2016 Chinese Control and Decision Conference (CCDC 2016)
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China's Domestic Politics and Foreign Policy After the 19Th Party Congress
China's Domestic Politics and Foreign Policy after the 19th Party Congress Paper presented to Japanese Views on China and Taiwan: Implications for U.S.-Japan Alliance March 1, 2018 Center for Strategic & International Studies Washington, D.C. Akio Takahara Professor of Contemporary Chinese Politics The Graduate School of Law and Politics, The University of Tokyo Abstract At the 19th Party Congress Xi Jinping proclaimed the advent of a new era. With the new line-up of the politburo and a new orthodox ideology enshrined under his name, he has successfully strengthened further his power and authority and virtually put an end to collective leadership. However, the essence of his new “thought” seems only to be an emphasis of party leadership and his authority, which is unlikely to deliver and meet the desires of the people and solve the contradiction in society that Xi himself acknowledged. Under Xi’s “one-man rule”, China’s external policy could become “soft” and “hard” at the same time. This is because he does not have to worry about internal criticisms for being weak-kneed and also because his assertive personality will hold sway. Introduction October 2017 marked the beginning of the second term of Xi Jinping's party leadership, following the 19th National Congress of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and the First Plenary Session of the 19th Central Committee of the CCP. Although the formal election of the state organ members must wait until the National People's Congress to be held in March 2018, the appointees of major posts would already have been decided internally by the CCP. -
Xi Jinping Stands at the Crossroads What the 19Th Party Congress Tells Us
Li-wen Tung Xi Jinping Stands at the Crossroads What the 19th Party Congress Tells Us Prospect Foundation 2018 PROSPECT FOUNDATION Xi Jinping Stands at the Crossroads What the 19th Party Congress Tells Us Author: Li-wen Tung（董立文） First Published: March 2018 Prospect Foundation Chairman: Tan-sun Chen, Ph.D.（陳唐山） President: I-chung Lai, Ph.D.（賴怡忠） Publishing Department Chief Editor: Chung-cheng Chen, Ph.D.（陳重成） Executive Editor: Julia Chu（朱春梅） Wei-min Liu（劉維民） Editor: Yu-chih Chen（陳昱誌） Published by PROSPECT FOUNDATION No. 1, Lane 60, Sec. 3, Tingzhou Rd., Taipei, Taiwan, R.O.C. Tel: 886-2-23654366 This article is also available online at http://www.pf.org.tw All rights reserved. Except for the quotation of short passages for the purposes of criticism and review, no part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. ISBN: 978-986-89374-6-8 Prospect Foundation The Prospect Foundation (hereafter as the Foundation), a private, non-profit research organization, was founded on the third of March 1997 in Taipei in the Republic of China on Taiwan. Strictly non-partisan, the Foundation enjoys academic and administrative independence. The Foundation is dedicated to providing her clients government agencies, private enterprises and academic institutions with pragmatic and comprehensive policy analysis on current crucial issues in the areas of Cross-Strait relations, foreign policy, national security, international relations, strategic studies, and international business. The Foundation seeks to serve as a research center linking government agencies, private enterprises and academic institutions in terms of information integration and policy analysis. -
Chapter 2 Beijing's Internal and External Challenges
CHAPTER 2 BEIJING’S INTERNAL AND EXTERNAL CHALLENGES Key Findings • The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) is facing internal and external challenges as it attempts to maintain power at home and increase its influence abroad. China’s leadership is acutely aware of these challenges and is making a concerted effort to overcome them. • The CCP perceives Western values and democracy as weaken- ing the ideological commitment to China’s socialist system of Party cadres and the broader populace, which the Party views as a fundamental threat to its rule. General Secretary Xi Jin- ping has attempted to restore the CCP’s belief in its founding values to further consolidate control over nearly all of China’s government, economy, and society. His personal ascendancy within the CCP is in contrast to the previous consensus-based model established by his predecessors. Meanwhile, his signature anticorruption campaign has contributed to bureaucratic confu- sion and paralysis while failing to resolve the endemic corrup- tion plaguing China’s governing system. • China’s current economic challenges include slowing econom- ic growth, a struggling private sector, rising debt levels, and a rapidly-aging population. Beijing’s deleveraging campaign has been a major drag on growth and disproportionately affects the private sector. Rather than attempt to energize China’s econo- my through market reforms, the policy emphasis under General Secretary Xi has shifted markedly toward state control. • Beijing views its dependence on foreign intellectual property as undermining its ambition to become a global power and a threat to its technological independence. China has accelerated its efforts to develop advanced technologies to move up the eco- nomic value chain and reduce its dependence on foreign tech- nology, which it views as both a critical economic and security vulnerability. -
Insights Huining on the Liaison Office
The intriguing appointment of Luo Insights Huining on the Liaison Office In late December 2019, Luo Huining 骆惠宁 was set aside and taken down from his provincial position (Shanxi Party Secretary [2016-2019]) and instead sent, as several 65-year-old Cadres often do before their official retirement, to a commission led by the National People’s Congress (NPC). Luo, a provincial veteran (Anhui Standing Committee [1999-2003], Governor [2010-2013] and Party Secretary of Qinghai [2013-2016]), seemed then to follow in the footsteps of his Qinghai predecessor, Qiang Wei 强卫1. Replaced by Lou Yangsheng 楼阳生 – part of Xi’s Zhejiang “army”, Luo, despite being regarded as competent when it came to the anti-corruption campaign, has never shown any overt signs of siding with Xi. As such, the sudden removal of Wang Zhimin 王志民2 – now ex-director of the Hong Kong Liaison Office for the Central government, which, to be fair, was predictable3, became even more confusing when it became known that he would be replaced by Luo. Some are saying this “new” player could bring a breath of fresh air and bring new perspectives on the current state of affairs; some might see this move as either an ill-advised decision or the result of lengthy negotiations at the top – negotiations that might not have tilted in Xi’s favor. A fall from “grace” in the shadow of Zeng Qinghong Wang Zhimin’s removal, as previously stated, is almost a non-event, as Xi was (and still is) clearly dissatisfied with the way the Hong Kong - Macau affairs system 港澳系统 is dealing with the protests. -
“China's Digital Authoritarianism: Surveillance, Influence, And
“China’s Digital Authoritarianism: Surveillance, Influence, and Political Control” May 16, 2019 Hearing Before the House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence Prepared statement by Peter Mattis Research Fellow, China Studies Victims of Communism Memorial Foundation * * * I. OVERVIEW Chairman Schiff, Ranking member Nunes, distinguished members of the Committee, thank you for inviting me to appear before you. The Chinese Communist Party’s influence and, particularly, its political interference in the United States is an important topic as we establish a new baseline for U.S.-China relations. Any sustainable, long-term strategy for addressing China’s challenge requires the integrity of U.S. political and policymaking processes. This requires grappling with the challenges posed by the party’s efforts to shape the United States by interfering in our politics and domestic affairs. The United States, its political and business elite, its thinkers, and its Chinese communities have long been targets for the Chinese Communist Party. The party employs tools that go well beyond traditional public diplomacy efforts. Often these tools lead to activities that are, in the words of former Australian prime minister Malcolm Turnbull, corrupt, covert, and/or coercive. Nevertheless, many activities are not covered by Turnbull’s three “Cs” but are still concerning and undermine the ability of the United States to comprehend and address Beijing’s challenge. Here are a few of the ways in which the Chinese Communist Party has shaped the ways in which Americans discuss, understand, and respond to the People’s Republic of China, its rise, and its activities: ● We have been persuaded that the Chinese Communist Party is not ideological and has substituted its Leninist tradition for a variation of capitalism. -
Setting the Course
ISSUE 4 · 2017 《中国人大》对外版 NPC National People’s Congress of China SETTING THE COURsE General Secretary Xi Jinping (1st L) and other members of the Standing Committee of the Political Bureau of the 19th CPC Central Committee Li Keqiang (2nd L), Li Zhanshu (3rd L), Wang Yang (4th L), Wang Huning (3rd R), Zhao Leji (2nd R) and Han Zheng (1st R), meet the press after being elected on Octo- ber 25, 2017. Ma Zhancheng SPECIAL REPORT 6 New CPC leadership for new era Contents 19th CPC National Congress Special Report In-depth 28 6 26 President Xi Jinping steers New CPC leadership for new era Top CPC leaders reaffirm mission Chinese economy toward 12 at Party’s birthplace high-quality development Setting the course Focus 20 Embarking on a new journey 32 National memorial ceremony for 24 Nanjing Massacre victims Grand design 4 NATIONAL PeoPle’s CoNgress of ChiNa NPC President Xi Jinping steers Chinese 28 economy toward high-quality development 37 National memorial ceremony for 32 Nanjing Massacre victims Awareness of law aids resolution ISSUE 4 · 2017 36 Legislation Chairman Zhang Dejiang calls for pro- motion of Constitution spirit 44 Encourage and protect fair market 38 competition China’s general provisions of Civil NPC Law take effect General Editorial Office Address: 23 Xijiaominxiang, Xicheng District Beijing 39 100805,P.R.China Tibetan NPC delegation visits Tel: (86-10)6309-8540 Canada, Argentina and US (86-10)8308-3891 E-mail: [email protected] COVER: Xi Jinping, general secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of ISSN 1674-3008 Supervision China (CPC), speaks when meeting the press at the Great Hall of the People in Beijing on Oc- CN 11-5683/D tober 25, 2017. -
China's Economic Decisionmakers
China Foto Press China’s Economic Decisionmakers The country’s new economic leadership team will need to work together to balance China’s economic growth with its sociopolitical challenges Cheng Li etween the 17th Chinese Communist Party Although President Hu Jintao and Premier Wen Jiabao will (CCP) Congress in October 2007 and the 11th retain their government positions for another five-year National People’s Congress (NPC) in March term, most top economic decisionmakers, including three 2008, the PRC government will have under- vice premiers in the State Council, will be replaced by first- gone a major personnel transition. Senior gov- timers. These leaders are expected to shape the country’s Bernment leaders who were not elected to the new CCP economic policy for the next five years and beyond. Central Committee or Central Committee Politburo in An understanding of China’s emerging economic leader- October will likely be replaced by newcomers. The leader- ship team—the key players, their credentials, how they dif- ship turnover will be the greatest, and most consequential, fer, and the policy initiatives they may propose—is essential within China’s top economic decisionmaking team. for the outside world, especially for the international busi- 20 March–April 2008 chinabusinessreview.com FOCUS: POLITICS & ECONOMY ness community. Such an understanding is important for premier who has served in the position since Wen’s first two reasons. First, China is rapidly becoming a global eco- term as premier, will most likely remain in charge of agri- nomic powerhouse, and PRC government policies—includ- cultural affairs. Zhang Dejiang is expected to take primary ing monetary, trade, industrial, environmental, and ener- responsibility for industrial development and foreign trade gy—will likely have a large impact on the global economy. -
China's Developing Western Region with a Focus on Qinghai
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Helsingin yliopiston digitaalinen arkisto Anja Lahtinen GOVERNANCE MATTERS CHINA’S DEVELOPING WESTERN REGION WITH A FOCUS ON QINGHAI PROVINCE ACADEMIC DISSERTATION To be publicly discussed, by due permission of the Faculty of Arts at the University of Helsinki, in Auditorium XII, Unioninkatu 34, on the 8th of December, 2010, at 2 pm. Publications of the Institute for Asian and African Studies 11 ISBN 978-952-10-6679-5 (printed) ISBN 978-952-10-6680-1 (PDF) http://ethesis.helsinki.fi/ ISSN 1458-5359 Helsinki University Print Helsinki 2010 AKNOWLEDGEMENTS This doctoral dissertation is like a journey that began in 1986 with my first visit to China. I have witnessed how China has changed from being a poor country to one of the most powerful economies in the world. With my academic endeavors I have deepened my knowledge about its history, culture, language, and governance. Completing this dissertation would have been impossible without the support of academic colleagues, friends and family. I sincerely thank Professor Juha Janhunen, at the Department of World Cultures, Asian and African Studies at the University of Helsinki, for his valuable feedback and suggestions. I am also thankful for being a participant in the “Ethnic Interaction and Adaptation in Amdo Qinghai” project supported by the Academy of Finland and headed by Professor Janhunen. I express my gratitude to my supervisors Professor Kauko Laitinen at the Confucius Institute of Helsinki University for his advice and encouragement throughout the study process. Professor Lim Hua Sing at Waseda University in Japan provided me perspectives for developing the methodology for my PhD, thus greatly assisting my work in the preliminary phase. -
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Regional Analysis on Chinese Internet Ads with Click-Through Rates Wei Li Qiang Wei Yaoqiang Chen School of Economics and Management, Tsinghua University, Beijing 100084, China Email: {liw.09, weiq, chenyq.03}@sem.tsinghua.edu.cn Abstract Internet Ads market has continued high- speed growth of 50% roughly, occupying Internet Ads is one of the important forms the total advertising market share from of E-business activities, due to its high 3.8% in 2006 to over 10% in 2009 [2]. targeting, rich contents, flexible media as Nowadays, Internet Ads is going to show well as high interactivity. Since the econ- its unique advantages and expand the omy and Internet development of differ- market share significantly. ent regions in China are quite differen- Although Internet Ads market is ex- tiated, the Internet Ads of different re- panding rapidly, the effect of Internet Ads gions have significant regional characte- is not satisfactory, since Internet users ristics. Based on the real log data from a become to more and more immune from Chinese Internet Ads intermediate, this Internet Ads. Furthermore, users fre- paper empirically analyzes the differenc- quently complain the inconvenience es and characteristics of Internet Ads of brought by Internet Ads. One evidence is China’s regions with the Click-Through that the Click-Through Rates (CTRs) of Rates. Moreover, this paper proposes Internet Ads decline significantly, e.g., some suggestions for decision supporting from 30% ~ 50% on Banner Ads in mid- Chinese Internet Ads players, i.e., web- dle 1990s to less than 0.1% currently [3]. sites, intermediates and advertisers, from CTR is actually one of the key meas- a managerial perspective. -
Standing Committee (In Rank Order) Remaining Members from the 18Th Central Committee Politburo
Chinese Communist Party (CCP) 19th Central Committee Politburo Standing Committee (in rank order) Remaining members from the 18th Central Committee Politburo New members to the 19th Central Committee Politburo The Politburo Standing Committee (PBSC) is comprised of the CCP’s top- ranking leaders and is China’s top decision-making body within the Politburo. It meets more frequently and often makes XI JINPING LI KEQIANG LI ZHANSHU WANG YANG WANG HUNING ZHAO LEJI HAN ZHENG key decisions with little or no input from 习近平 李克强 栗战书 汪洋 王沪宁 赵乐际 韩正 the full Politburo. The much larger Central President; CCP General Premier, State Council Chairman, Chairman, Director, Office of CCP Secretary, CCP Central Executive Vice Premier, Secretary; Chairman, CCP Born 1953 Standing Committee of Chinese People’s Political Comprehensively Deepening Discipline Inspection State Council Committee is, in theory, the executive Central Military Commission National People’s Congress Consultative Conference Reform Commission Commission Born 1954 organ of the party. But the Politburo Born 1953 Born 1950 Born 1955 Born 1955 Born 1957 exercises its functions and authority except the few days a year when the Members (in alphabetical order) Central Committee is in session. At the First Session of the 13th National People’s Congress in March 2018, Wang Qishan was elected as the Vice President of China. The vice presidency enables Wang to be another important national leader without a specific party portfolio. But in China’s official CCP pecking order, CAI QI CHEN MIN’ER CHEN -
Appendix I Chinese Influence Operations Bureaucracy
APPENDIX 1 Chinese Influence Operations Bureaucracy While recent months have brought increased attention to the United Front Work Department (UFWD), or united front activities, it is impor- tant to emphasize that this is but one of many institutions within the Chinese party- state involved in influence operations. As the accompa- nying graphic illustrates, the bureaucracy involved in extending China’s global influence is large, complex, and specialized in function. Gener- ally speaking, there are three types of bureaucratic organ izations included in the chart: (1) policy coordination; (2) policy formulation and imple- mentation; and (3) organ izations with specialized functions. As components of a Leninist party- state, CCP organ izations have higher po liti cal status than government institutions. This has become even more pronounced u nder the party’s general secretary Xi Jinping and following the bureaucratic reor ga ni za tion announced after the March 2018 meeting of the National People’s Congress. Generally speak- ing, party organs make policies, which are then implemented by state bureaucracies. There is no single organ ization overseeing the entirety of the country’s influence operations abroad. The most impor tant CCP organ izations in the diagram are the Foreign Affairs Commission, the External Propaganda Leading Group/State Council Information Office, This is an uncorrected proof. Changes may occur before publication. the CCP Propaganda Department, the CCP United Front Work Depart- ment, the CCP International Liaison Department, and united front departments inside the P eople’s Liberation Army. Critical policies related —-1 —0 —+1 Copyright © 2019 by the Board of Trustees of the Leland Stanford Junior University. -
China's Politics in 2007: Power Consolidation, Personnel Change
Briefing Series – Issue 33 CHINA’S POLITICS IN 2007: POWER CONSOLIDATION, PERSONNEL CHANGE AND POLICY REORIENTATION Gang CHEN Liang Fook LYE Dali YANG Zhengxu WANG © Copyright China Policy Institute January 2008 China House University of Nottingham University Park Nottingham NG7 2RD United Kingdom Tel: +44 (0)115 846 7769 Fax: +44 (0)115 846 7900 Email: [email protected] Website: www.chinapolicyinstitute.org The China Policy Institute was set up to analyse critical policy challenges faced by China in its rapid development. Its goals are to help expand the knowledge and understanding of contemporary China in Britain, Europe and worldwide, to help build a more informed dialogue between China and the UK and Europe, and to contribute to government and business strategies. 1 Summary 1. The year 2007 witnessed the convening of the 17 th National Congress of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). General Secretary Hu Jintao further consolidated his power by bringing his trusted officials into the Political Bureau and having his “Scientific Development” concept enshrined in the Party Constitution. 2. Nevertheless, the Party Congress was not a landslide victory for Hu, who reportedly made a compromise with the Shanghai Clique and the Princelings Group by making Xi Jinping the frontrunner to succeed him in five year’s time. 3. Li Keqiang, two years younger than Xi and favored by Hu, joined the Standing Political Bureau Committee. He is to become vice premier in March 2008 and expected to succeed Wen Jiabao as premier five years later. 4. Besides Xi and Li, several new Political Bureau members in their 50s, including Li Yuanchao, Wang Yang, Bo Xilai and Wang Qishan, have the potential to stay in the core leadership for another ten years and may even stand a chance to become General Secretary or Premier.