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Rule of Law in Morocco: a Journey Towards a Better Judiciary Through the Implementation of the 2011 Constitutional Reforms
RULE OF LAW IN MOROCCO: A JOURNEY TOWARDS A BETTER JUDICIARY THROUGH THE IMPLEMENTATION OF THE 2011 CONSTITUTIONAL REFORMS Norman L. Greene I. OVERVIEW AND INTRODUCTION ........................ 458 A. Rule ofLaw and Judicial Reform ....................... 458 B. What Is a Good JudicialSystem: Basic Principles................459 C. The Key Elements: Independent Structure, Behavior and Education, andAccess ........................... 462 * Copyright C 2012 by Norman L. Greene. The author is a United States lawyer in New York, N.Y. who has written and spoken extensively on judicial reform, including judicial independence; the design of judicial selection systems and codes; and domestic and international concepts of the rule of law. See e.g., Norman L. Greene, The Judicial Independence Through Fair Appointments Act, 34 FORDHAM URB. L.J. 13 (2007) and his other articles referenced below, including Norman L. Greene, How Great Is America's Tolerancefor Judicial Bias? An Inquiry into the Supreme Court's Decisions in Caperton and Citizens United, Their Implicationsfor JudicialElections, and Their Effect on the Rule of Law in the United States, 112 W.VA. L. REV. 873 (2010), and Norman L. Greene, Perspectivesfrom the Rule of Law and InternationalEconomic Development: Are There Lessons for the Reform of Judicial Selection in the United States?, 86 DENV. U. L. REV. 53 (2008). He has previously written a number of articles regarding Morocco, including its judiciary, its history, and Moroccan-American affairs. His earlier article on the Moroccan judiciary was published before the adoption of the 2011 Moroccan constitutional reforms as Norman L. Greene, Morocco: Beyond King's Speech & Constitutional Reform: An Introduction to Implementing a Vision of an Improved Judiciary in Morocco, MOROCCOBOARD NEWS SERVICE (Apr. -
Human Rights in Western Sahara and in the Tindouf Refugee Camps
Morocco/Western Sahara/Algeria HUMAN Human Rights in Western Sahara RIGHTS and in the Tindouf Refugee Camps WATCH Human Rights in Western Sahara and in the Tindouf Refugee Camps Morocco/Western Sahara/Algeria Copyright © 2008 Human Rights Watch All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America ISBN: 1-56432-420-6 Cover design by Rafael Jimenez Human Rights Watch 350 Fifth Avenue, 34th floor New York, NY 10118-3299 USA Tel: +1 212 290 4700, Fax: +1 212 736 1300 [email protected] Poststraße 4-5 10178 Berlin, Germany Tel: +49 30 2593 06-10, Fax: +49 30 2593 0629 [email protected] Avenue des Gaulois, 7 1040 Brussels, Belgium Tel: + 32 (2) 732 2009, Fax: + 32 (2) 732 0471 [email protected] 64-66 Rue de Lausanne 1202 Geneva, Switzerland Tel: +41 22 738 0481, Fax: +41 22 738 1791 [email protected] 2-12 Pentonville Road, 2nd Floor London N1 9HF, UK Tel: +44 20 7713 1995, Fax: +44 20 7713 1800 [email protected] 27 Rue de Lisbonne 75008 Paris, France Tel: +33 (1)43 59 55 35, Fax: +33 (1) 43 59 55 22 [email protected] 1630 Connecticut Avenue, N.W., Suite 500 Washington, DC 20009 USA Tel: +1 202 612 4321, Fax: +1 202 612 4333 [email protected] Web Site Address: http://www.hrw.org December 2008 1-56432-420-6 Human Rights in Western Sahara and in the Tindouf Refugee Camps Map Of North Africa ....................................................................................................... 1 Summary...................................................................................................................... 2 Western Sahara ....................................................................................................... 3 Refugee Camps near Tindouf, Algeria ...................................................................... 8 Recommendations ...................................................................................................... 12 To the UN Security Council .................................................................................... -
Into the Tunnels
REPORT ARAB POLITICS BEYOND THE UPRISINGS Into the Tunnels The Rise and Fall of Syria’s Rebel Enclave in the Eastern Ghouta DECEMBER 21, 2016 — ARON LUND PAGE 1 In the sixth year of its civil war, Syria is a shattered nation, broken into political, religious, and ethnic fragments. Most of the population remains under the control of President Bashar al-Assad, whose Russian- and Iranian-backed Baʻath Party government controls the major cities and the lion’s share of the country’s densely populated coastal and central-western areas. Since the Russian military intervention that began in September 2015, Assad’s Syrian Arab Army and its Shia Islamist allies have seized ground from Sunni Arab rebel factions, many of which receive support from Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Turkey, or the United States. The government now appears to be consolidating its hold on key areas. Media attention has focused on the siege of rebel-held Eastern Aleppo, which began in summer 2016, and its reconquest by government forces in December 2016.1 The rebel enclave began to crumble in November 2016. Losing its stronghold in Aleppo would be a major strategic and symbolic defeat for the insurgency, and some supporters of the uprising may conclude that they have been defeated, though violence is unlikely to subside. However, the Syrian government has also made major strides in another besieged enclave, closer to the capital. This area, known as the Eastern Ghouta, is larger than Eastern Aleppo both in terms of area and population—it may have around 450,000 inhabitants2—but it has gained very little media interest. -
El Statu Quo De Perejil», Peace & Security – Paix Et Sécurité Internationales, No 9, 2021
PEACE & SECURITY – PAIX ET SÉCURITÉ INTERNATIONALES EuroMediterranean Journal of International Law and International Relations Issue 9, January-December 2021 | ISSN 2341-0868 DOI http://dx.doi.org/10.25267/Paix_secur_int.2021.i9.1503 Citation: PÉREZ-PRAT DURBAN, L: «España y Marruecos en el Estrecho de Gibraltar, el statu quo de Perejil», Peace & Security – Paix et Sécurité Internationales, No 9, 2021. Received: 13 July 2021. Accepted: 27 July 2021. ESPAÑA Y MARRUECOS EN EL ESTRECHO DE GIBRALTAR: EL STATU QUO DE PEREJIL Luis PÉREZ-PRAT DURBÁN1* I. PLANTEAMIENTO – II. SITUACIÓN GEOGRÁFICA, SITUACIÓN EN EL CONTENCIOSO – III. PORTUGAL Y PEREJIL – IV. ESPAÑA Y PEREJIL – V. MARRUECOS, ESPAÑA Y PEREJIL – VI. CONCLUSIONES RESUMEN: El incierto estatuto jurídico de la isla de Perejil, disputada por España y Marruecos, trae causa de una confusa historia que se retrotrae a los tiempos en que Ceuta pertenecía a Portugal. Por ello, para analizar los títulos españoles hay que examinar tanto los que se derivan de los actos portugueses en el islote como los desarrollados por España a lo largo de los siglos, desde el siglo XV. Y, posteriormente, es ineludible analizar la posición de Marruecos en el contencioso. Todo ello confluye en un statu quo indeterminado que se afianzó tras el incidente militar desencadenado entre España y Marruecos en 2002. PALABRAS CLAVE: Estrecho de Gibraltar; conflicto de la isla de Perejil; islote; adquisición de soberanía territorial; conquista; ocupación; prescripción adquisitiva. SPAIN AND MOROCCO IN THE STRAITS OF GIBRALTAR: THE STATU QUO OF PEREJIL ISLET ABSTRACT: The uncertain legal status of the island of Perejil, disputed by Spain and Morocco, brings about a confusing history that goes back to the times when Ceuta belonged to Portugal. -
Morocco: Current Issues
Morocco: Current Issues Alexis Arieff Analyst in African Affairs June 30, 2011 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RS21579 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress Morocco: Current Issues Summary The United States government views Morocco as an important ally against terrorism and a free trade partner. Congress appropriates foreign assistance funding for Morocco for counterterrorism and socioeconomic development, including funding in support of a five-year, $697.5 million Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC) aid program agreed to in 2007. Congress also reviews and authorizes Moroccan purchases of U.S. defense articles. King Mohammed VI retains supreme political power in Morocco, but has taken some liberalizing steps with uncertain effects. On June 17, the king announced he would submit a new draft constitution to a public referendum on July 1. The proposed constitution, which was drafted by a commission appointed by the king in March, aims to grant greater independence to the prime minister, the legislature, and the judiciary. Nevertheless, under the proposed constitution the king would retain significant executive powers, such as the ability to fire ministers and dissolve the parliament, and he would remain commander-in-chief of the armed forces. U.S. officials have expressed strong support for King Mohammed VI’s reform efforts and for the monarchy. Protests, which have been largely peaceful, have continued, however, with some activists criticizing the king’s control over the reform process and calling for more radical changes to the political system. Authorities have tolerated many of the protests, but in some cases security forces have used violence to disperse demonstrators and have beaten prominent activists. -
Marokkos Neue Regierung: Premierminister Abbas El Fassi Startet Mit Einem Deutlich Jüngeren Und Weiblicheren Kabinett
Marokkos neue Regierung: Premierminister Abbas El Fassi startet mit einem deutlich jüngeren und weiblicheren Kabinett Hajo Lanz, Büro Marokko • Die Regierungsbildung in Marokko gestaltete sich schwieriger als zunächst erwartet • Durch das Ausscheiden des Mouvement Populaire aus der früheren Koalition verfügt der Premierminister über keine stabile Mehrheit • Die USFP wird wiederum der Regierung angehören • Das neue Kabinett ist das vermutlich jüngste, in jedem Fall aber weiblichste in der Geschichte des Landes Am 15. Oktober 2007 wurde die neue ma- Was fehlte, war eigentlich nur noch die rokkanische Regierung durch König Mo- Verständigung darauf, wie diese „Re- hamed VI. vereidigt. Zuvor hatten sich die Justierung“ der Regierungszusammenset- Verhandlungen des am 19. September vom zung konkret aussehen sollte. Und genau König ernannten und mit der Regierungs- da gingen die einzelnen Auffassungen doch bildung beauftragten Premierministers Ab- weit auseinander bzw. aneinander vorbei. bas El Fassi als weitaus schwieriger und zä- her gestaltet, als dies zunächst zu erwarten Für den größten Gewinner der Wahlen vom gewesen war. Denn die Grundvorausset- 7. September, Premierminister El Fassi und zungen sind alles andere als schlecht gewe- seiner Istiqlal, stand nie außer Zweifel, die sen: Die Protagonisten und maßgeblichen Zusammenarbeit mit dem größten Wahlver- Träger der letzten Koalitionsregierung (Istiq- lierer, der sozialistischen USFP unter Füh- lal, USFP, PPS, RNI, MP) waren sich einig rung von Mohamed Elyazghi, fortführen zu darüber, die gemeinsame Arbeit, wenn wollen. Nur die USFP selbst war sich da in auch unter neuer Führung und eventuell nicht so einig: Während die Basis den Weg neuer Gewichtung der Portfolios, fortfüh- die Opposition („Diktat der Urne“) präfe- ren zu wollen. -
Visites De Responsables Russes Au Maroc Depuis L`Intronisation De SM Le Roi Mohammed VI (1999-2017)
Visites de responsables Russes au Maroc depuis l`intronisation de SM le Roi Mohammed VI (1999-2017) 5 juin 2000 Visite au Maroc de M.Vassily Sredine, vice-ministre russe des affaires étrangères, porteur d’un message du Président russe Vladimir Poutine à SM le Roi Mohammed VI. 23 janvier 2002 Visite au Maroc de M.Viatcheslav Volokh, vice-président du comité d’état russe des pêches. 18 février 2002 Visite au Maroc de M.Yury Pavlenko, premier vice-ministre russe des télécommunications et de l’informatisation, dans le cadre des préparatifs de la conférence des délégués de l’Union Internationale des Télécommunications, prévue à Marrakech. 2-3 avril 2002 Visite de travail au Maroc de M.Igor Ivanov, ministre russe des affaires étrangères, au cours de laquelle il a été reçu par SM le Roi Mohammed VI. Lors de cette audience le chef de la diplomatie russe a remis au Souverain un message du Président russe, M.Vladimir Poutine. 3 juillet 2002 Entretiens à Rabat entre le ministre des affaires étrangères et de la coopération, M.Mohamed Benaissa et le représentant du ministre russe des affaires étrangères, M.Dolgov Konstantin. 29-30 octobre 2002 L’académicien Evgueni Primakov, ancien Premier ministre russe et président de la chambre de commerce et d’industrie de la Fédération de Russie, effectue une visite au Maroc au cours de laquelle il a été reçu par SM le Roi Mohammed VI. M.Primakov s’est également entretenu avec le ministre des affaires étrangères et de la coopération, M.Mohamed Benaissa. 1er-6 novembre 2002. -
Suihkomilja.Pdf (1.297Mt)
Milja Suihko SEPARATED BY A WALL – Narratives of Sahrawi Nationalism and Nation-Building Tampere Peace Research Institute, TAPRI Pro Gradu June 2019 ABSTRACT Milja Suihko: SEPARATED BY A WALL – Narratives of Sahrawi Nationalism and Nation-Building Pro Gradu Tampere University Master’s Degree Programme in Peace, Mediation and Conflict Research (PEACE) June 2019 The Western Sahara conflict is one of the most prolonged ones of our time. Finding a resolution to the frozen conflict, which made the news headlines close to 50 years ago, has recently gotten new hope with the ongoing United Nations led peace talks. The Special Envoy for Western Sahara, the former President of Germany, Horst Köhler, has met with all the conflict parties several times and opened the table for a potential new peace agreement in the December of 2018. Similar to other prolonged tragedies of the humankind, the Western Sahara conflict has as many different storytellers as there are people speaking about the conflict. The situation, which is often being framed as a power rivalry between Algeria and Morocco, two neighboring regional powers in North Africa, proves itself to be another story from the perspective of the so-called Polisario Front “refugee citizens”, the Sahrawis. The Sahrawis, an indigenous nation of the former Spain governed area of the Western Sahara, was given a promise from the UN in 1991 about a referendum, where they would have a say in the destiny of their own land and the independence of the nation. Unfortunately, the UN was not able to keep that promise. Questions of who are the “real Sahrawis” and who has the right to vote in the referendum became bigger issues than that of the rights of the Sahrawis to decide about their independence. -
On the Universal Children's
On the Universal Children’s Day: No fewer than 28,226 Children Have been Killed in Syria since March 2011 No Stability in Syria and the Region Without Stability for its Children Tuesday, November 20, 2018 1 snhr [email protected] www.sn4hr.org R181113 The Syrian Network for Human Rights (SNHR), founded in June 2011, is a non-governmental, independent group that is considered a primary source for the OHCHR on all death toll-related analyses in Syria. Contents I. Introduction and Methodology II. Toll of Violations against Children according to SNHR’s Database III. Patterns of Violations against Children by the Parties to the Conflict IV. Conclusions and Recommendations I.Introduction and Methodology One of the most significant, and unfortunate highlights of the eight-year long popular up- rising for democracy in Syria, which has subsequently transformed into an internal armed conflict, is the international community’s unprecedented abandonment of the Syrian people on all levels, which has vastly complicated the ramifications of this conflict and the form which the future of Syria will take. This can be seen in no starker way than in the case of the children of Syria. We have documented the most notable violations to which the children in Syria, as well as in some of the refuging countries, have been subjected to in our database, including dozens of reports that reflect our database and which contain statistical data, accounts, photos, and documents on the most dangerous incidents that the children of Syria have experi- enced. We stress, however, that these risks affect not only the children’s physical or mental health, and their education and medical care, but manifest themselves on a vastly more profound emotional and psychological level, leaving deep-rooted scars in their memories and shaping their identities in a distorted manner, which will surface ultimately in their fu- tures. -
Human Rights in Western Sahara and in the Tindouf Refugee Camps
Human Rights in Western Sahara and in the Tindouf Refugee Camps Morocco/Western Sahara/Algeria Copyright © 2008 Human Rights Watch All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America ISBN: 1-56432-420-6 Cover design by Rafael Jimenez Human Rights Watch 350 Fifth Avenue, 34th floor New York, NY 10118-3299 USA Tel: +1 212 290 4700, Fax: +1 212 736 1300 [email protected] Poststraße 4-5 10178 Berlin, Germany Tel: +49 30 2593 06-10, Fax: +49 30 2593 0629 [email protected] Avenue des Gaulois, 7 1040 Brussels, Belgium Tel: + 32 (2) 732 2009, Fax: + 32 (2) 732 0471 [email protected] 64-66 Rue de Lausanne 1202 Geneva, Switzerland Tel: +41 22 738 0481, Fax: +41 22 738 1791 [email protected] 2-12 Pentonville Road, 2nd Floor London N1 9HF, UK Tel: +44 20 7713 1995, Fax: +44 20 7713 1800 [email protected] 27 Rue de Lisbonne 75008 Paris, France Tel: +33 (1)43 59 55 35, Fax: +33 (1) 43 59 55 22 [email protected] 1630 Connecticut Avenue, N.W., Suite 500 Washington, DC 20009 USA Tel: +1 202 612 4321, Fax: +1 202 612 4333 [email protected] Web Site Address: http://www.hrw.org December 2008 1-56432-420-6 Human Rights in Western Sahara and in the Tindouf Refugee Camps Map Of North Africa ....................................................................................................... 1 Summary...................................................................................................................... 2 Western Sahara ....................................................................................................... 3 Refugee Camps near Tindouf, Algeria ...................................................................... 8 Recommendations ...................................................................................................... 12 To the UN Security Council ..................................................................................... 12 Recommendations to the Government of Morocco .................................................. 12 Recommendations Regarding Human Rights in the Tindouf Camps ........................ -
Foreign Fighters, Social Embeddedness, and Combatant Repertoires of Behavior During Civil War
University of Denver Digital Commons @ DU Electronic Theses and Dissertations Graduate Studies 1-1-2019 When Do Ties Bind? Foreign Fighters, Social Embeddedness, and Combatant Repertoires of Behavior During Civil War Pauline Luz Moore University of Denver Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.du.edu/etd Part of the Eastern European Studies Commons, International Relations Commons, and the Peace and Conflict Studies Commons Recommended Citation Moore, Pauline Luz, "When Do Ties Bind? Foreign Fighters, Social Embeddedness, and Combatant Repertoires of Behavior During Civil War" (2019). Electronic Theses and Dissertations. 1542. https://digitalcommons.du.edu/etd/1542 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate Studies at Digital Commons @ DU. It has been accepted for inclusion in Electronic Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ DU. For more information, please contact [email protected],[email protected]. When do Ties Bind? Foreign Fighters, Social Embeddedness, and Combatant Repertoires of Behavior during Civil War _______________ A Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of the Josef Korbel School of International Studies _______________ In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy _______________ by Pauline L. Moore March 2019 Advisor: Deborah Avant ©Copyright by Pauline L. Moore 2019 All rights reserved. Author: Pauline L. Moore Title: When do Ties Bind? Foreign Fighters, Social Embeddedness, and Combatant Repertoires -
Control Orders Strengthening National Security C O
ISBN 978-0-9560013-8-2 Control Orders Strengthening National Security C o Control Orders n t r o Robin Simcox l Strengthening National Security O r d e r s : Control orders allow the state to place restrictions on terrorist suspects S t r e who cannot be deported or prosecuted. The system is often derided n g t h as an affront to human rights, and key members of the new coalition e n i n government have been fiercely critical of it. g N a t i o n However, the individuals placed under control order are widely a l S e acknowledged in British courts as being national security threats. c u r i t They have included members of al-Qaeda and other proscribed groups; y convicted terrorists; and those committed to training and fighting for jihad abroad. Control Orders: Strengthening National Security reviews the evidence provided in court as to why these individuals have been placed under control order. It highlights the seriousness of the threat they are assessed to pose, and makes the case that politicians should be strengthening the state’s ability to reduce the terrorist threat. R The Centre for Social Cohesion o b i Clutha House, 10 Storey’s Gate, London SW1P 3AY n Tel: +44 (0)20 722 28 909 S i Fax: +44 (0)56 015 27 476 m c Email: [email protected] o www.socialcohesion.co.uk £10.00 x CONTROL ORDERS STRENGTHENING NATIONAL SECURITY Robin Simcox 2010 The Centre for Social Cohesion Clutha House, 10 Storey’s Gate London SW1P 3AY Tel: +44 (0)20 7222 8909 Fax: +44 (0)5 601527476 Email: [email protected] www.socialcohesion.co.uk The Centre for Social Cohesion Limited by guarantee Registered in England and Wales: No.