Foreign Fighters, Social Embeddedness, and Combatant Repertoires of Behavior During Civil War
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The War in Bosnia and Herzegovina Or the Unacceptable Lightness of “Historicism”
The War in Bosnia and Herzegovina Or the Unacceptable Lightness of “Historicism” Davor Marijan War Museum, Zagreb, Republic of Croatia Abstract The author in this study does not intend to provide a comprehensive account of the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina, in part because the cur- rent level of research does not enable this. The only way to understand this conflict is through facts, not prejudices. However, such prejudices are particularly acute amongst Muslim-Bosniac authors. They base their claims on the notion that Serbs and Croats are the destroyers of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and that both are equally culpable in its destruction. Relying on mainly unpublished and uncited documents from the three constitutive nations of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the author factually chal- lenges basic and generally accepted claims. The author offers alternative responses to certain claims and draws attention to the complexity of the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina, which has been mainly viewed in terms of black or white. The author does, however, suggest that in considering the character of the war it is necessary to examine first the war in Croatia and the inter-relationship between the two. The main focus is on 1992 and the Muslim and Croat differences that developed into open conflict at the beginning of 1993. The role of the international community in the war and the partition of Bosnia and Herzegovina are also discussed. At the end of the 20th century in Europe and the eclipse of Communism from the world political scene, it is not easy to trace the indelible marks left behind after the collapse of Yugoslavia and the wars that ensued. -
08-09-15 Prosecutor V. Delic Judgement FINAL Without Maps.…
UNITED NATIONS International Tribunal for the Case No. IT-04-83-T Prosecution of Persons Responsible for Serious Violations of Date: 15 September 2008 International Humanitarian Law Committed in the Territory of the Former Yugoslavia since 1991 Original: English IN TRIAL CHAMBER I Before: Judge Bakone Justice Moloto, Presiding Judge Frederik Harhoff Judge Flavia Lattanzi Registrar: Mr. Hans Holthuis Judgement of: 15 September 2008 PROSECUTOR v. RASIM DELI] PUBLIC JUDGEMENT The Office of the Prosecutor: Mr. Daryl Mundis Ms. Laurie Sartorio Mr. Matthias Neuner Mr. Kyle Wood Mr. Aditya Menon Counsel for the Accused: Ms. Vasvija Vidovi} Mr. Nicholas Robson Case No. IT-04-83-T 15September 2008 CONTENTS I. INTRODUCTION..........................................................................................................................1 A. THE ACCUSED RASIM DELIĆ ........................................................................................................1 B. THE CASE AGAINST RASIM DELIĆ ................................................................................................2 1. Alleged Crimes at Maline/Bikoši (June 1993).........................................................................2 2. Alleged Crimes at Livade and Kamenica Camp (July - August 1995) ...................................3 3. Alleged Crimes at Kesten and Kamenica Camp (September 1995)........................................4 C. GENERAL CONSIDERATIONS REGARDING THE EVALUATION OF EVIDENCE ..................................6 II. APPLICABLE LAW ..................................................................................................................10 -
Foreign Military Studies Office Publications
WARNING! The views expressed in FMSO publications and reports are those of the authors and do not necessarily represent the official policy or position of the Department of the Army, Department of Defense, or the U.S. Government. Selling the Bosnian Myth to America: Buyer Beware by LTC John E. Sray, U.S. Army October 1995 "One man who minds his own business is more valuable to the world than 10,000 cocksure moralists." H. L. Mencken "The creation of a Serbian Republic within Bosnia is a victory for racist fanatics." (Anthony Lewis) "A 'political solution' in the Balkans is Orwellian diplo-speak for yielding land to Serbia that it seized by indiscriminate violence." (Albert Wohlstetter) "We should arm the victims of aggression." (William Safire)1 This type of advocacy rhetoric regarding the Bosnian Muslim government in Sarajevo finally grew sufficiently deafening to dupe NATO into prosecuting the civil war against the Bosnian Serbs. These words stirred souls and ignited passions but frequently bore little resemblance to reality. In fact, America has not been so pathetically deceived since Robert McNamara helped to micromanage and escalate the Vietnam War while secretly lacking the intestinal fortitude to state his personal convictions of self-doubt about the enterprise to the President and nation.2 Popular perceptions pertaining to the Bosnian Muslim government (Bosniacs as they prefer to be called) have been forged by a prolific propaganda machine. A strange combination of three major spin doctors, including public relations (PR) firms in the employ of the Bosniacs, media pundits, and sympathetic elements of the U.S. -
Terrorist Threats by Balkans Radical Islamist to International Security
Darko Trifunović1 Оригинални научни рад University of Belgrade UDK 323.285:28]:355.02(497) Serbia Milan Mijalkovski2 University of Belgrade Serbia TERRORIST THREATS BY BALKANS RADICAL ISLAMIST TO INTERNATIONAL SECURITY Abstract The decade-long armed conflict in the Balkans from 1991 to 2001, greatly misrepresented in the Western public, were the biggest defeat for the peoples of the former Yugoslavia, a great defeat for Europe - but a victory for global jihad. Radical Islamists used the wars to recruit a large number of Sunni Muslims in the Balkans (Bosnian and Herzagovina and Albanian) for the cause of political Islam and militant Jihad. Converts to Wahhabi Islam not only provide recruits for the so-called “White Al-Qaeda,” but also exhibit growing territorial claims and seek the establishment of a “Balkan Caliphate.” Powers outside the Balkans re- gard this with indifference or even tacit approval. Radical Islamist activity is en- dangering the security of not only Serbia, Macedonia, Montenegro and Bosnia- Herzegovina, but also Europe and the world. Key Words: Balkans, Wahhabi, Salafi, radical Islamist, terrorism, Al-Qaeda Introduction In order to understand correctly the ongoing processes in the Islamic circles in the Balkans, it is necessary to understand all processes that occurred and occur in the Middle East and its circles of Islamic fundamentalists. Balkans’ groups of Islamic fundamentalists are inextricably connected with organizations of Islamic fundamentalists originating from the Middle East. Early as 1989, Prof. dr Miroljub Jevtić, one of the most eminent political scientists of religion, had been warning on danger and connection of the Middle East Islamic fundamen- talists with the ones on the Balkans sharing the same ideas3. -
Radical Settlements in the Balkan
International security 159 Nóra Pákozdi – György Nógrádi: RADICAL SETTLEMENTS IN THE BALKAN ABSTRACT: The disintegration of Yugoslavia left ponderously operating small states behind. During the process of disintegration, radical movements of the Balkans were given a boost, which is – in addition to several influencing factors – one of the direct causes of the recent radicalization. Among the Balkan countries,1 the most affected ones are Bosnia and Herze- govina and Kosovo, but radicalism also influences the society and administration of Albania, Macedonia and Serbia. The (mainly) Muslim communities’ extremism posed a complex problem before the current wave of immigration, many operating groups in the Balkans built up close links with Middle-Eastern fundamentalist organizations (mostly with Al-Qaeda and ISIS), and organized criminal and terrorist acts in Europe as a forward base of the fun- damentalist centers. A new global threat is the recruitment and travel of foreign fighters to Syria and Iraq, to the Islamic State and other terrorist organizations’ training camps, besides the uncontrolled influx and the blending of possible fighters among the operating European groups also poses a huge risk. This process is significantly easier, as the foreign recruiters only have to keep in touch with the local centers’ leaders, who can provide a constant supply of human force and equipment. Thereby, the radical Muslim communities’ empowerment and isolation are not only a daily threat in Western Europe (especially Belgium and France), but also might lead to the destabilization and radicalization of the Balkans. The analysis shows examples of the Western Balkans’ fundamentalism by countries, localizes villages and towns with fundamentalist majority, and outlines the influence of the centers’ ideologies. -
Jihad in a World of Sovereigns: Law, Violence, and Islam in the Bosnia Crisis
Law & Social Inquiry Volume 41, Issue 2, 371–401, Spring 2016 Jihad in a World of Sovereigns: Law, Violence, and Islam in the Bosnia Crisis Darryl Li This article argues that jihads waged in recent decades by “foreign fighter” volunteers invoking a sense of global Islamic solidarity can be usefully understood as attempts to enact an alternative to the interventions of the “International Community.” Drawing from ethnographic and archival research on Arab volunteers who joined the 1992–1995 war in Bosnia-Herzegovina, this article highlights the challenges and dilemmas facing such jihad fighters as they maneuvered at the edges of diverse legal orders, including international and Islamic law. Jihad fighters appealed to a divine authority above the global nation-state order while at the same time rooting themselves in that order through affiliation with the sovereign and avowedly secular nation-state of Bosnia-Herzegovina. This article demonstrates an innovative approach to law, violence, and Islam that critically situates states and nonstate actors in relation to one another in transnational perspective. INTRODUCTION In recent decades, the phenomenon of jihad has attracted widespread notori- ety, especially insofar as the term has been invoked by transnational nonstate groups fighting in various conflicts. In Afghanistan, Chechnya, Iraq, Somalia, Syria, and elsewhere, so-called foreign fighter Muslim volunteers have gathered from all over the world in the name of waging jihad. Such foreign fighters have been the paradigmatic enemy invoked by the United States and other governments to justify their respective campaigns against alleged terrorism. What is the relationship between jihad and law in today’s world? Jihad is com- monly understood as entailing a repudiation of secular formsB of law in favor of a commitment to imposing classical Islamic law, or the sharı¯a. -
Control Orders Strengthening National Security C O
ISBN 978-0-9560013-8-2 Control Orders Strengthening National Security C o Control Orders n t r o Robin Simcox l Strengthening National Security O r d e r s : Control orders allow the state to place restrictions on terrorist suspects S t r e who cannot be deported or prosecuted. The system is often derided n g t h as an affront to human rights, and key members of the new coalition e n i n government have been fiercely critical of it. g N a t i o n However, the individuals placed under control order are widely a l S e acknowledged in British courts as being national security threats. c u r i t They have included members of al-Qaeda and other proscribed groups; y convicted terrorists; and those committed to training and fighting for jihad abroad. Control Orders: Strengthening National Security reviews the evidence provided in court as to why these individuals have been placed under control order. It highlights the seriousness of the threat they are assessed to pose, and makes the case that politicians should be strengthening the state’s ability to reduce the terrorist threat. R The Centre for Social Cohesion o b i Clutha House, 10 Storey’s Gate, London SW1P 3AY n Tel: +44 (0)20 722 28 909 S i Fax: +44 (0)56 015 27 476 m c Email: [email protected] o www.socialcohesion.co.uk £10.00 x CONTROL ORDERS STRENGTHENING NATIONAL SECURITY Robin Simcox 2010 The Centre for Social Cohesion Clutha House, 10 Storey’s Gate London SW1P 3AY Tel: +44 (0)20 7222 8909 Fax: +44 (0)5 601527476 Email: [email protected] www.socialcohesion.co.uk The Centre for Social Cohesion Limited by guarantee Registered in England and Wales: No. -
Expert Opinion: on the War Connections of Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina (1991 – 1995)
God. 36., br. 2., 249.-289. Zagreb, 2004 UDC: 355. 45 (497.6) “1991/1995” Expert Opinion: On the War Connections of Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina (1991 – 1995) DAVOR MARIJAN Croatian Institute of History, Zagreb, Republic of Croatia What was the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina? The answer of this question depends on the approach to the last war that has taken place in and around BiH. By that I am referring to the period of the historical defeat of communism, the period of 1991 – 1995, ie the crisis of Yugoslavia and the war instigated by the proponents of Greater Serbian expansion, but I am also referring to the still lasting period of post Dayton Bosnia and Herzegovina as a direct consequence of the cessation of the war, and the incompleteness of the conflict concerning Bosnia and Herzegovina. Until the summer of 1990, Bosnia and Herzegovina was one of the six republics of the Socialist Federative Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRJ), which dif- fered from the others because its population consisted of three equal nations. It November 1943 Bosnia and Herzegovina was defined as “neither Serbian, nor Croatian, nor Muslim – but at the same time Serbian, and Croatian, and Muslim” with a complete equality of all the “Serbs, Muslims, and Croats”.1 It was in that fashion that the solution of the national issue was proclaimed, and such Bosnia and Herzegovina existed from 1945 to 1990. The claim that the national issues had been solved was undisputable until mid-eighties, when the oppressive system displayed obvious signs of caving in. -
Bosnia and Herzegovina Page 1 of 24
Bosnia and Herzegovina Page 1 of 24 Bosnia and Herzegovina Country Reports on Human Rights Practices - 2001 Released by the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor March 4, 2002 The 1995 General Framework Agreement for Peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina (the Dayton Accords) ended the 1991-95 war and created the independent state of Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH), previously one of the constituent republics of Yugoslavia. The agreement also created two multiethnic constituent entities within the state: the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina (the Federation) and the Republika Srpska (RS). The Federation has a postwar Bosnian Muslim (Bosniak) and Croat majority while the RS has a postwar Bosnian Serb majority. The Constitution (Annex 4 of the Dayton Accords) established a central government with a bicameral legislature, a three-member presidency (consisting of a Bosniak, a Serb, and a Croat), a council of ministers, a constitutional court, and a central bank. The Accords assigned many governmental functions to the two entities, which have their own governments, parliaments, and police forces. The Accords also provided for the Office of the High Representative (OHR) to oversee implementation of civilian provisions. The High Representative also has the power to impose legislation and remove officials who obstruct the implementation of the Dayton Accords. In the Federation, the President appoints the Prime Minister subject to parliamentary approval. The Federation Parliament is bicameral. Federation structures continued to be implemented only gradually. Serious ethnic and political rivalries continued to divide Croats and Bosniaks. Parallel Bosniak and Croat government structures continued to exist in practice in some areas of the Federation. -
Ending Civil Wars: Ending Civil Wars: Tanisha M
on the horizon: Dædalus Unfolding Futures: Indigenous Ways of Knowing for the Twenty-First Century edited by Ned Blackhawk, K. Tsianina Lomawaima, Bryan McKinley Jones Brayboy, Philip J. Deloria, Loren Ghiglione, Douglas Medin, and Mark Trahant Heidi Kiiwetinepinesiik Stark, Kekek Jason Stark, Amy E. Den Ouden, Rosita Kaaháni Worl, Heather Kendall-Miller, Noelani Goodyear-Ka’ōpua, Winter 2018 Ending Civil Wars : Constraints & Possibilities : Constraints Winter 2018 Ending Civil Wars Bryan Kamaoli Kuwada, Nanibaa’ Garrison, Dædalus Arianne E. Eason, Laura M. Brady, Stephanie Fryberg, Cherly Crazy Bull, Justin Guillory, Gary Sandefur, Journal of the American Academy of Arts & Sciences Kyle Powys Whyte, Megan Bang, Ananda Marin, Winter 2018 Teresa McCarty, Sheila E. Nicholas, Kari A. B. Chew, Natalie G. Diaz, Wesley Y. Leonard, and Louellyn White Anti-Corruption: Best Practices Ending Civil Wars: edited by Robert I. Rotberg Constraints & Possibilities Science & the Legal System edited by Shari Diamond and Richard Lempert Karl Eikenberry & Stephen D. Krasner, guest editors with Francis Fukuyama Tanisha M. Fazal · Stathis N. Kalyvas Charles T. Call & Susanna P. Campbell · Lyse Doucet Thomas Risse & Eric Stollenwerk · Clare Lockhart Representing the intellectual community in its breadth Tanja A. Börzel & Sonja Grimm · Steven Heydemann and diversity, Dædalus explores the frontiers of Seyoum Mesfi n & Abdeta Dribssa Beyene knowledge and issues of public importance. Nancy E. Lindborg & J. Joseph Hewitt Richard Gowan & Stephen John Stedman Sumit Ganguly · Jean-Marie Guéhenno U.S. $15; www.amacad.org; @americanacad Dædalus Journal of the American Academy of Arts & Sciences “Ending Civil Wars: Constraints & Possibilities” Volume 147, Number 1; Winter 2018 Karl Eikenberry & Stephen D. -
Felderítő Szemle
KATONAI NEMZETBIZTONSÁGI SZOLGÁLAT XV. évfolyam 3. szám 2016. november FELDERÍTŐ SZEMLE ALAPÍTVA: 2002 BUDAPEST A Katonai Nemzetbiztonsági Szolgálat tudományos-szakmai folyóirata Felelős kiadó Kovács József altábornagy, főigazgató Szerkesztőbizottság Elnök: Dr. Béres János vezérőrnagy Tagok: Dezső Sándor dandártábornok Dr. Magyar István ny. dandártábornok Dr. Tömösváry Zsigmond ny. dandártábornok Deák Anita alezredes Dr. Fürjes János alezredes Háry Szabolcs alezredes Dr. Magyar Sándor alezredes Dr. Tóth Sándor alezredes Dr. Vida Csaba alezredes A kézirat lezárva: 2016. november 30. Felelős szerkesztő: Deák Anita alezredes Olvasószerkesztő: Gál Csaba ny. ezredes Tördelőszerkesztő: Ivanovits Györgyi Dorina HU ISSN 1588-242X TARTALOM BIZTONSÁGPOLITIKA NÓGRÁDI GYÖRGY BOSNYÁK RADIKALIZMUS AUSZTRIÁBAN ................................... 5 PROF. DR. NAGY LÁSZLÓ NY. EZREDES– DR. TÖMÖSVÁRY ZSIGMOND NY. DANDÁRTÁBORNOK AZ OROSZORSZÁGI FÖDERÁCIÓ BIZTONSÁGPOLOTIKAI DOKUMENTUMAI (ÖSSZEHASONLÍTÓ ELEMZÉS) ........................................................ 21 PROF. DR. SZENES ZOLTÁN NY. VEZÉREZREDES A STRATÉGIA ÚJRAGONDOLÁSA ................................................... 48 HÍRSZERZÉS–FELDERÍTÉS DR. VIDA CSABA ALEZREDES A HÍRSZERZÉSI ÁGAK ELEMZŐ–ÉRTÉKELŐ MEGKÖZELÍTÉSE ................................................................................ 77 LAKATOS ZSOLT ALEZREDES AZ EU FELDERÍTŐ-INFORMÁCIÓS RENDSZER KIHÍVÁSAI ÉS SZEREPE A VÁLSÁGKEZELÉSBEN ..................... 94 ORSZÁGISMERTETŐ HÁRY SZABOLCS ALEZREDES CENTRIFUGÁLIS ÉS CENTRIPETÁLIS -
Geopolitical Influences of External Powers in the Western Balkans
Geopolitical Influences of External Powers in the Western Balkans HCSS Security Geopolitical Influences of External Powers in the Western Balkans Dr. Arlinda Rrustemi, Professor Rob de Wijk, Connor Dunlop, Jovana Perovska, Lirije Palushi Contributors: Willem Oosterveld, Matthew Phillips, Hannes Roos, Bernhard Schneider, Hugo van Manen, Bart Schermers, Michel Rademaker, Dylan Browne-Wilkinson Special thanks to Jonathan D. Moyer for providing the FBIC dataset used in this report. The Hague Centre for Strategic Studies 1 Geopolitical Influences of External Powers in the Western Balkans Executive Summary This report examines how and to what extent multiple external actors are increasing their influence over the political elites and peoples of Western Balkans countries. It considers economic, political, religious cultural and security-related factors, and their impact on the future of peace and state-building processes. Increasingly, Eastern actors have been using hybrid threats (disinformation warfare, covert operations to win the hearts and minds of the population by Russia), spreading violent extremism (Gulf countries), potentially debt-trapping some Western Balkans countries (China), violating the EU laws on arms trade (Gulf countries) and implementing identity reengineering (Gulf countries, Iran, Russia, Turkey) in order to advance their geopolitical interests. Indeed, the Eastern actors often adopt a holistic approach in focusing on winning hearts and minds of the Western Balkans population. These security risks can derail the stability of the region in the long term with negative ramifications towards the EU and NATO integration processes as well as EU regional policies. For instance, it has been found that for political reasons, the West is now less attractive to the Western Balkans.