THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY SPECIAL NUMBER JULY 1964 The Meaning of Jawaharlal Nehru Rajni Kothari The greatest contribution of Jawaharlal Nehru, the first Prime Minister of independent India, to the develop ment of the Indian nation was neither the policy of non-alignment nor the conception of the five year plans, but the practical achievement of providing a durable basis to India's democratic institutions and of endowing them with an aura of legitimacy. It is an achievement more lasting and pervasive than any of the doctrines by which he used to move India's intellectuals from time to time. Nehru's life-work was not so much of having started a revolution as of having given rise to a consensus. Curiously, he did not himself see the real significance of his work. NEHRU'S role in the development beginning to take roots. Nothing has legacies it left behind have also serv of a national consensus has ended with the passing away of ed us for a pretty long time. Firstly, been rather complex. He both em Nehru: everything of value he left there was the organisational legacy, bodied its spirit and worked for its behind is going to last. Indeed, from a structure around which men and substance. The former aspect has all indications, things may take a institutions could function at various attracted more attention than the turn for the better. levels, channelise their loyalties and latter, his "charismatic" power more Proof of Maturity draw upon the loyalties of others. It than his role as a nation-builder. was, secondly, a leadership legacy, Now no one can deny the great uni The ease with which the succession the availability of tall men the like of fying role of a powerful personality issue for long a bogey of both which has not been found in any in the difficult period of transition western and westernised intellectuals newly-independent country after the and institutional fluidity. Such a per —has been settled is a testimony to United States. It is true that both sonality symbolises a new age, quick the maturity to which this country's these legacies have, with the passage ens the pace of history, and drives and institutions have arrived. In many of time, thinned out, the organisation presses diverse elements into a single ways we have now entered a period has been weakened, and the men stream. Nehru did all this and there which is more fruitful and one with have been demoralised under the by consolidated the more subtle bases greater developmental potential than strain of more exacting tasks. And of the Indian polity. But he did the one we have been through. Every this has its problems. Meanwhile, more. He gave to it a more dura developing society has to go through however, other structures have been ble foundation by incorporating his an integrative stage before it can created and these are likely to take life's work—and the work of all his think of building its productive pow roots. ers and its national strength on an distinguished forbears—into a frame At the Grassroots work of rules, institutions and con organised basis, or of even formulat ventions. ing a policy to this end. It cannot Secondly, building on the legacy of be different with India. Those who the nationalist movement, there has Beginning, Not End have so often lamented at the fail been the penetration of the country Nehru doggedly allowed free scope ing of the Indian political system by new institutional developments, to parliamentary government, was the have done so because they have put especially at the lower tiers of the chief operator of its mechanism of their fingers on the wrong problems nation. In this, the system of patron power, and through his long tenure and because they lack a perspective age to which the Congress has given legitimised its institutions and work on national development. What the rise in the States and the districts is ing principles. He was himself not country has achieved under its first of great importance. It has enabled too confident of this aspect of his Prime Minister is no mean achieve the spreading of distributive benefits work and often held too exaggerated ment by any standards. And it is not and the involvement of traditional a view of his own personality in hold just the achievement of one man. elites and entrenched social interests ing the country together, and of the Several factors have contributed to in the political-competitive processes possible danger of disintegration after this maturing of the nation's institu of Indian democracy. The great drive him. But here he reflected the empty tional growth under Nehru's leader of the Congress to either capture or mood and naivette of the Indian in ship. The first biggest factor no neutralise labour and peasant orga 1 telligentsia who projected him as doubt was the work done and the nisations, to set up ancillary agencies their chief showboy than his own legacy left behind by the nation in the cooperative, community deve achievements as a politician and a alist movement led by the Congress lopment and local government sectors, man of affairs. It was in his social under the leadership of Mahatma and to penetrate caste and community engineering capacities rather than his Gandhi, A proper appreciation of the organizations, has led to an integra neat ideological formulations that role of the nationalist movement in tion into the national mainstream of Nehru's lasting contribution lies. India's nation-building has not been critical subsections of the public, Fin We have been told that with the made by academic historians. Work ally, there is the new multi-tier system passing away of Nehru an era has ing simultaneously on so many fronts of Panchayati Raj which has led to a come to an end, but the fact is that and adopting a strategy remarkable in further penetration into society of the era of which Nehru laid the its unifying character, the "move democratic institutions adopted by the foundations through his long and un ment" took the Indian people to a modernist leadership at the national interrupted leadership is only now new level of self-awareness. The level.
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The third factor that contributed a free competition between opposing that has given a stamp of legitimacy positively to India's institutional points of new. But the logic of his and competence to the institutional growth is the result of the legislative- approach is quite clear. It is also development that has been described deliberative process. It consists in true that Nehru's preoccupation with above. the removal of major sources of clea the maintenance of his own personal vage and disaffection from the Indian power and ascendancy often led to Path Clear for the Centrists polity. The end of feudalism and acute political factionalism and the As said in the beginning, we have landlordism removed the biggest need for political scapegoats from time arrived at a stage which may be more single source of antagonism from the to time. This affected morale and fruitful and exciting for the country's Indian countryside. The reorganiza gave rise to bitterness. On the other development There are many reasons tion of the States on linguistic basis hand, by basing political power on to support this point. For one thing, removed a major source of cleavage self-interest (thus going against the the wholly artificial left-right dichoto from the political elite. Legislation cannons of India's political tradition), my in our politics will now lose much dealing with labour disputes and pro Nehru gave rise to a pragmatic orien of its force. For all practical purposes, viding protection and welfare to tation to politics, taught Indian lead the "Left" in the Congress was workmen contained, and brought con ers the art of managing men and insti both an unnecessary usurpation from tentment to, this potentially volatile tutions, and based political solidarity the opposition and an unseemly as section of the public. Laws dealing on the complex mechanics of secular sertion against the traditional leader with property and inheritance rights, relationships rather than on neat no ship of the Congress party. It now as well as with compensation for for tions of sacrifice and transcendental seems that this leadership will find the feiture of inherited rights, removed nationalism. Nehru's role (often uncon crystallisation which was not possible gross inequalities in the treatment of sciously played) was both to hold under the shadow of Jawaharlal different classes and legitimised a groups together under him and to tie Nehru. After nearly fifteen years, the more rational system of economic re them into a competitive web of re traditional Congressmen will again lations. And, finally, the partial lationships which would crystallize come into their own. It should be re success in handling the communal pro into more normal channels once his alised that these are powerful men, blem has helped contain the forces of own personal weight was lifted. that the small and weak men who had disruption. Such a policy of neutr found shelter for so long will have to alising social fissures has made ob Gift from China go, and that a powerful and homo solete the "class conflict" model of There are also negative factors which geneous group will emerge. development in the Indian case. have contributed to our stability and This is one important reason why institutional development. Thus a sub More important—and without this stability has been made possible.2 To stantial dose of political realism was such a pragmatic group could not gether with the institutional growth injected in this nation through the have emerged—is the fact that there factors mentioned above, these mea Chinese aggression. By stirring the has taken place and has crystllised sures have provided us with a re nation to its depths, the Chinese ac over the last few years an ideological markable consolidation of our inde tion forced us to come face to face consensus in this country, a consensus pendence. with our strengths and weaknesses, that has been ably summed up in the destroyed our illusions and even man "Democracy and Socialism" resolution of Congress party. Academic critics of Amorphous with a Purpose aged in distributing the all too com forting symbol provided by the late the resolution have characteristically Fourthly, and providing the frame Prime Minister. The results have in missed the substance in it which con work to these other factors, has been the long run been salutory. The Chi sists in the compromise and consen India's—and primarily Nehru's—faith nese would never have expected the sus that it represents. It is a consen in the values and institutions of de constructive and integrative impact of sus to the making of which Nehru's mocracy; and sincere and sustained their action on this country. Secondly, life work was devoted. Significantly, efforts to put these into practice the bitter struggle for power that end the new leadership has emphasised through the general elections. There ed in the implementation of the "Ka- this very aspect: Prime Minister Shas- is no doubt that without this last maraj Plan" crystallised forces whose tri, in his first broadcast to the Indian factor, all the other factors mentioned effects are only now being realized. nation on June 11, described the task above would not have resulted in the The remarkable instrument of power ahead as the building of a "socialist democracy". present national consensus which is and discipline called the Congress High Nehru's greatest legacy. Even the Command that was forged by Ma- Finally, and providing a framework mechanics employed by Nehru, which hatma Gandhi, and which was allowed to all these, is the crystallisation of were the object of frequent criticism, to be overshadowed by the person the party system of India. It is a such as the "balancing" of political ality of Jawaharlal Nehru for some party system which is in many ways groups and the consequent "amor- time, has again reasserted itself and without parallel. It can be characte phousness" of the political structure, is likely to hold power for a pretty rised as a one party dominance system had a role to play in the integrative long time. Thirdly, even the Prime which, while it is open and competi stage of our development, It ensured Minister's illness in Bhubaneswar and tive, assigns rather special roles to that no single element in the Constitu in Delhi thereafter led to a crystallisa the opposition parties on the one hand tion of the nation was carried too tion of individuals and positions which and the state and national factions far, lest this may disrupt the entire accounts for the ease with which the within the ruling party on the other.3 nation-building enterprise. It is true transition to the new collective has Again, the passing away of Nehru has that at times Nehru carried his ap been made possible. It is this smooth brought into bold relief the clear fea prehension of disruptive forces a transition, after a brief period of open tures of this party system—the im little too far and this often inhibited confrontation and trial of strength, portance of the Congress High Com-
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mand as a collective, the complex re tional discipline, penetration of poli ahead with the programme of econo lationship between the High Com tical forms in society, political and mic development through a greater mand, the Parliamentary Party and factional struggle, and a drive for the concern for encouraging and mobilis regional Congress chiefs, and the removal of major sources of dissen ing voluntary effort and people's will crucial role of the party organisation sion have played their respective ing participation, with or without the in critical decision-making, and of party parts. The result is an increasingly help of the bureaucracy. These are discipline in cementing differences. At pragmatic orientation of politics, a tasks that may require substantial re any rate, single personalities will now political culture that manages to be thinking on some of our per theories play a lesser role in the party system consensal by being accommodative and and models. Knowingly or unknow than was the case so far. And the flexible, and a complicated structure ingly, Prime Minister Nehru had often articulation and further crystallisa of political decision-making. It would permitted a simplistic view of things to tion of the political consensus will be be a mistake to view the consensal prevail in his government. Himself, based on a more complicated inter- forms in which Indian politics oper however, he had always shown a rea group structure than was the case so ates out of both the historical and diness to change outdated ideas and far, and on ideas and policies which the situational contexts that I have theories that had become dysfunction are more the product of compromise mentioned here. The best and most al to the tasks in hand. Preoccupied and bargaining and less of theoretical recent example is the "consensal" with his integrative role, he did not or administrative rationale. form in which Shri Kamaraj announc have enough time to implement this Genesis of the Consensus ed his party's decision on the question outlook in the realm of policy. There of the succession to Prime Minister can be no better memorial to him Observers of Indian affairs have Nehru. than a continuous search for building often criticised the "consensal" ap further on the foundations he left proach to politics and have traced it My attempt in this article has been behind and, wherever necessary, im to conformist trends in Indian tradi to describe more than to assess. Con proving upon them. tion.' What these writers overlook is sequently, it perhaps leaves more of the vital fact that every society must an impression of optimism than I had Notes find its way to forming a consensus, intended. However, this does not 1 mean that I undervalue the tasks that Sister Gupta has expressed the and that a modernising society has to view that Nehru provided the do so even more assiduously, especial lie ahead. The tasks are many and in some ways overpowering. They only symbol of unification in ly where a colonial interlude has India. See his "Some aspects of shaken traditional structures and can be divided under two broad heads. The first are the consolidation the Problem of National Inte values without replacing them with gration in India, Pakistan and anything more durable. It is true tasks. The work of consolidation and integration is not yet over. The task Ceylon", Parliamentary Studies. that traditions of social and ritu New Delhi, Vol 8, Nos 1 and 2. alistic conformism have left a deep is to meet the impending critical pro blems with equanimity, to keep the For a more naive presentation of mark on contemporary India, al the problem of disintegration, see though contrary traditions can also be ideological temper low. and to put down with a strong hand the forces Selig S Harrison: "India, the traced. It is also true that such con Most Dangerous Decades", (Prin formist trends often militate against of disruption whenever they raise their ugly head. (It should be re ceton: Princeton University Press, competitive politics and inhibit orga 1960). Harrison, who sub-titles nisations built around the competi membered that the communal pro blem has only been partially tackled his book, "Can the Nation Hold tive principle. It is important to re Together?", found a very recep alise, however, that there is more in the past and it still remains largely unsolved. It can again be triggered tive audience among Indian intel than meets the eye here, that the em lectuals. phasis on consensus and integration off by either an internal or an external 2 event.) This also brings out the For another view on the reasons reflects an important problem of con for India's stability, see Sisir temporary nation-building and is not critical importance of our external re lations. More thought needs to be Gupta, "Indian Democracy: just a carry-over from the past, that What gives it Stability?", The the democracy we study here is de given to this than was done under Prime Minister Nehru. Economic Weekly, Special Num mocracy at a particular stage of de ber, June 1960. velopment, and that at this stage of Crucial Tasks 3 For a more elaborate discussion development the competitive compo Secondly, there are what may be of the one party dominance nent in it is not the only or even the called the developmental tasks. Having system, see Rajni Kothari, "Party most important component to attend achieved a degree of consolidation and System", The Economic Weekly, to. It is imperative at this stage to integration, and having brought about Vol XIII, No 22. and "Developing maintain order in the midst of change, an element of consensus in the nation, Political Pattern", Seminar, New to hold the temper of political strug the leadership should look beyond, Delhi, February 1962. gle low, and to maintain a balance towards the productive functions of 4 A large number of western between competitive and consensal nation-building. The critical areas observers take such a position. elements in the operation of democra which require a determined approach See, especially. S H Rudolph, tic institutions, are the reorganisation of the admi "Consensus and Conflict in Indian At the same time, as seen above, nistrative structure and personnel in Politics", World Polities, April the consensus that has been develop the country (the real blind spot in 1961. Sec also Myron weiner, ing in India is not any single product the nation), the building up of the "The Politics of Scarcity" (Chica- of social conformism but the result of military infra-structure of Indian de go and London: The University an involved process of interactions, in mocracy (necessarily a part of the of Chicago Press 1962 and Bom- which force of personality, organisa developmental effort), and the pushing bay: Asia Publishing House 1962),
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