The People's Liberation Army General Political Department

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

The People's Liberation Army General Political Department The People’s Liberation Army General Political Department Political Warfare with Chinese Characteristics Mark Stokes and Russell Hsiao October 14, 2013 Cover image and below: Chinese nuclear test. Source: CCTV. | Chinese Peoples’ Liberation Army Political Warfare | About the Project 2049 Institute Cover image source: 997788.com. Above-image source: ekooo0.com The Project 2049 Institute seeks to guide Above-image caption: “We must liberate Taiwan” decision makers toward a more secure Asia by the century’s mid-point. The organization fills a gap in the public policy realm through forward-looking, region- specific research on alternative security and policy solutions. Its interdisciplinary approach draws on rigorous analysis of socioeconomic, governance, military, environmental, technological and political trends, and input from key players in the region, with an eye toward educating the public and informing policy debate. www.project2049.net 1 | Chinese Peoples’ Liberation Army Political Warfare | TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction…………………………………………………………………………….……………….……………………….3 Universal Political Warfare Theory…………………………………………………….………………..………………4 GPD Liaison Department History…………………………………………………………………….………………….6 Taiwan Liberation Movement…………………………………………………….….…….….……………….8 Ye Jianying and the Third United Front Campaign…………………………….………….…..…….10 Ye Xuanning and Establishment of GPD/LD Platforms…………………….……….…….……….11 GPD/LD and Special Channel for Cross-Strait Dialogue………………….……….……………….12 Jiang Zemin and Diminishment of GPD/LD Influence……………………….…….………..…….13 PLA Military Liaison Work…………………………………….…………………………………………..………..……14 GPD Organizational Structure………………………………….…………………………………………………..……17 Overview of the General Political Department……………………………….….……………………..18 GPD/LD Leadership and Organization…………………..……………………….………………………20 Military Region Liaison Departments……………….……………………………….…….……………..30 PLA Air Force and Navy Liaison Work……………………………………………….……..…………….31 Liaison Training and Education……………………………………………………………….…………….31 Military Liaison Work and CCP Systems………………………………………………….……….………………..31 Internal PLA Relations……………..…………………………………….………………….………………….32 United Front System………………………………………………………………….………..………………..33 CCP Propaganda System…………..………………………………………………….…….………………….35 External Affairs System……………………………………………………………….…….………………….36 State Security System………………………………………………………………….…..……….……………38 Conclusion …………………………………………………………………………………………..…………………………40 2 | Chinese Peoples’ Liberation Army Political Warfare | INTRODUCTION Political warfare is a critical component of Chinese security strategy and foreign policy.1 All nation-states seek to influence policies of others to varying degrees in order to secure their respective national interests. Political warfare seeks to influence emotions, motives, objective reasoning, and behavior of foreign governments, organizations, groups, and individuals in a manner favorable to one’s own political-military objectives. The People’s Republic of China (PRC) and the Chinese People’s Liberation Army (PLA) rely on political warfare as a means to shape and define the discourse of international relations. Chinese political warfare, or liaison work in contemporary PLA lexicon, has a rich tradition built upon centuries of military history. During the civil war between the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and the Nationalist Party (Kuomintang; KMT), enemy and liaison work were critical means of undermining enemy morale and building domestic and international support. Since establishment of a subordinate Enemy Work Section in 1939, GPD has attempted to engineer the final political resolution of the Chinese civil war on CCP terms. The Republic of China (ROC; Taiwan) remains the primary target of PLA political warfare. Taiwan’s democratic system of government – an alternative to mainland China’s authoritarian model – presents an existential challenge to CCP political authority. With political legitimacy across the Taiwan Strait viewed as a zero-sum game within the international arena, authorities in Beijing have long sought the political subordination of the ROC to the PRC under a “One Country, Two Systems” principle. The GPD/LD plays a critical role in a coercive persuasion campaign intended to manipulate international perceptions of “One China” and undermine Taiwan’s international legitimacy. The object of CCP political warfare has extended beyond Taiwan. Guided by the doctrinal principle of “uniting with friends and disintegrating enemies,” political warfare adopts active measures to promote the rise of China within a new international order and defend against perceived threats to state security. Political warfare employs strategic psychological operations as a means of leading international discourse and influencing policies of friends and foes alike. Propaganda, carried out both during peacetime and in armed conflict, amplifies or attenuates the political effects of the military instrument of national power.2 A number of party and state organizations engage in political warfare. Under the leadership of the CCP Central Military Commission (CMC), however, the PLA General Political Department (GPD) Liaison Department (GPD/LD; 总政治部联络部) is the PLA’s principle political warfare command.3 GPD liaison work augments traditional state diplomacy and formal military-to-military relations, which are normally considered to be the most important aspects of international relations. For the PLA, however, traditional diplomacy is only one means of influence, and perhaps not the most significant. 3 | Chinese Peoples’ Liberation Army Political Warfare | Informed by a long tradition of “people’s diplomacy,” GPD/LD leverages a diverse set of non-governmental platforms in performing its mission. At least two appear under direct GPD/LD authority, one responsible for international friendly contact and the other for cross- Strait exchanges. Other platforms with GPD links are more opaque. For example, an extreme anti-American platform – the Dongfang Yi Cultural Expansion Association – appears to support GPD in development of concepts associated with “Three Warfares” – the integrated application of strategic psychological warfare, overt and covert media manipulation, and use of law in political warfare. GPD/LD functions as an interlocking directorate that operates at the nexus of politics, finance, military operations, and intelligence. GPD/LD and associated platforms are windows connecting elites from around the world with the CMC, and indirectly, the CCP Political Bureau Standing Committee, and an informal yet powerful political group referred to as “princelings.” Its leadership engages across a complex network of personalized relationships and implied associations. GPD/LD also appears to leverage relationships with institutional and personal executive assistants, or mishu, supporting senior civilian and military cadre.4 GPD/LD has few analogous counterparts in modern democratic societies. It often is cast as a member of China’s intelligence community. Indeed, an historical review reveals the co- evolution of CCP political warfare and clandestine intelligence operations. However, viewing liaison work exclusively in intelligence terms diminishes its relevance to U.S. political and military leaders and counterparts around the world. GPD/LD functions as a member of China’s broader political-military intelligence system. Its scope, however, appears limited to intelligence that may directly support political warfare, including development of psychological and social profiles of elites best positioned to influence foreign and defense policies. This monograph traces a complex network designed to influence policies of the U.S., Taiwan, and others around the world. Public information on GPD/LD has been limited, and assessing any country’s strategic influence operations can be a speculative endeavor. An examination of the organization, its history, missions, and relationships with other systems within the CCP bureaucracy may provide an initial framework within which to evaluate the PLA’s capacity for political warfare. UNIVERSAL POLITICAL WARFARE THEORY Contemporary PLA liaison work is influenced by Marxist-Leninist theory, tempered by traditional Chinese strategic culture, and informed by careful study of foreign political warfare experiences since World War II. While relatively significant in its scope and capabilities, political warfare is not unique to China. Political warfare seeks to influence emotions, motives, objective reasoning, and behavior of foreign governments, organizations, groups, and individuals in a manner favorable to one’s own objectives.5 4 | Chinese Peoples’ Liberation Army Political Warfare | Political warfare should be distinguished from public diplomacy. Put simply, public diplomacy is international political advocacy carried out in a transparent manner through routine media channels and public engagements. 6 Political warfare differs from public diplomacy in terms of target and intent. While public diplomacy seeks to influence opinions of mass audiences, political warfare involves a calculated manipulation of an opposing side’s strategies, defense policies, and broader international norms. As Michael Waller from the Institute of World Politics notes, political warfare is needed "when public relations statements and gentle, public diplomacy-style persuasion - the policies of “soft power” - fail to win the needed sentiments and actions.”7 Political warfare employs coercive persuasion to weaken an opponent’s
Recommended publications
  • China's Transformation from Rickshaws to Aircraft Is Partly Due to S 12TH Its Ability to Plan Ahead and the New Five Year Plan Exemplifies This
    CATALOG 2014 CHINA BOOKS sinomedia international group 书 www.chinabooks.com 2 GENERAL INTEREST GENERAL INTEREST 3 Education / Asian Studies / Biography G o n FOSTER g “The China Law Reader fills an important gap in currently available textbooks for the Chinese language. The rapidly Gaokao: A Personal Journey Behind China’s Examination Culture developing field of Chinese law makes its language as important China Law Reader "Gaokao" (pronounced “gow cow”) otherwise known as the as business or newspaper Chinese, for which there are currently National College Entrance Examination, is the modern several textbooks available. Copious vocabulary and grammar notes make the book accessible to students at the upper and Chinese version of an examination system that has intermediate levels, and are repeated in each chapter so they can CHI be studied in any order, as one chooses between different types of law, including contract, labor, real and intellectual property, YANNA GONG banking, corporation, and so forth.” LAWRENCE FOSTER, TIFFANY YAJIMA, YAN LIN way to social advancement in the civil service system Gloria Bien, Professor of Chinese, Colgate University depended on the results of rigorous national N CHINA “As any student or practitioner knows, legal writing is very much examinations. A its own language. Words take on special meaning whenever they appear in any legal publication or related writing, and This book offers a revealing look at how the high-achieving academic understanding legal language is one of fundamental tasks of an L Today, the meaning of “gaokao” has extended to describe Using the China Law Reader, I was able to see how this A specialized language works in Chinese.
    [Show full text]
  • Assessing the Training and Operational Proficiency of China's
    C O R P O R A T I O N Assessing the Training and Operational Proficiency of China’s Aerospace Forces Selections from the Inaugural Conference of the China Aerospace Studies Institute (CASI) Edmund J. Burke, Astrid Stuth Cevallos, Mark R. Cozad, Timothy R. Heath For more information on this publication, visit www.rand.org/t/CF340 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data is available for this publication. ISBN: 978-0-8330-9549-7 Published by the RAND Corporation, Santa Monica, Calif. © Copyright 2016 RAND Corporation R® is a registered trademark. Limited Print and Electronic Distribution Rights This document and trademark(s) contained herein are protected by law. This representation of RAND intellectual property is provided for noncommercial use only. Unauthorized posting of this publication online is prohibited. Permission is given to duplicate this document for personal use only, as long as it is unaltered and complete. Permission is required from RAND to reproduce, or reuse in another form, any of its research documents for commercial use. For information on reprint and linking permissions, please visit www.rand.org/pubs/permissions. The RAND Corporation is a research organization that develops solutions to public policy challenges to help make communities throughout the world safer and more secure, healthier and more prosperous. RAND is nonprofit, nonpartisan, and committed to the public interest. RAND’s publications do not necessarily reflect the opinions of its research clients and sponsors. Support RAND Make a tax-deductible charitable contribution at www.rand.org/giving/contribute www.rand.org Preface On June 22, 2015, the China Aerospace Studies Institute (CASI), in conjunction with Headquarters, Air Force, held a day-long conference in Arlington, Virginia, titled “Assessing Chinese Aerospace Training and Operational Competence.” The purpose of the conference was to share the results of nine months of research and analysis by RAND researchers and to expose their work to critical review by experts and operators knowledgeable about U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • China Data Supplement
    China Data Supplement October 2008 J People’s Republic of China J Hong Kong SAR J Macau SAR J Taiwan ISSN 0943-7533 China aktuell Data Supplement – PRC, Hong Kong SAR, Macau SAR, Taiwan 1 Contents The Main National Leadership of the PRC ......................................................................... 2 LIU Jen-Kai The Main Provincial Leadership of the PRC ..................................................................... 29 LIU Jen-Kai Data on Changes in PRC Main Leadership ...................................................................... 36 LIU Jen-Kai PRC Agreements with Foreign Countries ......................................................................... 42 LIU Jen-Kai PRC Laws and Regulations .............................................................................................. 45 LIU Jen-Kai Hong Kong SAR................................................................................................................ 54 LIU Jen-Kai Macau SAR....................................................................................................................... 61 LIU Jen-Kai Taiwan .............................................................................................................................. 66 LIU Jen-Kai ISSN 0943-7533 All information given here is derived from generally accessible sources. Publisher/Distributor: GIGA Institute of Asian Studies Rothenbaumchaussee 32 20148 Hamburg Germany Phone: +49 (0 40) 42 88 74-0 Fax: +49 (040) 4107945 2 October 2008 The Main National Leadership of the
    [Show full text]
  • Contemporary China: a Book List
    PRINCETON UNIVERSITY: Woodrow Wilson School, Politics Department, East Asian Studies Program CONTEMPORARY CHINA: A BOOK LIST by Lubna Malik and Lynn White Winter 2007-2008 Edition This list is available on the web at: http://www.princeton.edu/~lynn/chinabib.pdf which can be viewed and printed with an Adobe Acrobat Reader. Variation of font sizes may cause pagination to differ slightly in the web and paper editions. No list of books can be totally up-to-date. Please surf to find further items. Also consult http://www.princeton.edu/~lynn/chinawebs.doc for clicable URLs. This list of items in English has several purposes: --to help advise students' course essays, junior papers, policy workshops, and senior theses about contemporary China; --to supplement the required reading lists of courses on "Chinese Development" and "Chinese Politics," for which students may find books to review in this list; --to provide graduate students with a list that may suggest books for paper topics and may slightly help their study for exams in Chinese politics; a few of the compiler's favorite books are starred on the list, but not much should be made of this because such books may be old or the subjects may not meet present interests; --to supplement a bibliography of all Asian serials in the Princeton Libraries that was compiled long ago by Frances Chen and Maureen Donovan; many of these are now available on the web,e.g., from “J-Stor”; --to suggest to book selectors in the Princeton libraries items that are suitable for acquisition; to provide a computerized list on which researchers can search for keywords of interests; and to provide a resource that many teachers at various other universities have also used.
    [Show full text]
  • WSI China Security Vol. 3 No.3 Summer 2007
    Bruce G. Blair Publisher Eric Hagt Chief Editor Chen Yali, Liu Yong, Feng Yifei Associate Editors Emily Roblin Communications Director Assistant Editors Fiona Cunningham, Matthew Durnin, Ashley Hoffman Whitney Parker & Blake Rasmussen Editorial Board Jeffrey A. Bader Brookings Institution Richard K. Betts Columbia University Thomas J. Christensen Princeton University Philip Coyle World Security Institute Lowell Dittmer University of California, Berkeley Bates Gill Center for Strategic and International Studies Theresa Hitchens World Security Institute Joan Johnson-Freese Naval War College Albert Keidel Carnegie Endowement for International Peace Nicholas R. Lardy Institute for International Economics Li Bin Tsinghua University John J. Mearsheimer University of Chicago Mike M. Mochizuki George Washington University Michael E. O’Hanlon Brookings Institution Jonathan D. Pollack Naval War College Shen Dingli Fudan University Shi Yinhong Renmin University of China Teng Jianqun China Arms Control & Disarmament Associastion Frank von Hippel Princeton University Xue Lan Tsinghua University Yuan Peng China Institutes of Contemporary International Relations Zha Daojiong Renmin University of China Manuscript Reviewers Kong Bo, David Chen, Dean Cheng, Andrew Erickson, Eric Hundman, Yuan Jingdong, Gregory Kulacki, Jeffrey Lewis, James Clay Moltz, Victoria Samson & David Wright This issue was made possible through the generous support of the Ford Foundation, Secure World Foundation and the Robert and Ardis James Foundation Contents Assessing China’s Growing Influence in Africa 3 Bates Gill, Chin-hao Huang & J. S. Morrison The Balancing Act of China’s Africa Policy 23 He Wenping The Fact and Fiction of Sino-African Energy Relations 42 Erica S. Downs China and Africa: Policies and Challenges 69 Li Anshan Oil and Conflict in Sino-American Relations 95 Peter Hatemi & Andrew Wedeman Revisiting North Korea’s Nuclear Test 119 Zhang Hui Assessing China’s Growing Influence in Africa Bates Gill, Chin-hao Huang & J.
    [Show full text]
  • Military Regions Š
    Encyclopedia of Modern China, Volume 3 – Finals/ 6/8/2009 19:56 Page 99 People’s Liberation Army: Overview MILITARY REGIONS China’s vast territory, diverse populations, and complex into six air-defense regions. The following year, a thirteenth geography, with attendant transportation and logistics military region, Fuzhou, was added. challenges, initially necessitated a regional approach to By 1969 the military regions of the People’s national defense, with centralized control imposed on Liberation Army were reduced to eleven: Shenyang, decentralized operations. The area control of the People’s Beijing, Jinan, Nanjing, Guangzhou, Wuhan, Chengdu, Liberation Army was originally divided into six levels (see Kunming, Lanzhou, Fuzhou, and Xinjiang (renamed Table 1), though terms have varied over time, restructuring Wulumuqi Military Region in May 1979). (In May 1967 has occurred, and mission overlap persists. the Inner Mongolia Military Region was reduced to a Since February 1949 the People’s Liberation Army has provincial military district (sheng junqu) subordinate to the employed a geographically delineated system of military Beijing Military Region, and in December 1969 the Xizang regions (junqu), which comprise military units permanently Military Region was reduced to a provincial military district allocated to them. During wartime, a theater of war subordinate to the Chengdu Military Region.) (zhanqu) encompasses both these geographically based In 1985 the eleven military regions were reduced to units and any additional units deployed or otherwise the current seven (with over twenty provincial military operationally assigned there. districts) as part of a major demobilization. The Shenyang In the late 1940s Red Army forces were organized into Military Region contains Liaoning, Jilin, and Heilongjiang; five field armies (yezhan jun) (see Table 2).
    [Show full text]
  • Wei Jingsheng and the Democracy Movement in Post-Mao China Merle David Kellerhals Jr
    Old Dominion University ODU Digital Commons Institute for the Humanities Theses Institute for the Humanities Summer 1998 Wei Jingsheng and the Democracy Movement in Post-Mao China Merle David Kellerhals Jr. Old Dominion University Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.odu.edu/humanities_etds Part of the Asian History Commons, and the Political History Commons Recommended Citation Kellerhals, Merle D.. "Wei Jingsheng and the Democracy Movement in Post-Mao China" (1998). Master of Arts (MA), thesis, Humanities, Old Dominion University, DOI: 10.25777/7pt4-vv58 https://digitalcommons.odu.edu/humanities_etds/13 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Institute for the Humanities at ODU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Institute for the Humanities Theses by an authorized administrator of ODU Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. WEI JINGSHENG AND THE DEMOCRACY MOVEMENT IN POST-MAO CHINA by Merle David Kellerhals, Jr B A. May 1995, College of Charleston A Thesis submitted to the Faculty of Old Dominion University in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirement for the Degree of MASTER OF ARTS HUMANITIES OLD DOMINION UNIVERSITY August 1998 Approved by: Jin Qiu (Director) hen Jie (Member) David Putney (Member) Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. UMI Number: 1391982 Copyright 1999 by Kellerhals/ Merle David, Jr. All rights reserved. UMI Microform 1391982 Copyright 1998, by UMI Company. All rights reserved. This microform edition is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. UMI 300 North Zeeb Road Ann Arbor, MI 48103 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner.
    [Show full text]
  • Lu Zhiqiang China Oceanwide
    08 Investment.FIN.qxp_Layout 1 14/9/16 12:21 pm Page 81 Week in China China’s Tycoons Investment Lu Zhiqiang China Oceanwide Oceanwide Holdings, its Shenzhen-listed property unit, had a total asset value of Rmb118 billion in 2015. Hurun’s China Rich List He is the key ranked Lu as China’s 8th richest man in 2015 investor behind with a net worth of Rmb83 billlion. Minsheng Bank and Legend Guanxi Holdings A long-term ally of Liu Chuanzhi, who is known as the ‘godfather of Chinese entrepreneurs’, Oceanwide acquired a 29% stake in Legend Holdings (the parent firm of Lenovo) in 2009 from the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences for Rmb2.7 billion. The transaction was symbolic as it marked the dismantling of Legend’s SOE status. Lu and Liu also collaborated to establish the exclusive Taishan Club in 1993, an unofficial association of entrepreneurs named after the most famous mountain in Shandong. Born in Shandong province in 1951, Lu In fact, according to NetEase Finance, it was graduated from the elite Shanghai university during the Taishan Club’s inaugural meeting – Fudan. His first job was as a technician with hosted by Lu in Shandong – that the idea of the Shandong Weifang Diesel Engine Factory. setting up a non-SOE bank was hatched and the proposal was thereafter sent to Zhu Getting started Rongji. The result was the establishment of Lu left the state sector to become an China Minsheng Bank in 1996. entrepreneur and set up China Oceanwide. Initially it focused on education and training, Minsheng takeover? but when the government initiated housing Oceanwide was one of the 59 private sector reform in 1988, Lu moved into real estate.
    [Show full text]
  • Journal of Current Chinese Affairs
    China Data Supplement March 2008 J People’s Republic of China J Hong Kong SAR J Macau SAR J Taiwan ISSN 0943-7533 China aktuell Data Supplement – PRC, Hong Kong SAR, Macau SAR, Taiwan 1 Contents The Main National Leadership of the PRC ......................................................................... 2 LIU Jen-Kai The Main Provincial Leadership of the PRC ..................................................................... 31 LIU Jen-Kai Data on Changes in PRC Main Leadership ...................................................................... 38 LIU Jen-Kai PRC Agreements with Foreign Countries ......................................................................... 54 LIU Jen-Kai PRC Laws and Regulations .............................................................................................. 56 LIU Jen-Kai Hong Kong SAR ................................................................................................................ 58 LIU Jen-Kai Macau SAR ....................................................................................................................... 65 LIU Jen-Kai Taiwan .............................................................................................................................. 69 LIU Jen-Kai ISSN 0943-7533 All information given here is derived from generally accessible sources. Publisher/Distributor: GIGA Institute of Asian Studies Rothenbaumchaussee 32 20148 Hamburg Germany Phone: +49 (0 40) 42 88 74-0 Fax: +49 (040) 4107945 2 March 2008 The Main National Leadership of the
    [Show full text]
  • DEFENSE TECHNOLOGY PROGRAM BRIEF Hypersonic Weapons By: Margot Van Loon, Dr
    May 2019 No. 18 AMERICAN FOREIGN POLICY COUNCIL DEFENSE TECHNOLOGY PROGRAM BRIEF Hypersonic Weapons By: Margot van Loon, Dr. Larry Wortzel, and Dr. Mark B. Schneider BRIEFING HIGHLIGHTS TABLE OF CONTENTS Hypersonic Weapons: A Primer 1 Hypersonic weapons are coming online just as the United States shifts its focus back to great Margot van Loon power competition as its most pressing national Hypersonic Weapons in China’s Military Strategies 4 security threat. To China and Russia – both of Dr. Larry Wortzel whom are rapidly modernizing their military Moscow’s Development of Hypersonic Missiles… 10 capabilities and seeking ways to expand the and What It Means role of nuclear weapons in their strategies–the unique characteristics of hypersonic systems Dr. Mark B. Schneider (including their ability to render useless all Notes 15 current U.S. missile defenses) represent a perfect opportunity to take the lead in a high- stakes technological field. Because of their speed and maneuverability, Hypersonic Weapons: A Primer it would be nearly impossible to predict what By Margot van Loon facilities (or even what country) is being targeted if a country detected the launch of one of these weapons. Moreover, it would be impossible to n today’s Department of Defense, one of the most crucial missions is know for certain the type of warhead it carries, Iknown as “conventional prompt global strike” (CPGS). The complex meaning that a conventional strike could easily title belies a simple objective: in the most basic terms, CPGS seeks to be mistaken for a preemptive nuclear attack. guarantee the ability to strike a target any time at any place in the world The Russians may see destruction of the U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • China's Fear of Contagion
    China’s Fear of Contagion China’s Fear of M.E. Sarotte Contagion Tiananmen Square and the Power of the European Example For the leaders of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), erasing the memory of the June 4, 1989, Tiananmen Square massacre remains a full-time job. The party aggressively monitors and restricts media and internet commentary about the event. As Sinologist Jean-Philippe Béja has put it, during the last two decades it has not been possible “even so much as to mention the conjoined Chinese characters for 6 and 4” in web searches, so dissident postings refer instead to the imagi- nary date of May 35.1 Party censors make it “inconceivable for scholars to ac- cess Chinese archival sources” on Tiananmen, according to historian Chen Jian, and do not permit schoolchildren to study the topic; 1989 remains a “‘for- bidden zone’ in the press, scholarship, and classroom teaching.”2 The party still detains some of those who took part in the protest and does not allow oth- ers to leave the country.3 And every June 4, the CCP seeks to prevent any form of remembrance with detentions and a show of force by the pervasive Chinese security apparatus. The result, according to expert Perry Link, is that in to- M.E. Sarotte, the author of 1989: The Struggle to Create Post–Cold War Europe, is Professor of History and of International Relations at the University of Southern California. The author wishes to thank Harvard University’s Center for European Studies, the Humboldt Foundation, the Institute for Advanced Study, the National Endowment for the Humanities, and the University of Southern California for ªnancial and institutional support; Joseph Torigian for invaluable criticism, research assistance, and Chinese translation; Qian Qichen for a conversation on PRC-U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • First Contact: Qian Qichen Engages in Wide-Ranging, Constructive Talks with President Bush and Senior U.S
    U.S.-China Relations: First Contact: Qian Qichen Engages in Wide-ranging, Constructive Talks with President Bush and Senior U.S. Officials by Bonnie S. Glaser, Consultant on Asian Affairs PRC Vice Premier Qian Qichen’s visit to the United States in March provided an opportunity for the U.S. and China to exchange views on the bilateral relationship and discuss a broad range of security issues. Both sides characterized the discussions in positive terms, acknowledging that differences were aired frankly, yet without rancor. Qian conveyed China’s objections to U.S. arms sales to Taiwan, especially Aegis destroyers, and Secretary of State Colin Powell explained that U.S. policy would be guided by both the three Sino-U.S. communiqués and the Taiwan Relations Act. Progress toward China’s entry into the WTO stalled over a major disagreement on Chinese agricultural subsidies. U.S. government officials claimed they had evidence that Chinese companies were selling and installing fiber optic cables and other equipment being used to improve antiaircraft equipment in Iraq in violation of UN sanctions. Military exchanges proceeded according to the plan sketched out last November with a U.S. ship visit to Shanghai, several delegation exchanges, and a visit by U.S. Commander in Chief, Pacific Admiral Dennis Blair to China. Chinese Envoy Holds Constructive Talks with Bush Administration PRC Vice Premier Qian Qichen’s visit to the United States in March provided an opportunity for the U.S. and China to exchange views on the bilateral relationship and discuss a broad range of security issues. The face-to-face meetings with President George W.
    [Show full text]