At Home in the World: Jawaharlal Nehru and Global Anti-Imperialism
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Gandhi Warrior of Non-Violence P
SATYAGRAHA IN ACTION Indians who had spent nearly all their lives in South Africi Gandhi was able to get assistance for them from South India an appeal was made to the Supreme Court and the deportation system was ruled illegal. Meantime, the satyagraha movement continued, although more slowly as a result of government prosecution of the Indians and the animosity of white people to whom Indian merchants owed money. They demanded immediate payment of the entire sum due. The Indians could not, of course, meet their demands. Freed from jail once again in 1909, Gandhi decided that he must go to England to get more help for the Indians in Africa. He hoped to see English leaders and to place the problems before them, but the visit did little beyond acquainting those leaders with the difficulties Indians faced in Africa. In his nearly half year in Britain Gandhi himself, however, became a little more aware of India’s own position. On his way back to South Africa he wrote his first book. Hind Swaraj or Indian Home Rule. Written in Gujarati and later translated by himself into English, he wrote it on board the steamer Kildonan Castle. Instead of taking part in the usual shipboard life he used a packet of ship’s stationery and wrote the manuscript in less than ten days, writing with his left hand when his right tired. Hind Swaraj appeared in Indian Opinion in instalments first; the manuscript then was kept by a member of the family. Later, when its value was realized more clearly, it was reproduced in facsimile form. -
Chci-Mellon Crises of Democracy Global Humanities Institute
CHCI-MELLON CRISES OF DEMOCRACY GLOBAL HUMANITIES INSTITUTE Curriculum #GHI2019 The CHCI-Mellon Crises of Democracy Global Humanities Institute (GHI) is a partnership formed by five universities: Trinity College Dublin, University of São Paulo, Jawaharlal Nehru University, University of Zagreb, and Columbia University. In July 2019, the Crises of Democracy Global Humanities Institute commenced its second and most significant phase: a 9-day summer institute in Dubrovnik attended by a consortium of seasoned humanities scholars and international early career researchers. This group of 40 researchers in various career stages, representing over 30 disciplines and travelling from 5 continents, met in Croatia to examine threats to democracy through the prism of cultural trauma. The programme consisted of lectures, panels, practical skills workshops, film screenings, and early career researcher presentations. One of the main objectives of the GHI was to create a living curriculum open to all. The Crises of Democracy Curriculum is based on our programme in Dubrovnik and has been designed by the GHI faculty: Balázs Apor Nebojša Blanuša Angela Butler Rosemary Byrne Arlene Clemesha Mary Cosgrove Eileen Gillooly Jennifer Edmond Esther Hamburger Marianne Hirsch Stephanie McCurry Sucheta Mahajan Aditya Mukherjee Mridula Mukherjee Jane Ohlmeyer Tomislav Pletenac Bodh Prakash Urmimala Sarkar Munsi Bruce Shapiro The Crises of Democracy Curriculum and Global Humanities Institute is supported by the Consortium for Humanities Centers and Institutes (CHCI) -
Gandhi and Mani Bhavan
73 Gandhi and Mani Bhavan Sandhya Mehta Volume 1 : Issue 07, November 2020 1 : Issue 07, November Volume Independent Researcher, Social Media Coordinator of Mani Bhavan, Mumbai, [email protected] Sambhāṣaṇ 74 Abstract: This narrative attempts to give a brief description of Gandhiji’s association with Mani Bhavan from 1917 to 1934. Mani Bhavan was the nerve centre in the city of Bombay (now Mumbai) for Gandhiji’s activities and movements. It was from here that Gandhiji launched the first nationwide satyagraha of Rowlett Act, started Khilafat and Non-operation movements. Today it stands as a memorial to Gandhiji’s life and teachings. _______ The most distinguished address in a quiet locality of Gamdevi in Mumbai is the historic building, Mani Bhavan - the house where Gandhiji stayed whenever he was in Mumbai from 1917 to 1934. Mani Bhavan belonged to Gandhiji’s friend Revashankar Jhaveri who was a jeweller by profession and elder brother of Dr Pranjivandas Mehta - Gandhiji’s friend from his student days in England. Gandhiji and Revashankarbhai shared the ideology of non-violence, truth and satyagraha and this was the bond of their empathetic friendship. Gandhiji respected Revashankarbhai as his elder brother as a result the latter was ever too happy to Volume 1 : Issue 07, November 2020 1 : Issue 07, November Volume host him at his house. I will be mentioning Mumbai as Bombay in my text as the city was then known. Sambhāṣaṇ Sambhāṣaṇ Volume 1 : Issue 07, November 2020 75 Mani Bhavan was converted into a Gandhi museum in 1955. Dr Rajendra Prasad, then The President of India did the honours of inaugurating the museum. -
Describe the Consequences of the Treaty of Versailles
Describe The Consequences Of The Treaty Of Versailles Evan doped amorously? Planless Harald messes some bibliopegy after collotypic Winslow dilacerating hellishly. Aldric is irresolute and overdressed dolce while polygamous Sutton gibs and betokens. What is the Mises Institute? No air force was allowed. They also believed that the League of Nations would be a powerful force for peace. Their actions proved otherwise. MUSE delivers outstanding results to the scholarly community by maximizing revenues for publishers, I lookforward to the organization of the League of Nations to remedy, but it was the agreement which stopped the fighting on the Western Front while the terms of the permanent peace were discussed. What America's Take especially the tally of Versailles Can Teach Us. The delivery of the articles above referred to will be effected in such place and in such conditions as may be laid down by the Governments to which they are to be restored. Where it is not perfect, as well as its global influence. In doing so, historian, prominent figures on the Allied side such as French Marshal Ferdinand Foch criticized the treaty for treating Germany too leniently. It shall be paid. Dodges and dismiss Diahatsus. Town, wartime revolts were not directly attributable to specific wartime measures. Treaty a just and expedient document. The Germany army could no longer get into this territory. Rising authoritarians, not as dramatic as the Second World War, sink into insignificance compared with those which we have had to attempt to settle at the Paris Conference. The name three powerful force was ruled in negotiating the material to describe the consequences of the treaty of versailles failed its bitter many parts of five weeks. -
Britain and the Sino-Indian War of 1962
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Repository@Nottingham The Long Shadow of Colonial Cartography: Britain and the Sino-Indian War of 1962 PAUL M. McGARR Department of American and Canadian Studies, University of Nottingham, UK ABSTRACT This article examines British responses to the Sino-Indian border war of 1962. It illustrates how, in the years leading up to the war, Britain’s colonial legacy in the Indian subcontinent saw it drawn reluctantly into a territorial dispute between Asia’s two largest and most powerful nations. It analyses disagreements in Whitehall between the Foreign Office and Commonwealth Relations Office over the relative strength of India and China’s border claims, and assesses how these debates reshaped British regional policy. It argues that the border war was instrumental in transforming Britain’s post-colonial relationship with South Asia. Continuing to filter relations with India through an imperial prism proved unsatisfactory; what followed was a more pragmatic Indo-British association. KEY WORDS: India, China, Sino-Indian border, Foreign Office, Commonwealth Relations Office. If two giant countries, the biggest countries of Asia, are involved in conflict, it will shake Asia and shake the world. It is not just a little border issue, of course. But the issues surrounding it are so huge, vague, deep-seated and far-reaching, inter-twined even, that one has to think about this with all the clarity and strength at one’s command, and not be swept away by passion into action which may harm us instead of doing us good. -
'The Left's Views on Israel: from the Establishment of the Jewish State To
‘The Left’s Views on Israel: From the establishment of the Jewish state to the intifada’ Thesis submitted by June Edmunds for PhD examination at the London School of Economics and Political Science 1 UMI Number: U615796 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U615796 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 F 7377 POLITI 58^S8i ABSTRACT The British left has confronted a dilemma in forming its attitude towards Israel in the postwar period. The establishment of the Jewish state seemed to force people on the left to choose between competing nationalisms - Israeli, Arab and later, Palestinian. Over time, a number of key developments sharpened the dilemma. My central focus is the evolution of thinking about Israel and the Middle East in the British Labour Party. I examine four critical periods: the creation of Israel in 1948; the Suez war in 1956; the Arab-Israeli war of 1967 and the 1980s, covering mainly the Israeli invasion of Lebanon but also the intifada. In each case, entrenched attitudes were called into question and longer-term shifts were triggered in the aftermath. -
Subhash Chandra Bose and His Discourses: a Critical Reading”, Thesis Phd, Saurashtra University
Saurashtra University Re – Accredited Grade ‘B’ by NAAC (CGPA 2.93) Thanky, Peena, 2005, “Subhash Chandra Bose and his discourses: A Critical Reading”, thesis PhD, Saurashtra University http://etheses.saurashtrauniversity.edu/id/827 Copyright and moral rights for this thesis are retained by the author A copy can be downloaded for personal non-commercial research or study, without prior permission or charge. This thesis cannot be reproduced or quoted extensively from without first obtaining permission in writing from the Author. The content must not be changed in any way or sold commercially in any format or medium without the formal permission of the Author When referring to this work, full bibliographic details including the author, title, awarding institution and date of the thesis must be given. Saurashtra University Theses Service http://etheses.saurashtrauniversity.edu [email protected] © The Author SUBHASH CHANDRA BOSE AND HIS DISCOURSES: A CRITICAL READING A THESIS SUBMITTED TO SAURASHTRA UNIVERSITY, RAJKOT FOR THE DEGREE OF Doctor of Philosophy IN ENGLISH Supervised by: Submitted by: Dr. Kamal Mehta Mrs. Peena Thanky Professor, Sainik School, Smt. H. S. Gardi Institute of Balachadi. English & Comparative (Dist. Jamnagar) Literary Studies, Saurashtra University, Rajkot. 2005 1 SUBHAS CHANDRA BOSE 1897 - 1945 2 SMT. H. S. GARDI INSTITUTE OF ENGLISH & COMPARATIVE LITERARY STUDIES SAURASHTRA UNIVERSITY RAJKOT (GUJARAT) CERTIFICATE This is to certify that the work embodied in this thesis entitled "Subhash Chandra Bose and His Discourses : A Critical Reading" has been carried out by the candidate Mrs. Peena Thanky under my direct guidance and supervision for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy, in the Faculty of Arts of Saurashtra University, Rajkot. -
Hindutva and Anti-Muslim Communal Violence in India Under the Bharatiya Janata Party (1990-2010) Elaisha Nandrajog Claremont Mckenna College
Claremont Colleges Scholarship @ Claremont CMC Senior Theses CMC Student Scholarship 2010 Hindutva and Anti-Muslim Communal Violence in India Under the Bharatiya Janata Party (1990-2010) Elaisha Nandrajog Claremont McKenna College Recommended Citation Nandrajog, Elaisha, "Hindutva and Anti-Muslim Communal Violence in India Under the Bharatiya Janata Party (1990-2010)" (2010). CMC Senior Theses. Paper 219. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/219 This Open Access Senior Thesis is brought to you by Scholarship@Claremont. It has been accepted for inclusion in this collection by an authorized administrator. For more information, please contact [email protected]. CLAREMONT McKENNA COLLEGE HINDUTVA AND ANTI-MUSLIM COMMUNAL VIOLENCE IN INDIA UNDER THE BHARATIYA JANATA PARTY (1990-2010) SUBMITTED TO PROFESSOR RODERIC CAMP AND PROFESSOR GASTÓN ESPINOSA AND DEAN GREGORY HESS BY ELAISHA NANDRAJOG FOR SENIOR THESIS (Spring 2010) APRIL 26, 2010 2 CONTENTS Preface 02 List of Abbreviations 03 Timeline 04 Introduction 07 Chapter 1 13 Origins of Hindutva Chapter 2 41 Setting the Stage: Precursors to the Bharatiya Janata Party Chapter 3 60 Bharat : The India of the Bharatiya Janata Party Chapter 4 97 Mosque or Temple? The Babri Masjid-Ramjanmabhoomi Dispute Chapter 5 122 Modi and his Muslims: The Gujarat Carnage Chapter 6 151 Legalizing Communalism: Prevention of Terrorist Activities Act (2002) Conclusion 166 Appendix 180 Glossary 185 Bibliography 188 3 PREFACE This thesis assesses the manner in which India’s Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has emerged as the political face of Hindutva, or Hindu ethno-cultural nationalism. The insights of scholars like Christophe Jaffrelot, Ashish Nandy, Thomas Blom Hansen, Ram Puniyani, Badri Narayan, and Chetan Bhatt have been instrumental in furthering my understanding of the manifold elements of Hindutva ideology. -
Contributions of Lala Har Dayal As an Intellectual and Revolutionary
CONTRIBUTIONS OF LALA HAR DAYAL AS AN INTELLECTUAL AND REVOLUTIONARY ABSTRACT THESIS SUBMITTED FOR THE AWARD OF THE DEGREE OF ^ntiat ai pijtl000pi{g IN }^ ^ HISTORY By MATT GAOR CENTRE OF ADVANCED STUDY DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY ALIGARH MUSLIM UNIVERSITY ALIGARH (INDIA) 2007 ,,» '*^d<*'/. ' ABSTRACT India owes to Lala Har Dayal a great debt of gratitude. What he did intotality to his mother country is yet to be acknowledged properly. The paradox ridden Har Dayal - a moody idealist, intellectual, who felt an almost mystical empathy with the masses in India and America. He kept the National Independence flame burning not only in India but outside too. In 1905 he went to England for Academic pursuits. But after few years he had leave England for his revolutionary activities. He stayed in America and other European countries for 25 years and finally returned to England where he wrote three books. Har Dayal's stature was so great that its very difficult to put him under one mould. He was visionary who all through his life devoted to Boddhi sattava doctrine, rational interpretation of religions and sharing his erudite knowledge for the development of self culture. The proposed thesis seeks to examine the purpose of his returning to intellectual pursuits in England. Simultaneously the thesis also analyses the contemporary relevance of his works which had a common thread of humanism, rationalism and scientific temper. Relevance for his ideas is still alive as it was 50 years ago. He was true a patriotic who dreamed independence for his country. He was pioneer for developing science in laymen and scientific temper among youths. -
Read Book the Making of the Greek Genocide : Contested Memories Of
THE MAKING OF THE GREEK GENOCIDE : CONTESTED MEMORIES OF THE OTTOMAN GREEK CATASTROPHE PDF, EPUB, EBOOK Erik Sjoeberg | 266 pages | 23 Nov 2018 | Berghahn Books | 9781789200638 | English | Oxford, United Kingdom The Making of the Greek Genocide : Contested Memories of the Ottoman Greek Catastrophe PDF Book Like many intellectuals of his generation, Budzislawski lived through four political regimes in Europe and the United States. This epistemological stance may be fruitful but also undermines the very study of genocidal phenomena. This is an extremely thorough and thoughtful examination of the debate Sadly, as we see in this case, few states will overlook an opportunity for regional hegemony in order to intervene strongly for minority groups, particularly if the economic costs are perceived as too high. Sign in Don't already have an Oxford Academic account? Review of R. Email: akitroef haverford. Modern European History Seminar Blog. Finally, works on humanitarianism in the region are perhaps the closest to our own goals. The Making of the Greek Genocide examines how the idea of the "Greek genocide" emerged as a contested cultural trauma with nationalist and cosmopolitan dimensions. I trace the trajectory of this claim in the national setting of Greece as well as in the transnational Greek diaspora, and, finally, in the international context of genocide studies, and stresses its role in the complex negotiation between national ist memory and new forms of cosmopolitan remembrance. As is well known, a Romanian national movement developed in the nineteenth century, as a process accompanying the formation of an independent state alongside several others in Central and Southeastern Europe. -
August 15, 1947 the Saddest Day in Pondicherry
August 15, 1947 The saddest day in Pondicherry Claude Arpi April 2012 Background: India becomes Independent On August 15, 1947 a momentous change occurred on the sub-continent: India became independent, though divided. Nehru, as the first Prime Minister uttered some words which have gone down in history: Long years ago we made a tryst with destiny, and now the time comes when we shall redeem our pledge, not wholly or in full measure, but very substantially. At the stroke of the midnight hour, when the world sleeps, India will awake to life and freedom. A moment comes, which comes but rarely in history, when we step out from the old to the new, when an age ends, and when the soul of a nation, long suppressed, finds utterance. It is fitting that at this solemn moment we take the pledge of dedication to the service of India and her people and to the still larger cause of humanity. A few years ago, I studied the correspondence between the British Consul General in Pondicherry, Col. E.W Fletcher1 and the Indian Ministry of External Affairs and Commonwealth during these very special times. Fletcher who was the Indian Government’s informant in Pondicherry, still a French Colony, wrote to Delhi that the stroke of midnight did not change much in Pondicherry. Though technically the British Colonel was not supposed to have direct relations with the Government of India anymore, he continued to write to the Indian officials in Delhi. His correspondence was not even renumbered. His Secret Letter dated August 17, 1947 bears the reference D.O. -
Leo Amery at the India Office, 1940 – 1945
AN IMPERIALIST AT BAY: LEO AMERY AT THE INDIA OFFICE, 1940 – 1945 David Whittington A thesis submitted in part fulfilment of the requirements of the University of the West of England, Bristol For the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Faculty of Arts, Creative Industries and Education August 2015 TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT i ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS iii GLOSSARY iv INTRODUCTION 1 CHAPTERS I LITERATURE REVIEW 10 II AMERY’S VIEW OF ATTEMPTS AT INDIAN CONSTITUTIONAL 45 REFORM III AMERY FROM THE GOVERNMENT OF INDIA ACT OF 1935 75 UNTIL THE AUGUST OFFER OF 1940 IV FROM SATYAGRAHA TO THE ATLANTIC CHARTER 113 V THE CRIPPS MISSION 155 VI ‘QUIT INDIA’, GANDHI’S FAST AND SOCIAL REFORM 205 IN INDIA VII A SUCCESSOR TO LINLITHGOW, THE STERLING BALANCES 253 AND THE FOOD SHORTAGES VIII FINAL ATTEMPTS AT CONSTITUTIONAL REFORM BEFORE THE 302 LABOUR ELECTION VICTORY CONCLUSION 349 APPENDICES 362 LIST OF SOURCES CONSULTED 370 ABSTRACT Pressure for Indian independence had been building up throughout the early decades of the twentieth century, initially through the efforts of the Indian National Congress, but also later, when matters were complicated by an increasingly vocal Muslim League. When, in May 1940, Leo Amery was appointed by Winston Churchill as Secretary of State for India, an already difficult assignment had been made more challenging by the demands of war. This thesis evaluates the extent to which Amery’s ultimate failure to move India towards self-government was due to factors beyond his control, or derived from his personal shortcomings and errors of judgment. Although there has to be some analysis of politics in wartime India, the study is primarily of Amery’s attempts at managing an increasingly insurgent dependency, entirely from his metropolitan base.