008 to select key government ministers. This report will not be updated. Periodically (approximately every five years) the Chinese Communist Party holds a Congress, attended by some 2,000 senior Party members, to authorize important policy and leadership decisions within the Party for the coming five years. In addition to authorizing substantive policies, the Party at its Congress selects a new Central Committee, comprised of the most important figures in the Party, government, and military.1 The Central Committee in turn technically selects a new Politburo and a new Politburo Standing Committee, comprised of China’s most powerful and important leaders.
    [Show full text]
  • 2016 Chinese Control and Decision Conference (CCDC 2016)
    2016 Chinese Control and Decision Conference (CCDC 2016) Yinchuan, China 28-30 May 2016 Pages 1-625 IEEE Catalog Number: CFP1651D-POD ISBN: 978-1-4673-9715-5 1/11 Copyright © 2016 by the Institute of Electrical and Electronics Engineers, Inc All Rights Reserved Copyright and Reprint Permissions: Abstracting is permitted with credit to the source. Libraries are permitted to photocopy beyond the limit of U.S. copyright law for private use of patrons those articles in this volume that carry a code at the bottom of the first page, provided the per-copy fee indicated in the code is paid through Copyright Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Danvers, MA 01923. For other copying, reprint or republication permission, write to IEEE Copyrights Manager, IEEE Service Center, 445 Hoes Lane, Piscataway, NJ 08854. All rights reserved. ***This publication is a representation of what appears in the IEEE Digital Libraries. Some format issues inherent in the e-media version may also appear in this print version. IEEE Catalog Number: CFP1651D-POD ISBN (Print-On-Demand): 978-1-4673-9715-5 ISBN (Online): 978-1-4673-9714-8 ISSN: 1948-9439 Additional Copies of This Publication Are Available From: Curran Associates, Inc 57 Morehouse Lane Red Hook, NY 12571 USA Phone: (845) 758-0400 Fax: (845) 758-2633 E-mail: [email protected] Web: www.proceedings.com Technical Papers Session SatA01: Adaptive Control (I) Date/Time Saturday, 28 May 2016 / 13:30-15:30 Venue Room 01 Chair Wei Wang, Beihang Univ. Co-Chair Shicong Dai, Beihang Univ. 13:30-13:50 SatA01-1 Neural-based adaptive output-feedback control for a class of nonlinear systems 1 Honghong Wang, Qingdao Univ.
    [Show full text]
  • Journal of Current Chinese Affairs
    China Data Supplement October 2006 J People’s Republic of China J Hong Kong SAR J Macau SAR J Taiwan ISSN 0943-7533 China aktuell Data Supplement – PRC, Hong Kong SAR, Macau SAR, Taiwan 1 Contents The Main National Leadership of the PRC 2 LIU Jen-Kai The Main Provincial Leadership of the PRC 30 LIU Jen-Kai Data on Changes in PRC Main Leadership 37 LIU Jen-Kai PRC Agreements with Foreign Countries 44 LIU Jen-Kai PRC Laws and Regulations 48 LIU Jen-Kai Hong Kong SAR 49 Political, Social and Economic Data LIU Jen-Kai Macau SAR 56 Political, Social and Economic Data LIU Jen-Kai Taiwan 60 Political, Social and Economic Data LIU Jen-Kai ISSN 0943-7533 All information given here is derived from generally accessible sources. Publisher/Distributor: GIGA Institute of Asian Affairs Rothenbaumchaussee 32 20148 Hamburg Germany Phone: +49 (0 40) 42 88 74-0 Fax: +49 (040) 4107945 2 October 2006 The Main National Leadership of the PRC LIU Jen-Kai Abbreviations and Explanatory Notes CCP CC Chinese Communist Party Central Committee CCa Central Committee, alternate member CCm Central Committee, member CCSm Central Committee Secretariat, member PBa Politburo, alternate member PBm Politburo, member Cdr. Commander Chp. Chairperson CPPCC Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference CYL Communist Youth League Dep. P.C. Deputy Political Commissar Dir. Director exec. executive f female Gen.Man. General Manager Gen.Sec. General Secretary Hon.Chp. Honorary Chairperson H.V.-Chp. Honorary Vice-Chairperson MPC Municipal People’s Congress NPC National People’s Congress PCC Political Consultative Conference PLA People’s Liberation Army Pol.Com.
    [Show full text]
  • Chapter 2 Beijing's Internal and External Challenges
    CHAPTER 2 BEIJING’S INTERNAL AND EXTERNAL CHALLENGES Key Findings • The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) is facing internal and external challenges as it attempts to maintain power at home and increase its influence abroad. China’s leadership is acutely aware of these challenges and is making a concerted effort to overcome them. • The CCP perceives Western values and democracy as weaken- ing the ideological commitment to China’s socialist system of Party cadres and the broader populace, which the Party views as a fundamental threat to its rule. General Secretary Xi Jin- ping has attempted to restore the CCP’s belief in its founding values to further consolidate control over nearly all of China’s government, economy, and society. His personal ascendancy within the CCP is in contrast to the previous consensus-based model established by his predecessors. Meanwhile, his signature anticorruption campaign has contributed to bureaucratic confu- sion and paralysis while failing to resolve the endemic corrup- tion plaguing China’s governing system. • China’s current economic challenges include slowing econom- ic growth, a struggling private sector, rising debt levels, and a rapidly-aging population. Beijing’s deleveraging campaign has been a major drag on growth and disproportionately affects the private sector. Rather than attempt to energize China’s econo- my through market reforms, the policy emphasis under General Secretary Xi has shifted markedly toward state control. • Beijing views its dependence on foreign intellectual property as undermining its ambition to become a global power and a threat to its technological independence. China has accelerated its efforts to develop advanced technologies to move up the eco- nomic value chain and reduce its dependence on foreign tech- nology, which it views as both a critical economic and security vulnerability.
    [Show full text]