Report of the Aluka Committee on Possible Sources of Documentation for the Aluka Intellectual Architecture

Gerald Mazarire, Alois Mlambo, Terence Ranger

December 2005

Editor's note: The Aluka Zimbabwe Advisory Committee was organized in 2005 to advise Aluka on selecting relevant content about Zimbabwe for Aluka's Struggles for Freedom in Southern project. This edited report was the outcome of a meeting of several members of the Committee held on November 26-27, 2005 in Pretoria, . It is structured around the seven main categories of a cross-regional intellectual architecture developed by Aluka's advisors as a framework for selecting content across the region (the seven categories were subsequently consolidated to five categories). An article published in Africa Today (Volume 52, Number 2, Winter 2005), "Digitization, History, and the Making of a Postcolonial Archive of Southern African Liberation Struggles: The Aluka Project," by Allen lsaacman, Premesh Lalu, and Thomas Nygren, provides a general description of the intellectual architecture and the Aluka project. It is also available on the Aluka website at http://www.aluka.org/page/content/struggles/AfricaTodayArticle .

The body of this report is organized around the seven parts of Aluka's provisional intellectual architecture, which are:

(i) State repression, reactions and adaptations;

(ii) Conflict and resistance in civil society;

(iii) Internal and contested histories within and between liberation movements;

(iv) Regional and international perspectives;

(v) Southern Africa's thirty-year war;

(vi) Producing knowledge/contested accounts;

(vii) Politics of identity.

In addition to these seven major categories, is one called 'life histories.' The Committee does not wish to recommend this be kept as a distinct section but would rather have biographies and personal reminiscences scattered throughout the other parts. To that end, the appendix to this report contains a list of biographies, designed to include political, trade union, religious, cultural and military leaders, and to give representation to women and to both reactionary and radical whites. The appendix also lists a number of important sources of oral testimonies.

The report focuses in most detail on Parts One through Three. Parts Four through Seven are discussed in more general terms and are intended as a provisional starting point for further comment. The Committee also recommends that a more comprehensive introduction be written for each part of the architecture.

Part One: State Repression, Reactions And Adaptations

 The original draft of Aluka's intellectual architecture (from May 2004) was written with South Africa in mind. Hence in this section the major thrust was to explore the apartheid regime as ideology and practice. A very great deal has been written about this. By contrast relatively little has been written about the ideology of the Rhodesian regimes. Over the period covered by the Aluka project one political party ruled South Africa in the name of a single ideology. Over the same period in Zimbabwe the country was until 1963 part of a Federation and its government subscribed to the ideology of 'partnership'; thereafter it was controlled by the Front under an ideology which combined 'community development', renewed segregation and neo-traditionalism. In the last part of the period there was recourse to martial law. Throughout the period there were influx controls in the urban areas and successive schemes of re-organisation in the rural areas. This part therefore has to combine an examination of changing ideologies and practices with a study of underlying and continuous structures.

Rhodesia was often contrasted with South Africa, not least by the South African government itself, for lacking any worked-out and consistent ideology. Nevertheless we think it important to set out the ideas behind white minority rule and also to explore the changing means by which the Rhodesian state sought to achieve African assent.

Up to 1963 these took the form of modern versions of the old imperial ideology of 'equal rights for all civilised men' and the ambiguous doctrine of 'partnership'. In this period the state sought to achieve the assent of African elites through provision of more and higher education for Africans, development of lease-hold and eventually free-hold schemes in the cities, and the creation by means of the Land Husbandry Act of a 'prosperous peasantry'. In this period chiefs were of little importance. There was a symbolic change from the Department of Native Affairs to the Department of Internal Affairs.

The crucial allies were seen as the African urban and rural middle classes at whom 'Build A Nation' campaigns were aimed, who were offered the vote in heavily qualified franchises, who were promised a very slow dismantling of urban segregation and eventually were even to be offered the chance to acquire land in the areas hitherto reserved for Europeans by the repeal of the Land Apportionment Act. This 'liberalism' was accompanied by authoritarian control of the majority of Africans in town and countryside and by repression of those who advocated the alternative ideals of a mass franchise and African majority rule. Sir Edgar Whitehead's 'liberalism' was accompanied by the Emergency of 1959, by show trials, by detention and restriction and by the passage of coercive legislation like the Law and Order (Maintenance) Act.

By 1961 it had become clear that the 'liberal' paradigm had failed. Federation was breaking up. The most highly educated Africans had joined and were leading the nationalist parties. Authoritarian and interventionist attempts to implement Land Husbandry and bring about a rural tenurial revolution were frustrated by widespread resistance. In the towns Africans with the most secure tenure were demanding the Municipal vote and the right to control Councils.

The Rhodesia Front government elected in 1963 aimed at different African allies. Its ideology was 'community development' through which African 'traditional' communities in the rural areas and township communities around the cities could achieve a degree of self-government. This was an ideology which went with the revival of social and occupational segregation; a new legislative division of the land into white and black areas; a neo-traditional emphasis upon 'authentic' chiefs and African religious leaders; development of an inferior education 'appropriate' to Africans, etc. This cluster of ideas constituted 'the Rhodesian Way', which the declaration of UDI (Unilateral Declaration of Independence) in 1965 was supposed to defend.

Each ideology gained some African supporters and the Rhodesian government throughout employed many policemen, soldiers, clerks, teachers etc. Africans in town and countryside adapted on a day to day basis to the pressures on influx control and rural social engineering and to the realities of racial discrimination.

 An obvious way to illustrate some of this is by use of the papers of successive Federal and Southern Rhodesian Prime Ministers. The papers of Sir Godfrey Huggins, Lord Malvern, are in the National Archives of Zimbabwe (NAZ). There is a biography by L.H. Gann and M. Gelfand, Huggins of Rhodesia: The Man and His Country (Allen and Unwin, 1964). The papers of Sir Roy Welensky are in Rhodes House, Oxford. There is a two volume catalogue, and there is a biography by J.R.T. Wood, The Welensky Papers: A History of Rhodesia and Nyasaland (Graham, Durban, 1983). The papers of Sir are in NAZ. There is a biography by Ruth Weiss and Jane Parpart, Sir Garfield Todd and the Making of Zimbabwe (British Academic Press, 1999). Todd's ex-secretary, Susan Paul, is working on a large biography and has written several hundred pages of text, including many verbatim citations from letters and diaries. Michael Casey is working on a collection of Todd's speeches to illustrate an essay on oratory. The papers of Sir Edgar Whitehead and of Winston Field are in Rhodes House, Oxford. Also now available are 's papers which have been donated to Rhodes University. No Aluka researcher has yet worked through them. Meanwhile much material from the Smith archive is available in J.R.T. Wood, So Far and No Further: Rhodesia's Bid for Independence during the Retreat from Empire, 1959-1965 (Trafford Publishing, 2005). A second volume, A Matter of Weeks Rather than Months: Sanctions and Aborted Settlements, 1965-1970, is to be published next year. Wood's blurb claims that he 'secured the crucial support and interest of the former Prime Minister of Rhodesia, I.D. Smith, and access to his private papers.'

 In addition to material from prime ministerial papers the theory and practice of Rhodesian government needs to be illustrated from administrative papers. Native Department and Internal Affairs Department files are in NAZ, as are Federal and territorial intelligence reports and police files. Particularly interesting for changing policies in the countryside are the Land Husbandry files. There is a statement of government hopes for Land Husbandry Act, What the Native Land Husbandry Act Means to the Rural African and (Salisbury, 1955) which should be digitised. For Community development the Community Delineation reports, NAZ S.2929 are critical. Particularly revealing of neo- traditionalism is the Spirit Index for every medium, priest, holy place and independent church leader, NAZ S.2376.

For the urban areas state files can be supplemented by Municipal records and reports. The annual reports of the Directors of Native Affairs for Salisbury and Bulawayo are available in NAZ. There are a series of official and unofficial reports on the situation in the cities, all earlier than the starting date of the Aluka project but retaining their relevance:

o J.P. McNamee, Report on Native Urban Administration in Bulawayo (Bulawayo, 1948); o Roger Howman, Report of the Committee to Investigate Urban Conditions in Southern Rhodesia (1943); o B.W. Gussman, African Life in an Urban Area (Bulawayo, 1952-53); o Percy Ibbotson, Report of a Survey of Urban African conditions in Southern Rhodesia (Bulawayo 1943).

There are critical surveys of Rhodesian ideology and practice in NGO publications, particularly:

o Reg Austin, Racism and Apartheid in Southern Africa -Rhodesia (Unesco, Paris, 1975); o International Commission of Jurists, Racial Discrimination and Repression in Southern Rhodesia (CIIR, March 1976); o IDAF, Ian Smith's Hostages - Political Prisoners in Rhodesia (December 1976); o IDAF, Civilised Standards in Rhodesia - The Law and Order (Maintenance) Act; o IDAF, Zimbabwe. The Facts About Rhodesia (November 1977).

In addition there are accounts of discrimination and repression in Rhodesia in reports by African nationalist leaders to overseas agencies.

 Political trials are another way to get at the texture of state repressions and reactions. There is material available for the following political trials: o The trials of Michael Mawema, Sketchley Samkange and Leopold Takawira, leaders of the NDP, August 1960, including transcripts of trial proceedings by Shelagh Ranger in the Ranger Papers, Rhodes House; o Trial of John Conradie, on charges of terrorism, 1966-67, Conradie papers, Rhodes House; o The trial of . accused of plotting the assassination of Ian Smith, February 1969. See contemporary press accounts and pp. 41-42 of Ndabaningi Sithole, Letters From Salisbury Prison (Transafrica, Nairobi, 1976); o Trial of , John Mutasa and for recruiting guerrillas, in the Clutton-Brock papers, Rhodes House.

John Reed's diary illustrates the first two of these trials. If the trial of John Conradie is used this would be the place for his biography.

 There are a number of African memoirs or novels which illuminate this topic. In alphabetical order these are: o G.A. Chaza, Bhurakuwacha: Black Policeman in Rhodesia (College Press, 1998). The blurb says that the book 'is an informative auto-biographical narrative about the day to day grinding of the colonial administration's law and order maintenance machinery [which] reveals the discrimination that underlined colonial rule'; o Enoch Dumbutshena, Zimbabwe Tragedy (EAP, Lusaka, 1975); o Maurice Nyagumbo, With the People (Alison and Busby, 1980); o , Crisis in Southern Rhodesia (New York, 1965); o Ndabaningi Sithole, Obed Mutezo (Oxford University Press, Nairobi, 1970); o Lawrence Vambe, From Rhodesia to Zimbabwe (William Heinemann, 1976), especially chapters on daily life in the Salisbury townships; o One white memoir reveals the complexity of Rhodesian liberalism: Sir Robert Tredgold, The Rhodesia That Was My Life (Allen and Unwin, 1968).  Finally, there are oral accounts of Rhodesian colonialism both by those who administered it and those who experienced it. These can be found in NAZ Oral History collections. A particularly vivid interview is that with Noel Hunt, 27 November 1983, ORAL/240. Part Two: Conflict And Resistance In Civil Society

 The draft intellectual architecture speaks of the 'politics of everyday life', of 'local and at times less visible struggles on the ground'; it includes 'oppositional cultures forged in townships and countryside'; civic associations, trade unionists; students; women's groups; religious organisations. It concludes that 'an important element of the document collection will be taking into account the work of cultural activists ... We are interested in how a culture of resistance and an oppositional language linked to insurgent ideologies and action was constructed in the townships and countryside.'

Wide though the differences between South Africa and Zimbabwe are, we agreed that most of these themes could be represented for Zimbabwe.

 Rural resistance. Prior to the emergence of rural nationalism and the guerrilla war rural resistance largely took the form of refusals to obey commands to de-stock or to remove. These were exemplified in the Sofasonke protest movement in the Matopos led by Nqabe Tshuma, described in Terence Ranger's Voices From the Rocks (James Currey, Oxford, 1999). Sofasonke statements can be reproduced from that book.

The Matopos evictions and many others elsewhere were resisted in a series of successful law cases by Benjamin Burombo and Masotsha Ndlovu's Voice Association which operated mainly in Matabeleland and the Midlands. See Ngwabi Bhebe, B. Burombo, (College Press, 1989), and Pathisa Nyathi's brief biography of Masotsha Ndlovu. In other parts of the country the Rhodesia Native Association was active. Its radicalism and effect in producing a rural political consciousness have been under-estimated. Gerald Mazarire possesses oral interviews about the RNA arising from his research on Chishanga.

Later rural resistance took the form of passive-and sometimes violent-repudiation of the Land Husbandry Act and so-called 'freedom farming'. There are many examples in the Land Husbandry files in NAZ. A famous case led to the deposition of Chief Mangwende. It is documented in the Report of the Mangwende Reserve Commission of Inquiry (Salisbury, 1961). A later Matabeleland equivalent was the deposition of Chief Vezi Maduna. This is described in Peter Godwin's Makiwa. Jocelyn Alexander, Linacre College, Oxford, possesses texts on Maduna. A number of researchers possess oral interview texts on responses to Land Husbandry and on rural experience generally in this period, as for instance Terence Ranger from his research on Peasant Consciousness and Guerrilla War (James Currey, London, 1985) in Makoni district.

The most famous case concerning eviction from land during this period involved Chief and his people who resisted removal from Gairezi. The Clutton Brock papers both in NAZ and in Rhodes House contain much material on Tangwena. Clutton-Brock's published account is Let Tangwena Be (Salisbury, 1969). There is also Henry Moyana, The Victory of Chief Tangwena (, Longman, 1987). The biography of Rekayi Tangwena should also be included in this section.

 Urban resistance. Most urban resistance took the form of avoidance of Municipal regulations and of various 'illegal' activities like beer-brewing, shebeens, gambling etc. The illustrated monthly Parade is an invaluable source for shebeens in particular and should be digitised as a set. Terence Ranger possesses many interviews arising from his research on the social history of Bulawayo. Terri Barnes and Everjoyce Win's To Live a Better Life (Baobab, 1992), is a splendid collection of interviews with African women in Harare, many of which should be digitised.

The struggle to achieve lease-hold tenure - and hence to claim urban citizenship - is vividly portrayed in the pages of the Bulawayo Home News, edited by Charlton Ngcebtsha, which should be digitised as a set. The Home News is an invaluable source for responses in the Bulawayo townships and for their social life.

Violent upheavals took place in the towns, particularly in the Zhii riots of July 1960. The circulated extracts from John Reed's diary for that month describe events; the happenings in Salisbury are described in a special supplement of the Central African Examiner which should be digitised; the magazine Parade has an incisive account of Zhii in Bulawayo in its September 1960 edition. Terence Ranger possesses interview accounts. A Liberation Support Movement booklet about Dumiso Dabengwa -The Organiser: Story of Temba Moyo: Life Histories of the Revolution, ZAPU (LSM, Richmond, 1974), begins with his participation in Zhii.

 Trade Unions. Although the history of trade unions and nationalist movements in Zimbabwe has been inter-twined and many men have been leaders of both we agreed that material on the unions would come best in this section.

There is a great deal of trade union material in the lists we possess. The Movement for Colonial Freedom Archives at the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) contains (at MCF/COU/122a) 'a large folder of unfoliated correspondence [which] includes a quantity of correspondence with John Reed and E.T.M. Swaka on African trade unions in Southern Rhodesia, including lists of trade union detainees circa 1960', and many other documents by trade unionists in the 1960s. The papers of the Fabian Colonial Bureau at Rhodes House contain correspondence on African trade unions in Rhodesia going back to 1946, which includes an account of the 1948 strike in Salisbury by Charles Mzingeli; material from the British African People's Voice Association and the Southern Rhodesian Labour Party. The ICS 'Political Archives Project' contains a great deal of trade union material on its website catalogue. John Reed's diaries are full of trade union material. The biographies of Benjamin Burombo, Charles Mizingeli, Reuben Jamela and Josias Maluleke should be included here. Ngwabe Bhebe's book is the major source for Burombo. For Mzingeli an invaluable sources is chapter 8 of Lawrence Vambe, From Rhodesia to Zimbabwe (Heinemann, 1976), which might be digitised in its entirety.

All this material could add substance to the account of the history of the Labour Movement in Zimbabwe, Keep on Knocking, edited by Brian Raftopoulos and Ian Phimister (Baobab, 1997). We should seek to have access to the ZCTU Oral History Project which interviewed 'former trade union leaders, who had never previously had a chance to see their views and experiences recorded as part of this exercise to rediscover labour history.'

The 1948 strike remains the single largest instance of labour action. Extracts from the Commission of Inquiry into Native Disturbances, Salisbury, 1948, should be digitised.

There are 12 copies of the Zimbabwe Worker, running from April 1978 to July 1980, in the Ranger Papers at Rhodes House. This was edited by Cain Mathema.

 The Cooperative Movement. One of the most important alternative ideological developments to Rhodesian colonialism were the agricultural co-operatives with which the name of Guy Clutton-Brock is associated, and in particular St Faith's, Nyafaru and Cold Comfort Farm. The major source for these is the papers of Clutton-Brock in NAZ and at Rhodes House where there is abundant material. There is also valuable material in the Africa Bureau files at Rhodes House.

Clutton-Brock's biography should come at this point. Sources for it in addition to documents are Guy and Molly Clutton-Brock, Cold Comfort Confronted (Allen and Mowbray, 1972); Patricia Chater, Grass Roots. The Story of St Faith's Farm (Hodder and Stoughton, 1962); Eileen Haddon, ed., Guy and Molly Clutton- Brock: Reminiscences by their Family and Friends (Harare, Longman, 1982). Also relevant is , Rhodesian Black Behind Bars (London, Mowbray, 1974).

 In this part too should come various civil society organisations which were active in issues of human rights. These included the Southern Rhodesian Legal Aid and Welfare Association and Christian Care which successively provided legal aid and family support to detainees and restrictees. The records of SRLAWA are in the Ranger Papers at Rhodes House and in NAZ; the records of Christian Care are in NAZ. Correspondence by Terence Ranger about detainees is in the papers of the Africa Bureau at Rhodes House. John Reed's diaries record many visits to prisons and detention areas. Another such organisation was the Citizens Against the Colour Bar Association which worked with Lovemore Chimonyo's Freedom Sitters in the early 1960s. CACBA records are in the Ranger Papers; Africa Bureau correspondence; and John Reed's diary. The activities of CACBA preoccupied the Federal Intelligence agency and figure largely in their reports in NAZ. If Terence Ranger is to be the subject of a biography this is the point at which to insert it.

We could not make up our minds whether organisations like Capricorn or the Interracial Association should be included.

 We then turned to academic protest by lecturers and students at the University of Rhodesia-the arrest and deportation of lecturers and the prosecution of one of them, John Conradie; the debate over whether the University should continue under Ian Smith; demonstrations by and the flight of students. There are many sources for all this.

John Reed's diary is particularly valuable for the university during the late 1950s and early 1960s. The Ranger Papers contain much about university politics in the same period. Kees Maxey's collection contains many documents relating to the period 1966-1973, including documents relating to the criminal proceedings against John Conradie in 1966, pamphlets by A.L.P. MacAdam and Tim Matthews (We Protest, 1969; Terence Miller. A Conscientious Objector, 1979). There is also a collection entitled What the University does not want us to know - the facts from the Warwick Files, 1966-1970. The Institute of Commonwealth Studies archive includes a deposit [ICS 50] of materials by Anthony MacAdam, 1969-1970; and one by Tim Matthews [ICS 54] 1967-1973.

NAZ contain Federal Intelligence reports which are obsessed with the activities of various university lecturers. These have been drawn on by Tapiwa Zimudzi for an article which will appear in the Journal of Southern African Studies. NAZ also has material relating to student demonstrations in the Garfield and Judith Todd papers.

This is probably the place to digitise the whole run of Dissent, edited by Terence Ranger, John Reed and Whitfield Foy.

Reflections on the interaction of academic freedom and politics appear in Terence Ranger's Academic Freedom lecture at the University of Cape Town in 1981, Towards a Radical Practice of Academic Freedom.

 An important topic in this part is the expression of different religious cultures of protest. We should illustrate the 'revival' of African religion; the activities of African initiated churches; and the protest activities of the historic churches, particularly the Catholic church.

For the Mwali cult there are the interviews by Mark Ncube and Terence Ranger in the National Archives Bulawayo. For spirit mediums there are the interviews in the NAZ Oral History collection. Use can also be made of the 'Spirit Index', S 3276. It may be possible to draw on interviews carried out in area studies by Joost Fontein, David Maxwell, Gerald Mazarire, Terence Ranger, etc. For African initiated churches there are the interviews in the NAZ Oral History collection. Three books are due to appear on the Apostolic Churches - by Matthew Engelke, David Maxwell and Bella Mukonyora. This is the place for biographies of Johana Masowe and Mai Chaza.

There is much material on the Catholic Church. We think that the daily newspaper Moto should be digitised. NAZ has both a Catholic Commission of Justice and Peace deposit and a Catholic Institute of International Relations deposit. The Maxey Papers contain copies of the Matabeleland Diocese publication Contact for 1968 to 1971; the Roman Catholic Bishops Newssheet for 1971-1972; statements issued in 1970 on African Education and the Church in Rhodesia; The Land Tenure Act and the Church; a pastoral from the Catholic bishops, A Crisis of Conscience, March 1970; statements by Catholic priests on their experience in 'contact areas', and so on. NAZ has material collected by Terence Ranger on the role of the Anglican church [MS 1112/2]. Professor Ngwabe Bhebe may be able to provide material on the Lutheran church.

 Women's organisations are very important to illustrate. But at the moment material seems to be available largely for the Women's Leagues of the various nationalist parties and there is little on other women's associations. The key text is Olivia Muchena's Women's Organisations: An Assessment of their Needs, Achievements and Potential (Centre for Applied Social Sciences, , 1980). In the IDAF deposit in NAZ [MS 591/3] there are materials for an unpublished book on women in the liberation struggle including material on the role of women in the trade unions and in employment. Otherwise most available material relates to women's religious associations. Marja Hinfelaar's Respectable and Responsible Women. Methodist and Roman Catholic Women's Organisations in Harare, Zimbabwe, 1919-1985 (Leiden, 2001), is full of fascinating material and lists files on women's clubs and sodalities from the Harare Archdiocese Archives and the Methodist deposits in NAZ. Hinfeleaar's book is the major source for the work of Mai Musodzi, who biography should come at this point.  Finally in this part we need to list imaginative literature not only to illustrate the struggles of civil society but also as a theme in itself. The nationalist elites assumed the responsibility to create a literature as a cultural resource. We need to digitise extracts from 's Soko Risina Musoro (The tale without a head), OUP, 1958; Stanlake Samkange's On Trial For My Country (Heinemann, 1967), The Mourned One (Heinemann, 1975) and Year of the Uprising (Heinemann, 1978); Ndabaningi Sithole's The Polygamist (New York, 1972); and above all Solomon Mutswairo, Feso, 1957 (published in English in 1979). This is the place for biographies of Stanlake Samkange and Solomon Mutsvairo.

In addition, however, there are later novels which vividly illuminate civil society in the Rhodesian period, passages from which could be digitised, such as Shimmer Chinodya, Harvest of Thorns (Baobab, 1989); Tsitsi Dangaremba, Nervous Conditions (London, Women's Press, 1988); Chenjerai Hove, Bones (Baobab, 1990); Wilson Katiyo, A Son of the Soil (Rex Collings, 1976); Stanley Nyamfukudza, The Non-believer's Journey (Heinemann, 1980); Yvonne Vera, Butterfly Burning (Baobab, 1998).

We thought that this wide range of topics adequately represented the elements in Zimbabwean society which were important in the period 1960 - 1980 and which have continued to operate between 1980 and 2005. The list is so various, however, that it needs to be brought together in a strong introduction to this section of the intellectual architecture.

Part Three: Internal And Contested Histories Within And Between Liberation Movements

We decided that it was essential to have a strong introduction to this part also. The sequence of contestations within the overall Zimbabwean nationalist movement is so complicated that it needs to be put in an overall context. The recommendations we make for this part are designed to illustrate the whole sequence, both 'documenting the significant role of these movements' and 'creating space for other narratives which highlight the important role of other oppositional parties as well as the cleavages, divisions and debates within and between the nationalist movements'. In the wider sense, however, 'contested histories' will be dealt with in Part Six, 'Producing knowledge/contested accounts'.

We distinguished the following disputes and turning points within the Zimbabwean nationalist tradition:

 The transition from the clientage nationalism of Charles Mizengeli's Reformed ICU to the commandist nationalism of the Youth League which emerged in August 1955.

Tim Scarnecchia describes this transition in a forthcoming book chapter and has been carrying out oral and archival research on which it may be possible to draw. Lawrence Vambe's chapter on Mzingeli in From Rhodesia to Zimbabwe (chapter 8) describes this very well and may be worth digitising in full. He writes: 'Soon after the war Mzingeli was able to recreate the ICU ... It provided the necessary organisation for the struggle that we made against the implementation of the Native (Urban Areas) Accommodation and Registration Act ... led the general strike in 1948 and gave valuable evidence to the Commission appointed by the Government to deal with the grievances of the urban workers. It looked as if it was only a matter of time before Charles Mzingeli would be acclaimed as Rhodesia's Jomo Kenyatta.' But Mzingeli refused to unite with younger nationalists - 'he said that he could not trust this new generation of so-called national leaders. He became a permanent prisoner of suspicion, fearing that the young modern leaders of African nationalism would betray him'. Certainly the Youth League 'de-campaigned' Mzingeli at every opportunity, displacing him as the big man of Harare politics in the Advisory Board elections of December 1956. Brian Raftopoulos has described Mzingeli's eclipse as 'signalling a break in a particular form of urban politics and the emergence of more national combined rural-urban forms of political organisation. This new nationalist mobilisation, even as it registered unprecedented forms of mass participation, also brought with it new tensions and silences'. ['Nationalism and Labour in Salisbury, 1953-1965' in Raftopoulos and Yoshikuni, eds.. Sites of Struggle, Weaver, 1999, chapter 5).

The Fabian Colonial Bureau Papers in Rhodes House contain much material from Mzingeli's RICU in the 1950s. The Welensky Papers in Rhodes House, 238/2, contain a file of Federal Intelligence Reports between November 1954 and October 1956, which make reference both to Mzingeli and Nkomo. The Africa Bureau Papers Box 267, file 12, contains a letter from Francis Nehwati, Makokoba, Bulawayo on 17 March 1953 describing the 'inaugural mass meeting' of the African National Youth League in Bulawayo on 21 February 1953, enclosing resolutions. Maurice Nyagumbo in chapter 10 of With the People describes the inauguration meeting of the City Youth League in Harare township in August 1955 by Chikerema and Mushonga and their publication of Chapupu. He also describes the bus boycott in March 1956 and the subsequent attempts to form a national organisation. This whole chapter might be digitised.

 The establishment of the Southern Rhodesia African National Congress in September 1957, the declaration of a State of Emergency in February 1959, the ban on Congress and the arrest and detention of its leaders. (See above for material on detention and restriction.)

There is much material on Congress in the lists we had before us. To them must be added a critically important source - the African Daily News. The whole run of the Daily News up until its ban in 1964 should be digitised. It is a much more important source than, for example, the Herald which can in any case be obtained outside Zimbabwe. Though much criticised by nationalists the Daily News is essential for the day to day activities of the nationalist movements.

John Reed's diary is an essential source for this period.

Maurice Nyagumbo describes the inauguration of Congress, the participation of Guy Clutton Brock and the controversial choice of Nkomo as chairman on pp.106-108. Chapter 11 of his book deals with the work of Congress in the rural areas, the Congress meeting in Bulawayo on 12 September 1958, the address by Masotsha Ndlovu and the ban of 26 February 1959. This chapter could be digitised.

NAZ has the SRANC statement of principles, policy and programme, September 1957, MS 739/2. This document is also in the Ranger Papers file 10. File 8 contains Guy Clutton-Brock on Congress.  The establishment of the National Democratic Party (NDP) on January 1, 1960. During its existence the NDP faced a number of challenges. At the time of its emergence it was competing with other would-be parties; in July 1960 its leaders -Michael Mawema, Sketchley Samkange, Leopold Takawara - were arrested and put on trial; this was followed by disturbances and shootings in the townships. We have already recommended documents to illustrate the disturbances and the trials in Parts One and Two. The Africa Bureau Papers contain a useful four page account of events in Salisbury after the arrests: 'Southern Rhodesia. The Present Crisis'. There was then a movement of the educated elite into the NDP - Mugabe, Sithole, Chitepo etc. and a leadership struggle which culminated at the 1960 December party Congress in Bulawayo in the rejection of the initial leadership and the election of Nkomo, Sithole and Mugabe to key posts.

The Ranger Papers in file 9 contain an account of the founding of the NDP and its relationship with the SRANC detainees and with other groups, January-March 1960, and also contains other related materials which certainly should be digitised. The Ranger Papers file 22, headed, 'The Crisis of the NDP, June - December 1960', includes materials relating to NDP meetings: one in Highfields, 28 August 1960; one in Harare on 4 September 1960 (verbatim records made by Shelagh Ranger); notes on the Inaugural Congress in Bulawayo in December 1960, and its agenda.

The Ranger Papers also contain issues of the Democratic Voice between its first issue on 4 June 1960 and the issue of 8 November 1961, 18 issues in all.

The ICS Political Archives project contains the NDP Appeal and Statement of Aims. NAZ MS 734/3/4 contains the NDP's constitutional proposals, 1960-1962. The Movement for Colonial Freedom Papers at SOAS (Macmillan 5) contain a 46 page document by the NDP, 'Southern Rhodesia Historical Background to the African Political Struggle'. The Wallerstein Papers contain a joint statement issued by and Kenneth Kaunda at Salisbury airport, 27 June 1961.

Box 254 File 1 of the Africa Bureau includes the letter signed by Enoch Dumbutshena, Paul Mushonga, Joshua Nkomo and Garfield Todd to the Secretary of State, Commonwealth Relations on 26 July 1960, calling for the suspension of the Southern Rhodesian constitution and the deployment of British troops.

John Reed's diaries give an account of the first NDP Congress in Bulawayo in December 1960 which he attended as a delegate. The Ranger Papers file 11 contain a report on the NDP second party Congress in Salisbury in October 1961 and of meetings of the Salisbury City Branch in August 1961.

Sketchley Samkange fell out of NDP politics after December 1960. He drowned in Malawi in May 1961. This is the place for his biography. File 3 of the Ranger Papers contains material on his death. See also letter of 31 May 1961 in the Africa Bureau file 5.  The NDP was banned in December 1961 when Sir Edgar Whitehead called out the troops. The Welensky Papers contain file 242/45 Federal Intelligence Situation Reports on the banning, 24 November to 11 December 1961. The NDP was immediately succeeded by ZAPU with much the same leadership. ZAPU lasted as an open mass nationalist movement for less than a year and was banned in September 1962.

ZAPU of course had a very long after-life, certainly up until the Unity Agreement of 1987. Materials for the first period of its existence in 1962 can be found in the Wallerstein Papers which contain ZAPU's draft constitution and statements at the United Nations by Ndabaningi Sithole and Joshua Nkomo. The Africa Bureau Box 253 contains letters from Shelagh and Terence Ranger between 1958 and 1962 including a letter from Terence Ranger to Canon Collins on the day ZAPU was banned, its leaders taken by police and he himself restricted. The Ranger Papers file 15 contains material on the ZAPU banning. Maurice Nyagumbo describes the banning on pp.159-196.

ZAPU leaders operating outside Zimbabwe, like Ndabaningi Sithole and Leopold Takawara, continued to issue statements in the party's name. File 13 of the Ranger Papers contains documents for late 1962, Including Ndabaningi Sithole's 'Dear Sons and Daughters of Zimbabwe', 15 November 1962 and 'A Message from Your True Leader', 30 November 1962. The Africa Bureau Box 254, file 1, contains statements issued by Ndabaningi Sithole on 20 December 1962 and 8 April 1963, and a statement by Leopold Takawira in the name of ZAPU, 10 June 1963.

Ndabaningi Sithole's novel, Roots of a Revolution (OUP 1977), is an evocation of the open mass nationalist period which ended with the banning of ZAPU in September 1962. It deals with oratory at mass meetings, the tension between educated and less educated nationalists, government searches and arrests and ends with the ban on 'the People's Movement'. By the time he wrote this book Sithole was leader of ZANU but it deals with the period when he and all his later rivals were members of ZAPU.

 After the ZAPU ban [There is a file in the Welensky Papers, Box 246/7 of Federal Intelligence Reports on the banning, 19 September to 16 October 1962] it was decided not to form another party. Eventually Joshua Nkomo decided to gather most members of the ZAPU executive in Dar Es Salaam and to seek to form a government in exile. Nyerere refused to allow this; Kaunda urged Nkomo to return to Rhodesia. Many members of the executive, frustrated by all this, planned to summon a meeting and to replace Nkomo by Ndabaningi Sithole. Maurice Nyagumbo describes this in chapter 16 of his book, 'Dissension in ZAPU' which could also be digitised and contrasted with Joshua Nkomo's own account in his auto-biography. There are, however, many other records of the Dar Es Salaam revolt and its consequences The Wallerstein Papers contain an account by Ndabaningi Sithole of 'The Reason for our Action'. A similar document by Sithole together with a press release of 11 July 1963 calling for a change of leadership in ZAPU is in Africa Bureau Box 254. Also in this box is a letter from Noel Mukono, 11 July 1963, backing the revolt against Nkomo 100 percent and detailing his 'static, corrupt and confused leadership'.

The file of letters from Terence Ranger to John Reed contains many comments on the split. (Ranger was in Dar Es Salaam as it was happening.) The Ranger Papers in Rhodes House contain a file entitled 'Personal Correspondence illuminating the emergence of ZANU, April to September 1963.' The file is some 100 pages in all and contains correspondence with Maurice Nyagumbo, Nathan Shamuyarira, Ndabaningi Sithole, George Nyandoro, etc. File 18 includes 'data on ZAPU/ZANU split, 1963-4' .

In John Conradie's Papers in Rhodes House, Box 4, is a file labelled 'ZANU: Split and Sithole Presidency, 1963-75'; another file labelled 'Some Primary Sources for 1963'; another containing a paper by Ignatius Chigwendere entitled 'The Political Roots of ZANU'. (John Conradie was carrying out a research project on the history of Zimbabwean nationalism.)

John Reed's diary records reactions to the split in Salisbury.

 The rebels failed to depose Nkomo as leader of ZAPU. He returned to Zimbabwe and campaigned against them, creating the so-called Peoples' Caretaker Council as a surrogate for ZAPU. There was fierce fighting between the factions in the townships. Eventually the rebels formed ZANU on 8 August 1963.

There is some material for this period. The most vivid account of the atmosphere of confusion and intimidation is given in chapter 17 of Maurice Nyagumbo's With the People, 'The Birth of ZANU'. Once again this chapter might be digitised.The Ranger file 18 on the ZAPU/ZANU split contains material on the 10 August conference at Cold Comfort Farm at which the Peoples Caretaker Council was established. The Conradie papers, Box 4 contains a ZANU policy statement, 21 August 1963, Highfield, Salisbury; Box 5 contains a filed labelled 'ZAPU 1963'. The Africa Bureau Papers Box 254 contains a statement issued on behalf of ZANU by on 21 August 1963. The Wallerstein Papers contain a statement 'On the re-organisation of the National Executive of ZAPU', Cairo, 11 October 1963.

 There is important material on the Inaugural ZANU conference in Gwelo in May 1964 and the policy of confrontation. Ndabaningi Sithole's Letters From Salisbury Prison reproduces on pp.17-27 his address to the Congress. He also reproduces on pp.28-29 'The Clarion Call' of 19 June 1964 calling on Africans to take action if UDI was declared - 'The President of ZANU will declare a state of Emergency ... every man must have axes, bows ands arrows'. Sithole was himself arrested on 22 June and charged under the Law and Order (Maintenance) Act. Sithole's Obed Mutezo, chapter 9, describes the mobilisation of ZANU branches in Manicaland in late 1964 and the attempts by the police to discover by interrogation the content of ZANU's Five Point Programme. A fascinating account of the Gwelo conference is given in an Anonymous article 'Southern Rhodesia as I Saw It', Voice of Zimbabwe, Southern Rhodesia, August 1964. This should be digitised.  The first fruits of the ZANU policy of confrontation was the killing of the Afrikaner farmer, Oberholzer, in Melsetter by the Crocodile Gang on 4 July 1964. There are many conflicting sources for this event, which belongs to the political rather than to the military history of nationalism. (Terence Ranger has reviewed these in 'Violence Variously Remembered: The Killing of Pieter Oberholzer in July 1964', History in Africa, 24, 1997.) Ndabaningi Sithole offers an account of police violence and heroic refusal to speak in his Obed Muezo. On the other hand there is an extraordinary police file in NAZ which shows people speaking very freely under interrogation, including Obed Mutezo, and which explores the implications of the bungled killing for ZANU's infant political structures in eastern Zimbabwe. This file is S3061/CR2/7/6. It should be digitised. The opening of Peter Godwin's Mukiwa, Macmillan, 1977, is a child's eye view of the Oberholzer killing.

NAZ S3330/TI/3/5/22 deals with the Rhodesian Government's declaration of a state of emergency in 1964-65.

 Both the PCC and ZANU were banned in August 1964. Most of the top political leaders were now in prison or restriction- for ZANU this included Sithole, Takawira, Mugabe, Eddison Zvogbo and Maurice Nyagumbo. For ZAPU it included Joshua Nkomo. The focus now switched to the military campaigns which are the subject of the next part. However, there was plenty of politics in exile and some in prison.

The politics of prison: assassination, trial and the condemnation of Ndabaningi Sithole. While at Sikombela Restriction Camp in 1965 the Central of ZANU decided to set up a Revolutionary Council in Lusaka with Herbert Chitepo as its Chairman. Nyagumbo's book, pp.191 et seq describes Alfed Mutasa, 'Chief Commander', arriving with instructions for him from the Revolutionary Council. Chapter 18 'Goromonzi and Detention' describes Nyagumbo's arrest; his imprisonment in Salisbury Remand prison from 5 August 1966 together with Sithole, Takawira, Mugabe, Muzenda, etc; Sithole's recruitment of him in June 1968 for a plot to assassinate Smith and Lardner Burke; their arrest; Sithole's trial from 3 to 12 February 1969; and Sithole's repudiation of violence from the dock. Sithole spent the next four years in solitary confinement as a convicted prisoner.

Ngwabe Bhebe's Simon Vengayi Muzenda and the Struggle for and Liberation of Zimbabwe, Mambo, 2004, describes in Chapter 6 Sithole's assassination plot and its betrayal; his panic; his proposition to his detained colleagues during his trial that they buy their freedom by publicly renouncing the struggle. They all refused. Muzenda declared 'Sithole has gone mad ... He is no longer with the armed struggle ... We don't want to see him in our midst'. Muzenda proposed that Sithole be deposed and this was debated for the next three years. When Sithole was released from solitary the moment had come.

Maurice Nyagumbo in his Chapter 19, 'Negotiating from Prison' describes the meeting in March 1974 at which a resolution was passed condemning Sithole's behaviour and in effect deposing him. As before this material should be digitised. It contains extracts of Nyagumbo's correspondence with the Rangers during this period; the full versions of these letters are in the Ranger Papers, file 28 'Correspondence with Maurice Nyagumbo, 1959-1979'. John Conradie's Papers contain a file marked 'Split and Sithole Presidency, 1963-1975'.

Ndabaningi Sithole in Letters From Salisbury Prison includes on pp.41-42 what he claims to be a forged letter ordering the assassinations. He makes no mention of his 'deposition'. However in a letter to Herbert Chitepo in July 1970, pp.51 to 52, he denies that he is standing down as leader in favour of Robert Mugabe as the leader of a new united party. 'He is in prison like Nkomo and myself. He cannot possibly be an asset to the new group. He will only be a liability from the word go.' Later in an extremely important letter Sithole wrote to Chitepo in September 1973 condemning elections held in Lusaka for membership of the War Council. Sithole reminded Chitepo that his authority sprang from delegation by ZANU's Central Committee and could not depend on the votes of Zimbabwean exiles in . 'The Congress in Zimbabwe is the supreme body of our Party, but you have now made another supreme body in Zambia. Surely there can't be two supreme bodies in ZANU as I know it'. pp.138-140. Sithole was fighting against both internal and external threats to his leadership.

There were no further revolts against Nkomo in his restriction area. District Commissioner Allan Wright in Valley of the Ironwoods, Cape Town, Bulpin, 1972, describes Nkomo's political influence over the Shangaan in Nuanetsi District. Nkomo of course describes this period in his autobiography. There are some materials for Nkomo and ZAPU in this period. The Africa Bureau Papers, Box 253, contains a 'Message to the People of Southern Rhodesia from Joshua Nkomo on the eve of my departure for Gwelo Prison', 17 September 1964. Box 2254 contains a message from Nkomo from Gonakudzingwa, 25 April 1965. There is also a memo from Chikerema, 17 November 1964.

However ZAPU in exile broke up into bitter factions. In 1963 had been appointed as Head of the Department of Special Affairs in Lusaka. He remained in overall command until 1970 when he came under severe criticism by J.Z. Moyo. Denunciations and counter-denunciations flew and eventually ZAPU split in three. A useful overall description of this is contained in Dumiso Dabengwa's 'ZIPRA in the Zimbabwe War of National Liberation' in Ngwabi Bhebe and Terence Ranger, Soldiers in Zimbabwe's Liberation War (University of Zimbabwe and James Currey, 1995). Kees Maxey's Papers contains a file 'ZAPU/ZANU conflict and talks, 1970 and 1971'. The Ranger Papers have file 30 'ZAPU crisis 1970'. The Institute of Commonwealth Studies possesses the Ruth First papers. Among them, HM5, are:

o J.Z. Moyo, 'Observations on Our Struggle', 25 February 1970; o J.R. Chikerema, 'Reply', February 1970; o J.Z. Moyo, Edward Ndlovu, George Silundika, 'On the Coup Crisis precipitated by J. Chikerema', 22 March 1970.  The formation of the Front for the Liberation of Zimbabwe, FROLIZI. The Front- Line States were frustrated by the refusal of ZAPU and ZANU to work together. Some of the young military were frustrated by the inadequacies of their commanders. It therefore seemed a good idea to some people to form a new organisation, combining elements from ZAPU and ZANU with some of the young soldiers. In this way FROLIZI was born in October 1971. Chikerema and Nyandoro joined with Nathan Shamuyarira. FROLIZI was short-lived but it generated quite an amount of data. Sithole's Letters From Salisbury Prison contains a letter to Chitepo advising him to keep out of 'the so-called united front' 'Outperform Frolizi and it will die', pp. 59-63. By contrast Maurice Nyagumbo, p.211, comments on the bravery of three Frolizi guerrillas hanged in July 1973. The novel Muzukuru: a guerrilla's story (Ravan Press, Johannesburg, 1990), describes a FROLIZI operation.

The Wallerstein Papers contain FROLIZI's declaration of 1 October 1971; 'Conversation on Unity in Zimbabwe Today', 1 October 1971; Press statement on the formation of FROLIZI by Shelton Siwela, Chairman of the Revolutionary Command, 11 October 1971; Nathan Shamuyarira, 'FROLIZI's Political Programme for Zimbabwe's Liberation', Dar Es Salaam, 1973; Manifesto of FROLIZI adopted at Inaugural Congress, 21 August-5 September 1972; Resolutions adopted by the Inaugural Congress.

The Africa Bureau papers, box 264, contains two FROLIZI publications from October 1973 and January 1974 and a statement by FROLIZI in February 1974 on negotiations between Smith and Muzorewa.

 The African National Council. Meanwhile in Southern Rhodesia the British Government was trying to achieve a settlement. The British Foreign and Commonwealth Secretary, Lord Home, arrived in November 1971 and at the end of the month the Smith-Home Constitutional Proposals were published. It was clear to Nkomo in restriction and Sithole in prison that there was must be a new African organisation to campaign for a NO vote in the referendum on the proposals. and three other leading nationalists combined to form the African National Council (ANC). They invited Bishop to lead it; Rev. Canaan Banana became Vice Chairman. The Pearce Commission began to test opinion in January 1972. Muzorewa visited Britain and the United Nations. The Pearce Commission left on March 10, 1972 and on that day the African National Council was launched as a political party. The Pearce Commission confirmed African rejection of the proposals in May 1972. An inaugural Congress of the ANC was held in 1974.

The ANC continued in various guises up to 1980 and beyond but there is a great deal of material on these early months. Chapter 10 of Abel Muzorewa's auto- biography Rise Up and Walk (Evans, London, 1978), gives a lively account of African response and should be digitised. Sithole's Letters From Salisbury Prison contains in its Section Four, pp.64 to 123, many letters from Sithole to Chitepo, Edson Sithole, Home and Edward Heath, stating at length his objections to the proposals and rejoicing in the rejection of them. 'Let Every Bush be Alive with our No!' Much of this material should be digitised.

Judy Todd and her father, Garfield, both campaigned against the proposals and they were arrested on 18 January 1972. The Commissioners visited her in prison. She went on hunger strike and was force fed. Her book The Right to Say NO (Sidgwick and Jackson, London, 1972) is a primary document in its own right. Ariston Chambati was an ANC official and published in 1974 with the South African Institute of Race Relations a pamphlet, The African National Council and the Rhodesian Situation: Rhodesia, mid-1974. The Pearce Commission's report is Rhodesia: Report of the Commission on Rhodesian Opinion, 1972.

Kees Maxey's collection contains duplicated materials from the ANC, early 1970s; correspondence in the UK with the ANC, early 1970s; files on evidence given to the Pearce Commission; press releases from the ANC, 1973. The ICS Political Archives Project has a letter from the Kataga Council to the Pearce Commission. The Anthony McAdam Papers at ICS [ICS50]contains a folder headed ANC which includes material on the Pearce referendum. File 12 of the Africa Bureau papers in Rhodes House contains a very interesting printed account of the proceedings of an Oxford University Africa Society meeting addressed by Bishop Muzorewa on 7 February 1972, in which he is given a very hard time by radical students. Judith Todd's deposit in the ZNA, MS 1093/3/8 contains material on the settlement proposals, 1971-73 including Canaan Banana, 'What is what about the African National Council' ; MS 1095/2, MS 1095/5/1 and 2 all contain material about the settlement proposals, 1971-73

 The Detente Crisis. On 8 November 1974 the detained leaders of ZANU and ZAPU were flown to Lusaka to be briefed by the Frontline leaders abut the negotiations between Zambia and South Africa. However, detained ZANU Central Committee members sent Robert Mugabe and Moton Malianga instead of the 'deposed' Sithole. The Frontline leaders refused to accept this 'coup' and sent them back. Sithole and Maurice Nyagumbo went to Lusaka instead. Nyagumbo's experiences are described on pp.217-224 of his book. Under pressure from the Frontline states, Chitepo, Tongogara, and other members of the Revolutionary Council of ZANU, Nyagumbo agreed to persuade the men in prison to re-instate Sithole. Meanwhile Sithole himself sent a 'Message to ZANLA' which is printed on pp.149 to 152 of Letters from Salisbury Prison. After the Lusaka visit he returned to Zimbabwe and was again detained in March 1975 and charged with plotting to kill his African opponents - see pp.157-159.

By this time however two explosions had taken place within ZANU. The first was the so-called . A group of guerrillas came from the front to Lusaka and arrested most of Zanla military command; they were overwhelmed in turn by guerrillas brought in from Tanzania; the Nhari men were put on trial at Chifombo camp in eastern Zambia in the first week of February 1975 and found guilty. Chitepo wanted to hand them over to the Mozambican authorities; Tongogara and the military had them executed secretly, thus dividing the political from the military leaders. Soon thereafter, on 18 March 1975, Herbert Chitepo was assassinated by a car bomb. Many ZANU leaders were arrested at or soon after his funeral. Tongogara fled to but returned to be held in a Zambian prison while an International Tribunal inquired into the assassination and on the basis of findings announced in April 1975 he and others were tried for murder. Meanwhile Ndabaningi Sithole endorsed the Zambian actions and on 10 May 1976 issued a letter to all Zimbabweans explaining the assassination in 'tribal' terms.

There are many documents relating to these two crises:

(a) The Nhari rebellion. The official version can be found in David Martin and Phyllis Johnson, The Chitepo Assassination (ZPH, 1985), pp.28-32. Fay Chung's Re-Living the Second Chimurenga. Memories from Zimbabwe's Liberation Struggle (Nordic Africa Institute/Weaver Press, 2005) throws new light both on the Nhari rebellion and on the Chitepo Assassination in her chapter 6 'Joining the Liberation Struggle in Zambia', which recent as it is really ought to be digitised. Two novels deal with the Nhari rebellion, Charles Samupindi, Pawns (Baobab, 1992); Alexander Kanengoni, Echoing Silences (Baobab, 1997). The Conradie Papers contain a 31 page document entitled 'The 1974 Southern African Detente Exercise and its Relation to the ZANU Rebellion of November-December 1974'.

(b) The assassination of Herbert Chitepo. The Zambian inquiry is Report of the Special International Commission on the Assassination of Herbert Wiltshire Chitepo (Lusaka, March 1976). There are two books of very different character about the assassination. The earliest was David Martin and Phyllis Johnson's The Chitepo Assassination (ZPH, Harare, 1985). This contains at Appendix 5 the 'Reply of ZANU detainees in Zambian Prisons to the Report of the Chitepo Commission', 10 April 1976. The most recent is Luise White, The Assassination of Herbert Chitepo. Texts and Politics in Zimbabwe (Indiana UP/Weaver, 2003). Her foot-notes are an indication of the riches of the Bristol Museum's Rhodesia Army Association Papers, which contain invaluable intelligence reports. Published work asserting that Rhodesian intelligence was responsible includes Ken Flower, Serving Secretly: Rhodesia's CIO Chief on Record (Alberton, Galago, 1987); Peter Stiff, See You in November: The Story of an SAS Assassin (Alberton, Galago, 2002).

Fay Chung, Re-living the Second Chimurenga is an important commentary. Ngwabe Bhebe's Simon Vengayi Muzenda discusses the Chitepo assassination and its aftermath on pp.172-183. Muzorewa's Rise Up and Walk gives his version in pp.149-152. Professor Walter Kamba is creating a Chitepo Archive at the University of Zimbabwe. (This the place for Chitepo's biography.)

Judith Todd's deposit in NAZ includes MS 1095/3 contains an annotated copy of the Commission Report on Chitepo and correspondence with friends about the assassination. Kees Maxey's collection contains much material produced either by the ZANU men held in jail in Zambia charged with Chitepo's murder or by their advocates in Britain: Manifesto of ZANU Political Prisoners in Zambia (Zimbabwe Solidarity Front, London, 1975); The Price of Detente (ZANU, London, 1975); Chimurenga issues from London and Stockholm, 1975-6; statement by ZANU (Canada) regarding the Chitepo Assassination, June 1976. There is also other valuable material in Maxey - photocopy of internal ZANU document regarding the leadership of ZANU, November 1974; open letter by Ndabaningi Sithole re Chitepo Assassination, May 1976.

The Ranger Papers contain file 21, 'Fay Chung, Chimurenga and the Critique of Kaunda'. This includes: 'The Trial and Detention of Zimbabwean Nationalists in Zambia'. Zimbabwe Detainees Committee, London, April-June 1976; correspondence between Terence Ranger and Fay Chung May to June 1976; typescript of article by Fay Chung, 'ZANU's problems in Zambia, June 1976'; Chimurenga, vol.1, 5-8, 30 April 1976-31 July 1976.

Ruth First's papers at ICS contain material which may duplicate some already listed: 'Kenneth Kaunda's Crimes Against the People of Zimbabwe: Kaunda's Role in Detente', 21 March 1925, pp.25; Ndabaningi Sithole, 'The Assassination of Comrade Herbert Chitepo and ZANU' (Dar Es Salaam, 26 May 1976).

The Catholic Institute for International Relations Papers at the ICS contain materials relating to Ignatius Chigwendere, a member of the Detainees Defence Committee set up in London to defend the Chitepo suspects on trial in Zambia. There are interesting letters concerning the case from Michael Scott to President Kaunda, 18 June 1976 and Kaunda's reply on 5 August 1976; to Basil Davidson and Peter Hain; from in Zambia; from Mainza Chona, Zambia's Attorney General, 23 1976 and Chigwendere's reply of 30 June 1976; letters from Trevor Huddlestone and Terence Ranger declining invitations to join the Committee. There is also a diary recording Chigwendere's conversations with Mugabe, Nkala and Sithole in Salisbury and with Chitepo in Lusaka, presumably in 1974 or early 1975. Other relevant material is scattered around other files.  ZIPA and its destruction. The second half of the 1970s was an enormously complex period. Mugabe now came to the fore, though it was still not until 1977 that he emerged as unchallenged leader of ZANLA. On 25 March 1975 members of the ZANU central committee at liberty inside Zimbabwe held an emergency meeting. They decided that now Chitepo was dead and most of the external leadership under arrest they must take steps to ensure direction of the war. It was decided to send Mugabe and Tekere into Mozambique. Although FRELIMO received them with suspicion and kept Mugabe under a sort of house arrest, his departure from Southern Rhodesia enabled the 'Mgagao Declaration' of October 1975 in which 43 guerrilla camp officers repudiated the leadership of Chikerema, Muzorewa and Sithole and singled out Mugabe as 'middleman' between them and the Frontline states. Once the missing Mugabe had been located in Mozambique (Bhebe, Simon Vengayi Muzenda, p.196-197), his speeches assumed an international importance and it is no accident that those collected in Our War of Liberation. Speeches, Articles, Interviews date from 1976 (Mambo, Gweru 1983). Mugabe was still Secretary General of ZANU but in September 1977 - after the challenges recorded below - he was formally elected as President of ZANU at a meeting of the Central Committee in Chimoio. His speech at the Chimoio meeting, 'Defining the Line', appears on pp.33 to 39 of his collected speeches.

In late 1975 and early 1976 both Muzorewa and Sithole were also in Mozambique, staying together in a house provided by Samora Machel. They both tried - and failed - to reach the guerrilla camps. 'I look back on 1976 as a year of great frustration', writes Muzorewa in chapter 15 of Rise Up and Walk, 'In Exile in Mozambique'. Meanwhile Joshua Nkomo was attempting to gain control of the ANC branches inside Southern Rhodesia and negotiating with Ian Smith.

However, none of these political leaders enjoyed the support of the Frontline States at this time. Disgusted by party factionalism the FLS decided to support a new, united army the Zimbabwe Peoples Army. During 1976 ZIPA waged the war out of Mozambique and its military activities will be illustrated in Part Five. It also participated at the as will be illustrated in Part Four. But ZIPA also had political and ideological significance.

The formation and character of ZIPA has been recorded very differently in different accounts. Muzorewa has a section entitled 'Frontline States versus ANC' in which he says (p.197) that 'a small group of individual combatants was recognised as an independent Third Force by all the Frontline States'.

Muzorewa asserts (p.198) that 'the creation of the Third Force fomented internal strife within the guerrilla camps. Beatings, tortures and killings took place as ZANU or ZAPU militants tried to dissuade thousands of new recruits from remaining loyal to the ANC' (p.198) Muzorewa protested against ZIPA at the OAU Liberation Committee on 31 May 1976. ZIPA was no more popular with veterans of ZIPRA or ZANLA. Dumiso Dabengwa's 'ZIPRA in the Zimbabwe War of National Liberation' describes the formation of ZIPA on page 33 through an agreement between the political leaders. But then Machel told the ZIPA high command that they were to spearhead the revolution and Nyerere called it 'a new force that has emerged in Zimbabwe'. It was assumed that 'because the political parties were dead ZIPA commanders had to continue the struggle on their own'. But ZIPRA elements in ZIPA were victimised and some shot. So in 1976 ZIPRA had to regroup. 'ZAPU re-organised itself once again'. ZIPA appears to Dabengwa as no more than a diversion and obstacle to the prosecution of the struggle.

ZIPA became just as irritating to the veteran leaders of ZANU and ZALA. Bhebe's biography of Muzenda discusses the formation of ZIPA on pp.194-195; it also describes the resulting 'fiasco', with tensions between ZIPRA and ZANLA guerrillas so that in 1976 ZIPA became in effect a virtually autonomous army operating out of Mozambique. Bhebe's biography draws on Muzenda's memory to argue that ZIPA leaders wanted to repudiate both Tongagara and Mugabe and were making overtures to Henry Hamadziripi. According to Muzenda, p.205, 'some members of the Central Committee of ZANU had decided to link up with members of ZIPA to prevent, by force if necessary, Mugabe and others from taking over control of the refugee camps and the combatants in them. ZIPA commanders too, initially with the encouragement of Frontline leaders, who were egging them on as the third force and the true bearers of the Zimbabwean revolution ... were developing ambitions, which saw little or no role for the old political leadership. They now wanted to turn ZIPA into a political party ... Some of the ZIPA commanders claimed that their struggle had advanced qualitatively to the extent that ex-detainees and former members of the Central Committee, such as Muzenda, Mugabe and others, with their supposed bourgeois tendencies, would only highjack the revolution ... extreme elements were calling themselves vashandi (workers).'

Bhebe adds, p.207, that 'the issue of the military dissidents was soon sorted out by means of cooperation between the Mozambican army and the ZANU leadership'. FRELIMO recognised the old leaders and 'we then rounded up and arrested all the young men and sent them to prison. ZANLA was then re-organised and it took control of the camps.' During 1976 Mugabe had proclaimed in interviews 'the leading role of the army', Now the ZANU leaders declared 1997 'the year of the party'. In his speech to the Chimoio Congress in September 1997 Mugabe spoke of 'the ZANU system of behaviour. The party must compel the individual to conform' (211).

So the parties re-emerged. But there are other more sympathetic accounts of ZIPA. Fay Chung's Re-living the Second Chimurenga contains two very important chapters, chapter 9, 'The Formation of the Zimbabwe People's Army (ZIPA), 1976' and chapter 11 'Post-Detente and the Defeat of the ZANU Left Wing'. Chung's account is very different. She traces the polarisation of ZANU into an intellectual Left and a reactionary Right. She describes the emergence of 'a new brand of leaders, young men and women in their teens and twenties who had joined the liberation struggle straight from secondary schools and universities ... influenced by the ideas of Marx and Lenin and sincerely believing themselves to be participating in a revolution that would overthrow not only colonialism but also the bourgeois form of government'. She sees them as very different from of the old nationalists of the 1950s and 1960s and also from the military veterans. According to Chung the Mgagao declaration favoured Mugabe only on condition that he provided Marxist-Leninist leadership. They established the Chitepo Academy as an ideological institute.

She describes the ZIPA leader, Wilfred Mhanda, aka D.Machingura, 'bristling with intelligence and ideological righteousness'. The old political leaders and the veteran military commanders, rivals in 1974 and early 1975, were now united against the leftist dissidents. ZIPA, she says, 'was defeated not on the battlefield but in the conference room'. ZIPA 'saw itself not only as an army but also as a political movement' ready to take up 'both the military and political tasks of the revolution'. On page 150 she quotes Mhanda's radio broadcast in September 1976 [published in Goswin Baumhogger's The Struggle for Independence (Hamburg, 1984, vol. 2)] in which he made it clear that ZIPA owed no allegiance to any other party or leader. The Vashandi 'controlled every training and refugee camp in Mozambique and Tanzania.' But their refusal to contemplate negotiation or to respect the older leaders represented an 'ideological intransigence that was to bring about their downfall'. Mhanda 'was particularly opposed to Robert Mugabe' and made no attempt to win his support against Tongogara.

Tongogara 'regarded any allegiance to Marxism-Leninism as a form of rebellion against himself and against ZANU and ZANLA'; he crushed ZIPA in 'an unbridled show of force'. Already weakened by fighting between ZANLA and ZIPRA elements, ZIPA was now unable to gain mass support - Chung suggests because of its lack of respect for traditional religion and 'elitist arrogance'.

Chung is thus critical of ZIPA but she is even more critical of the ZANU Right. They pretended to be more Marxist than Sithole but instituted 'an aggressive purge of the left-wing' (p. 175). ZANU moved 'from the left to the extreme right'; racialism and tribalism re-surfaced, reflecting 'a form of fascism'. We have indicated above that Mugabe achieved power and the presidency within ZANU in 1977 but Chung writes that his position was in reality very weak. He 'would always be dependent on the military leaders for his power base' (p. 182). She notes that by now nearly all of the old nationalists had fallen away.

Much less critical of ZIPA has been David Moore whose chapter in the Bhebe and Ranger Soldiers volume - 'The Zimbabwe People's Army: Strategic Innovation or More of the Same?' - should be digitised. Moore's oral interviews will be crucial documentation for ZIPA. They include four interviews with Dzinashe Machingura in 1991, 1992, 1996, 1997 and with 12 other ZIPA members.

There is also some other material. The IDAF deposit in the ZNA MS 589/3/4 has a pamphlet published by the LSM which includes an interview with Dzinashe Machingura. Kees Maxey's papers include a publication by the LSM, Canada, in September 1976, ZIPA -The first public statement by ZIPA, the new Zimbabwean Liberation Force. Ruth First's Papers at the ICS, RF/2/19/2 include interviews with Machingura and a letter from T. Sibanda to the OU Liberation Committee, 29 January 1977, accusing Tongogara of detaining and torturing ZIPA commanders.

 In 1977 and 1978 the Zimbabwean situation was simplified. In October 1976 ZAPU and ZANU agreed to form a political, though not a military alliance, the Patriotic Front (PF), jointly led by Nkomo and Mugabe. Thereafter Mugabe's party was called ZANU PF, as it still is. Nkomo withdrew from his attempts to reach a political agreement with Ian Smith and concentrated a new military strategy, backed by the Soviet Union. Mugabe too concentrated on increasing military pressure from the east.

Meanwhile Abel Muzorewa and Ndabaningi Sithole, leaders of the United African National Council and ZANU respectively, returned to Rhodesia, where they negotiated an Internal Settlement signed on 3 March 1978. The position was thus polarised between external and internal forces though rivalry between Nkomo and Mugabe and between Muzorewa and Sithole continued. There were also further challenges to Mugabe's control of ZANU PF, particularly a failed coup attempt by Henry Hamadziripi.

n the end, of course, the external forces were victorious and there is plenty of material available on the Patriotic Front, while no academic study has been published on the Internal Settlement.

Material for the PF can be found in:

o NAZ, CIIR, MS 492/1-2 Joint Statement by PF leaders, Maputo, 1977; o NAZ, Julie Frederiske Papers, MS 536/73 contains PF material including E.J.M. Zvogbo's 'For Black Traitors this is a time of crisis and decision'; o MS 536/7/5 has material on the death of Tongogara; o NAZ also has a deposit by Henry Hamadziripi, MS 939, written from Chimoio Prison outlining the contradictions within ZANU/PF; o The NAZ IDAF deposit, MS 589/3/11 has a statement of the PF delivered by Joshua Nkomo; o Kees Maxey's Papers include an interview with Tongogara, recorded in Maputo, September 1978; transcripts of Voice of Zimbabwe broadcasts from Maputo in 1979; an interview in Penthouse with Joshua Nkomo in 1979; and a transcript of the BBC's 'Portrait of a Terrorist', an interview with Robert Mugabe screened in April 1979.

The LSM booklet Zimbabwe. The Final Advance, published in 1978, contains statements by Nkomo, Mugabe and Zvogbo. Robert Mugabe, Our War of Liberation, of course consists of speeches and articles produced between 1976 and 1979. Gramma have just released in Zimbabwe a CD containing many of Mugabe's speeches in this period.

Ngwabe Bhebe's biography of Muzenda discusses Hamadziripi's discontent and that of other ZANU/PF 'dissidents' like on pp.209, 212, 213-222.

 The Internal Settlement (IS). There is no book or article about the IS. The most stimulating study is Sabelo Ndlovu's unpublished 'Puppets and Patriots: A Reconstruction of the History of the Decisive Phase of the Struggle for Zimbabwe, 1977-1980'. This is critical of 'the attempts by mainstream nationalist historians to write the Internal Settlement out of the history of African nationalism and the liberation war' which he characterises as 'academic fraud'.

There is indeed greater continuity between the IS and the nationalist movements of the 1950s and early 1960s than between them and the PF. Aside from Sithole, figures like Chikerema and Nyandoro were involved in the IS. Terence Ranger's unpublished seminar paper, 'The Crisis of Radical Nationalism in Zimbabwe' deals with the struggles within the IS, in which men like Nyandoro tried to achieve a unilateral cease-fire, immediate redistribution of land ,etc but were frustrated by appeals to military 'necessity' and the continued dominance of Rhodesian political power. This paper drew on confidential UANC minutes now stored in the Samkange family Castle which are discussed all too briefly in the 'Epilogue' to Are We Not Also Men? The Samkange Family and African Politics in Zimbabwe (James Currey, 1995, p.206).

These minutes discuss issues like the killing of UANC representatives seeking to make contact with guerrillas, the continued fear of Rhodesian poisonings, the division within the UANC executive between 'radicals' and 'moderates'. But they are not available for digitisation, and without them there is little data for the inside story of the IS.

The IS is discussed, of course, in Muzorewa's Rise Up and Walk which includes at appendix D the 'Agreement for Majority Rule, March 3, 1978'. There are also two pieces by the prolific Ndabaningi Sithole which could be digitised - In Defence of the March 3 Agreement (Graham 1978), and Zimbabwe's Year of Freedom (Munger Africana Library Notes, 43, January 1978). Muzorewa's appeal to the guerrillas to cease fire is printed in Julie Frederikse, None But Ourselves, p.253. The critique from the PF side is given in 'Rejecting the Internal Settlement' and 'Ignoring the April Bogus Elections' in Mugabe's Our War of Liberation. In his speech on Chitepo Day, 18 March 1979, Mugabe declared that 'Muzorewa and Sithole are irretrievably heading for their damnation ... To our joy, both these idiotic characters now find themselves trapped between the vengeful wrath of the revolutionary masses and the intransigence of the settler minority' (p.141). In an appendix to M.Hudson, Triumph or Tragedy? Rhodesia to Zimbabwe (London, Hamish Hamilton, 1981) there is Edison Zvogbo's 'ZANU Death List'.

Official Rhodesian publications include Rhodesia Constitutional Agreement, 3 March 1978, No.44, Salisbury 1978. Critical international accounts are IDAF, Smith's Settlement: Events in Zimbabwe Since 3 March, London, 1978; CIIR, 'The Rhodesian Elections, April 1979', London, 1979.

Material in archives includes:

o NAZ, IDAF Papers, MS 589/4 is a whole folder containing material on the April 1979 elections and MS 589/17 is a folder on the Internal Statement. Sabelo Ndlovu cites also MS 589/7/1 'The implications of 3 March 1978', and MS 589/1/5 'Notes on the transition to independence'; o NAZ, Judith Todd Papers, MS 1095/1/2 includes notes of a conversation with Ndabaningi Sithole in London and a letter from Byron Hove to Muzorewa about the March 3 1978 agreement; o NAZ, UANC Papers, MS 771 contains materials largely concerned with the UANC Women's League; MS 773 and 975 contain important material on the Internal Settlement. MS 775 concerns the dismissal of Byron Hove. MS 982/1 concerns arrangements for the safe return of the guerrillas; o The Conradie Papers in Rhodes House contain a collection of UANC material in Box 6; o The Maxey Papers, also in Rhodes House, contain Chen Chimutengwe, 'Notes on Some Current Factors which shape the course of Politics in Zimbabwe', 1978; a statement made in 1979 by Rhodesian church leaders about the political situation; a report on a visit to Rhodesia in 1979 by David Steele; a report by the British Council of Churches, 'Rhodesia After the April elections', July 1979.

It was our view that the Lancaster House talks should be included in the international part and that the 1980 elections should come as a climax to all the other Parts. It was also our view that the events of the 1980s and the breach between ZANU/PF and ZAPU should be included in Part Three. It is a final playing out of the nationalist history which began in the 1950s. Moreover the South African materials in Aluka will contain material on South African destabilisation in Matabeleland.

***** In the interests of length and time from now on we will present the remaining parts in less detail, enumerating the major themes in each part and describing generally the main sources available.

Part Four: Regional And International Perspectives

The draft intellectual architecture indicates that under this heading should be included:

(a) the role of the Front-Line states;

(b) support groups in Scandinavia and Britain;

(c) support from the Soviet Union, China, Rumania, etc.

We wish to add to these:

(d) the United Nations;

(e) negotiations involving Britain, the United States, etc.;

(f) the refugee flow in southern Africa.

So far as sources are concerned this is a good moment to gather material to illustrate these topics. Ngwabi Bhebe and Gerald Mazarire are participating in the SADC project for a history of the role of the front-line states. They may have access to the archives of the OAU Liberation Committee.

Aluka is currently working on the archives of Scandinavian support groups. Other research is being conducted that relates to the archives of UK support groups - Africa Bureau, Anti-Apartheid Movement (AAM), Fabian Colonial Bureau, etc., as well as on the Movement for Colonial Freedom archives at SOAS and the Catholic Institute for International Relations at the ICS. The ZNA possess other CIIR material and an important International Defence and Aid Fund deposit. These papers illuminate international attitudes. They also contain much material illustrating the ways in which Zimbabwean nationalist parties approached international supporters. There are publications of the Canadian Liberation Support Movement, some of which we have recommended above. The Baumhogger volumes illustrate, among much else, the activity of German support groups.

Professor Irina Filatova has told us that there is much material on the alliance with ZAPU and ZIPRA in the Soviet Archives and she has undertaken to inquire whether a Russian researcher is working on it.

There are documents illustrating the ANC/ZAPU alliance in Greg Houston, The National Liberation Struggle. The Road to South African Freedom (London, 2000). Fay Chung's recent book contains some material about Chinese assistance to ZANU/ZANLA. Kees Maxey's papers contain much material on the role of the United Nations, including the Sanctions Committee.

The September 2005 Cambridge conference on UDI heard many papers describing international perspectives which drew on archives from Britain, South Africa, France and Zambia. There will be a second UDI conference at the LSE in January 2006. There will be a special session on sources and specifically on the Aluka Project. For the British dimension at least up to 1965 the two just published volumes of the British Documents 'On The End of Empire' series on Central Africa edited by Philip Murphy will be an invaluable source of and guide to documentation. Volume One is entitled Closer Association, 1945-1958 and Volume Two Crisis and Dissolution, 1959-1965 (TSO, 2005).

For refugees there is invaluable material in the ZNA deposits by the International Committee of the Red Cross and Christian Care. Very valuable data is included in the Archives. There are reports on Zimbabwean refugees in Botswana in the Ranger Papers at Rhodes House

Part Five: Zimbabwe's Twenty Year War

It was difficult to break this part down into sub-sections since everything relating to the war is so inter-related. A possible way of breaking this part into sections would be:

(a) Rhodesian police and military operations: regular and irregular forces: air force and helicopters;

(b) Guerrilla military operations: contrasting and developing tactics: training, arms and equipment;

(c) Rhodesian pressures on the civilian population: protected villages, collective punishment: martial war, etc.;

(d) Guerrilla interactions with the civilian population: with mujibas and chimbwidos: with traditional religious authorities and churches: with chiefs: with sell-outs and witches;

(e) Raids into the Front-Line States;

(f) The auxiliaries;

(g) The attempts to integrate the armies.

This last topic again raises the question of the 1980 cut-off for the Aluka project which would make army integration and its tensions impossible to document. Luise White has recently written a seminar paper 'The Battle for Bulawayo' which draws on Rhodesian Army sources. It is obvious that an extraordinary source for this Part will be the Rhodesian Army Association Collection in the Bristol Museum of the British Empire. The Aluka Project has approached Dr. Diana Jeater of the University of the West of England and she reports that 'the project has offered to digitise up to 10,000 pages of material from this collection ... contingent upon the catalogue and data base being produced ... The Museum has agreed in principle to allowing non-sensitive parts of this collection to be digitised'. Dr. Jeater adds, however 'that the selection of material for inclusion in the Aluka Project will only be possible if a catalogue and searchable database is created'. This will take many months. Dr. Jeater has submitted for funding a project entitled 'Wars of Liberation, Wars of Decolonisation: The Rhodesian Army Archive Project': this ambitious project includes a cataloguer, a researcher who will produce articles and a monograph, workshops and seminars, etc. There are high hopes that the application will succeed but that will only be known in June 2006 and if the project succeeds it will be at least a year after that before Aluka can begin digitisation.

Meanwhile a 'rudimentary handlist' of the collection exists and has been distributed to the Zimbabwe Aluka Committee. From this it is clear that the files contain not only detailed data on Rhodesian military operations but also many intelligence assessments of the guerrilla movements and the Front-Line States. Box 141, for instance, has seven files of intelligence reports on Zambia; box 142 has 5 files on Tanzania, Zambia and Malawi; box 143 has reports on training camps in Cuba, China and Tanzania: boxes 174 and 175 contains folders on 'terrorist camps'; box 196 has a file on 'Operation Muzzle (Harare African Township)'; box 261 has correspondence on 'lessons learnt from past nationalist campaigns', etc. It is clear how many sections in this part and indeed in others, will be illuminated by these records. The only scholar who has so far worked on these papers is Luise White and it is possible that she has material which could be digitised.

Three published accounts by or of white participants in the war are: Bruce Moore-King, White Man: Black War (Baobab, Harare, 1988). This contains accounts of protected villages, civilians caught in the 'cross-fire', etc. Peter Godwin's Mukiwa contains a less horrifying account of his military service but Alexandra Fuller's Scribbling the Cat: Travel with an African Solider (Picador, 2004), explores the memories of K, former member of the Rhodesia Light Infantry, as 'he relives his memories of brutal war .. haunted by the blood on his hands'.

Aeneas Chigwedere has produced a pamphlet which describes Rhodesian raids into Zambia, The Hunt for Joshua Nkomo: Chimerenga II Episodes (Mutapa, Marondera, 2003). In an appendix Chigwedere list the names and particulars of the 'Selous Scouts Unit', the 'true terrorists'. He promises a second pamphlet which will deal with the Nyadzonya and Chimoyo massacres and the death of Herbert Chitepo. His main source are two books by Ron Reid Daly, commander of the Selous Scouts, Selous Scouts, Top Secret War (Galago, 1982) and The Legend of the Selous Scouts (Covos Day Books, 2001).

The best analytical account is H. Ellert The War. Counter-Insurgency and Guerrilla Warfare, 1962-1980 (Mambo, 1989). On the guerrilla side the ZANU/ZANLA archives are not currently available to be digitised and the ZAPU/ZIPRA archives have disappeared. The Zimbabwe Committee should discuss what, if anything, can be done about this. It may be that Josephine Nhongo Simbanegavi, the only scholar to have worked in the ZANU/ZANLA archives, may have material which could be digitised. Her book, For Better or Worse? Women and ZANLA in Zimbabwe's Liberation Struggle, Harare (Weaver, 2000), is an invaluable treatment of the gender issue and reveals the extent and interest of the ZANU/ZANLA archives. Meanwhile we hope that the material collected by the Mafela Trust on ZIPRA will be available as also the ZIPRA interviews collected by JoAnn McGregor and Jocelyn Alexander. Nicholas Nkomo's unpublished autobiography is invaluable both for the guerrilla experience and for his very positive responses to being in Moscow and the Soviet Union. Peter Mackay's unpublished autobiography, We Have Tomorrow, contains key material for guerrilla war in the 1960s. It begins with the great march from Highfield in 1960 and ends with Mackay ferrying ZAPU guerrilla recruits from Botswana along the Rhodesia border to Zambia. Sections of this manuscript should be digitised. [This is the moment for Mackay's biography as well, of course, for Tongogara, Dabengwa, etc.]

The Julie Frederiske desposit at ZNA contains much relevant material.

The Fading National Memory project contains much war-related interview data.

The external archival source which contains the most relevant material if Kees Maxey's deposit at Rhodes House. Maxey was the author of the first published study of the war, The Fight for Zimbabwe. The Armed Conflict in Southern Rhodesia since UDI (Rex Collings, 1975). This still very useful account draws upon many newspaper clippings but also on some more primary sources. Virtually all the sources for the book are in the Maxey Papers and are now available for digitising. They include ZAPU and ZANU war communiqués for the 1970s; ZIPA and ZIPRA combat diaries; Freedom Mkhwanzi's The Role of the Spirit Medium and Revolutionary Propaganda in the Zimbabwean Struggle (Sussex, 1977); Maxey's own duplicated paper 'The Armed Struggle in Zimbabwe and the Gaps in our Knowledge', June 1980; Maxey's hand-written diary of a visit to ZANU in Mozambique, February 1978; a file of material collected on this visit including documents and photographs with negatives; letters from Catholic missionaries about the situation in the field in 1977, 1978 and 1979; an interview with Tongogara in Maputo in September 1978 and much else.

The best comparative study of guerrilla war as well as of guerrilla interactions with missions is Ngwabe Bhebe The ZAPPU and ZANU Guerrilla War and the Evangelical Lutheran Church in Zimbabwe (Mambo, Gweru, 1999). The footnotes to this indicate that Professor Bhebe possesses interview material and material from Swedish archives which might be made available.

A collection of so-called 'accounts of the guerrilla war' is Michael Raeburn, Black Fire!, Friedmann (London, 1978), which includes yet another version of the Crocodile Gang and the Oberholzer murder. An early set of women's ZANLA narratives is African Freedom Fighters Speak for Themselves, ZANLA Cadre's Experience: ZANLA Women's Detachment (Tougaloo, Freedom Information Service, 1975).David Caute, Under the Skin: The Death of White Rhodesia (Allen Lane, 1983), contains an encounter with a guerrilla group as well as scathing accounts of late Rhodesian society.

There is material on protected villages, martial law etc in the publications of the Catholic Committee for Justice and Peace, 'From a Diary Kept at Mukumbura Protected Village', 1976; The Man the Middle and Civil War in Rhodesia (London, 1976). The latter contains civilian oral testimonies and should be digitised. The Hansard reports of Rhodesian Parliamentary debates contain many valuable protests by black MPs against collective punishment, etc.

A moving account of the civilian experience of the war recorded from within is Patricia Chater's Caught in the Crossfire (ZPH, 1985). Chater lived throughout the war at St Francis African Church in the Makoni TTL, whose priest, Basil Nyabadza, was murdered in a dirty tricks operation on 1 April 1977. There are invaluable interviews in Mothers of the Revolution and Women of Resilience.

Research materials should be available from the authors of case studies of the war such as Jocelyn Alexander, Norma Kriger, JoAnn McGregor, Ken Manungo, David Maxwell, Gerald Mazarire, Terence Ranger, Heike Schmidt etc.

Many Zimbabweans novels are relevant to this part, among them Chenjerai Hove, Bones; Shimmer Chinyoda, Harvest of Thorns; Wilson Katiyo, Son of the Soil; Stanley Nyamkukudza, The Non-Believers Journey; Charles Samupindi, Pawns; Alexander Kanengoni, Echoing Silences.

Part Six: Producing Knowledge/Contested Accounts

This part has been omitted from the current South Africa and Mozambique architectures and the topics set out in the draft architecture have been amalgamated into the previous five parts. We agree that many of the objectives of Part Six set out in the earlier draft - namely a presentation of the archives of the struggle for freedom as they now exist by means of catalogues and archive lists - can best be done by an Appendix to the Zimbabwe Aluka documents which reproduces all the lists on which we have drawn in this report and more as they become available. There might be another Appendix in which museum and archive directors discussed their own attempts to present the liberation movements. We might ask Terri Barnes to expand her discussion of Zimbabwean history text-books to form another Appendix.

However we thought 'contributions from individuals and political movements on interpretations of the struggle' should be sought. Moreover, the existence and development of many different interpretations of the meaning of the nationalist sequence, of the causes of the divisions within it, of the causes and nature of the guerrilla war, of the meaning of its legacy etc. seems to us to necessitate extensive illustration and discussion. There will be little time for this in Part Three with its obligation to illustrate, rather than to account for or theorise, the many cleavages within nationalism. Nor will there be time in Part Two or Part Five to reveal the significance of the interactions between the elements of civil society and the guerrilla war.

The debate has been intensified by Robert Mugabe's proclamation of the Third Chimurenga, placing the liberation war as the second of three great acts of resistance. This obviously changes the emphasis from a period in which the war was seen as the second and ultimate Chimurenga. It would be very interesting, for instance, to contrast Mugabe's article in Zimbabwe News,vol.10, 2, May-June 1978, 'ZANU carries the Burden of History' (included in Our War of Liberation, 1983) with material by him from Inside the Third Chimurenga. We think this may be the place for Mugabe's biography.

Gerald Mazarire is writing a review of the historiography of the liberation war which will help put this section in perspective. Meanwhile we think some of the following material could be interestingly deployed:

Some of the material should illustrate analyses of nationalism made during the struggle. We think that this is the place for Ndabaningi Sithole's classic African Nationalism (OUP, 1959 and 1968), which set out a prospectus for the nationalist struggle against which subsequent assessments can be set.

While the struggle was itself going on such assessments were being made. For instance Philip Murphy in his edited collection of British documents, Crisis and Dissolution, 1959-1965, 2005, includes as document 394 DO 154/94, 5 September 1964, pp.463-468 a despatch from High Commissioner J.B. Johnston to Duncan Sandys a despatch commenting on 'African Nationalism in Southern Rhodesia'. The despatch is very interesting in itself but it originally included 'a study of the history and policy of the African nationalist movement in Southern Rhodesia' by Second Secretary C.J. Sackur. Johnson remarks that 'it is possible that no authoritative account may ever see the light of day' so that Sackur's 'detailed study', which traces nationalism back to the 1930s, will be invaluable. Sackur apparently emphasises 'the Africans' fundamental preoccupation with land' and their 'continued insistence on looking to Britain and the British Government as their protector and the ultimate arbiter of their fate'. (Which Johnson says is embarrassing to Britain and irritating to the Rhodesian government.) Sackur describes tensions between 'moderates' and 'radicals'; his fifth chapter is devoted to 'the cult of unity' and the 'intolerable' violence between the PCC and ZANU. The nationalist movement 'remains divided, frustrated, proscribed and without a single national leader of real stature. It is inevitable that it should look outside for help and to violence as its only remaining weapon'. Johnson discusses the idea of a government in exile as a strategy which might further involve the communist bloc. All in all, it seems that it would be useful to digitise Sackur's study especially because it conditioned subsequent British contempt for and dismissal of the Zimbabwean nationalist movement. It would be fascinating to discover and to compare similar analyses made by FRELIMO in Mozambique or by UNIP in Zambia.

Very different but even more influential are socialist analyses of the liberation movement published during the 1970s. Examples are Lionel Cliffe's 'Some Questions about the Chitepo Report and the Zimbabwe Movement'. Review of African Political Economy,3, 6, 1976, and John Saul, 'Transforming the Struggle in Zimbabwe', Southern Africa, 10, 1, 1977.

Next we should illustrate early post-independence analyses. An important series of articles to digitise are those by Edison Zvogbo in the Zimbabwe News in the early 1980s. (We need to check the dates.) Zvogbo offered a general history of nationalism designed to minimise Joshua Nkomo's role and to elevate ZANU's policy of 'confrontation'. This led him to interesting re-evaluations, for instance of the NDP. He hailed Michael Mawema as the best nationalist leader Zimbabwe ever had by contrast to both Nkomo and Sithole. In the same category, though offering a very different analysis is Masipula Sithole's Zimbabwe: Struggles Within the Struggle, first published in 1979 and re- published in 1999. Sithole's book seeks for an overall explanation of the many crises we have listed in Part Three - his chapters successively reading 'Contradictions in ZAPU', 'Contradictions in ZANU', 'Who Killed Chitepo?', 'Contradictions in FROLIZI', 'Contradictions in the ANC', 'Contradictions in the ZPF', 'What of the Frontline States?' Sithole's overall explanation, which has been much contested, lay in breakdowns of ethnic balance. There are maps and diagrams on how to achieve ethnic stability. On p.185 Sithole dismisses 'unconvincing Marxist "class" and "generational" explanations of factionalism in the Zimbabwe nationalist movement by Lionel Cliffe, John Saul and Owen Tshabangu', referring us to his own article 'Focus on Class in the Zimbabwe Nationalist Movement', African Studies Review, 27, 1, March 1984.

The earliest - indeed almost immediate - radical analysis of the inevitable failure of petty bourgeois nationalism was Andre Astrow, Zimbabwe: a revolution that lost its way (Zed Press, 1983) who argued that the liberation movement had always been nationalist rather than socialist. An important debate with this view and with John Saul's 'radical revolutionary mythology' is Ibbo Mandaza. ed., Zimbabwe. The Political Economy of Transition (Codesria, 1986), particularly Mandaza's own 'Introduction' and chapter on 'The State and Politics in the Post-White Settler Colonial Situation'. Mandaza confronts the paradox that 'African nationalism is the indispensable force in the movement for national liberation; and yet it is also the basis for the neo-colonialism by which the masses are betrayed' (p. 8). His chapter de-mystifies ZIPA, which in 'a romantic perception of revolutionary nationalism' had been taken as 'the arrival of that phase of the liberation struggle that would lead Zimbabwe simultaneously to national independence and socialist revolution'. Mandaza himself says 'there is no evidence to suggest that [ZIPA] had itself fully transcended the mainstream of conventional African nationalism' (p. 32).

ZIPA's main spokesman, Wilfred Mhanda, has himself commented extensively in the press, criticising the Mugabe 'patriotic history' version of the struggle. An interview he gave to R.W. Johnson has been published as 'How Mugabe Came to Power', London Review of Books, 23,4,22 February 2001. Joshua Nkomo, eventually to be assimilated into the dominant patriotic narrative, offered very different perspectives on it in his Nkomo: The Story of My life. The book might be interestingly contrasted to the Heroes Acre biography of Nkomo.

These are initial suggestions. The academic literature has developed several controversies, foremost amongst them Norma L. Kriger's emphasis on revolution from below rather than from above. But the most extensive discussion of how ideology can shape historical consciousness is Luise White's The Assassination of Herbert Chitepo: Texts and Politics in Zimbabwe (Indiana UP and Weaver, 2003). The blurb says that the book 'advances new and fascinating lines of thought and research for those interested in the creation of nationalism, the nationalist struggle, and the genesis of citizenship'.

It might be useful if this part concluded with considering Terence Ranger's 'Nationalist History, Patriotic History and the History of the Nation: the Struggle over the Past in Zimbabwe', Journal of Southern African Studies. 30,2,June 2004, or its revised version 'Rule by Historiography: The Struggle over the Past in Contemporary Zimbabwe', in Robert Muponde and Ranka Primorac, eds., Versions of Zimbabwe (Weaver, 2005), and the responses to them. The first to be produced is Ngwabe Bhebe's lecture to the Japanese African Studies Association which is to be published in the journal of Midlands State University but others are on their way. This debate raises many of the issues relating to the production of knowledge.

Part Seven: Politics Of Identity

The earlier draft architecture says that it is important to be aware of 'the problematic status of many categories of identity that are far too frequently taken for granted. It identifies in particular ethnic and gender categories, emphasising that these have been reshaped by 'political struggle, by processes of war, peace-making and globalization'. This we thought to be certainly true for Zimbabwe and doubted whether it would be possible to bring out such reshaping in the six parts we have already discussed. However, our recommendations on this are provisional because our discussion of this part came at the end of two very demanding days of discussion. We more or less contented ourselves with a list of categories of identity which need to be de-constructed in the context of the liberation struggle.

These are:

(a) Race;

(b) Ethnicity;

(c) Gender;

(d) Masculinity/femininity;

(e) Citizenship - i.e. status in the city; (f) Class;

(g) National identity;

(h) Religious identity;

(i) Totemic/traditional identity.

Taking race as an example, we thought that it would be implicit in most of the parts but very much in danger of being taken for granted, reducing the liberation struggle literally to a story in black and white. We thought it should be complicated by raising and illustrating such issues as the non-racial ideology of the nationalist movement; the fact that a few whites participated in the movement and even in the liberation war, while very many blacks served the Rhodesian state; the significant input of European and North American solidarity movements; the necessity for some modification of white attitudes implicit in the Internal Settlement; the proclamation of the policy of Reconciliation, etc. It might be argued that these points emerged from the recommendations we have already made but we believe that they need to be high-lighted.

The same is true for urban citizenship, except in so far as it is raised in Part Two. Thereafter the towns rather fall out of the discussion since the Zimbabwean liberation war was so much fought in the countryside. Towns have come to seem almost un- Zimbabwean. It may be difficult but it is certainly important to document the interactions of the towns with the liberation war.

There has been a fair amount about religion in the first six parts but little opportunity to consider whether the liberation war involved a revival of 'traditional' religion, a transformation of 'historic' Christianity, and a re-thinking of attitudes on the part of African-initiated Christianity. Nor have we been able to demonstrate the trans-national character of religious identities.

As a last example we take the question of national identity. This too can come to be taken for granted as the focus of loyalty - or treachery. But the very location of 'the nation' was ambiguous and contested in the first stages of what we call the 'nationalist' movement. Many leaders made a pan-African or pan-Southern African definition of the identity for which they were struggling and only slowly and reluctantly came to accept a territorial national definition. Bulawayo was in some ways a cultural outlier of Johannesburg; Salisbury was the capital of the Federation. It was not easy for the two cities to feel closer to each other than to any other cities in the region. The 'nation' is always an imaginative construct and during the liberation struggle that imagination was often contested. The 'internal' parties of the late 1970s offered one definition of the nation; the 'external' parties another. Men have defined the nation in ways different from women.

Similar points could be made for class, ethnicity, gender, the formation of masculine and feminine identities, the re-shaping of traditionalism. If the Zimbabwe Committee and/or the Aluka Regional Committee at its meeting in March 2006 request us to do so we can meet again and recommend how these categories are to be illustrated.

Appendix: Biographies and Oral Histories

[Note: Those asterisked on the list below have an auto-biography or biography.]

Canaan Banana

Jeremy Brickhill

Benjamin Burombo*

Mai Chaza

James Robert Chikerema

Ruth Chinamano*

Herbert Chitepo

Victoria Chitepo

Fay Chung*

Guy Clutton-Brock*

John Conradie

Dumiso Dabengwa*

Enoch Dumbutshena*

Reuben Jamela

Tenjiwe Lesabe

Peter Mackay*

Daniel Madzimbamuto

Josiah Maluleke

Johana Masowe*

Joyce Mujuru Jason Moyo

Robert Mugabe*

Sally Mugabe

Mai Musodzi

Solomon Mutswairo

Abel Muzorewa*

Charles Mzingeli

Masotsha Ndlovu*

Joshua Nkomo*

Maurice Nyagumbo*

George Nyandoro

Terence Ranger

Ndabaningi Sithole*

Stanlake Samkange*

Sketchley Samkange*

Ian Smith*

Leopold Takawira

Rekayi Tangwena*

Garfield Todd*

Judy Todd*

Josiah Tongogara

Lawrence Vambe*

Peter Walls Edison Zvogbo

Collections of oral interviews and personal reminiscences

 The NAZ oral history programme a list of which is contained in Ngwabi Bhebe's Oral History.  Oral interviews in the NA Bulawayo.  Interviews included in Julie Frederiske's deposit, NAZ.  Material from the Capturing the Fading National Memory project to be made available by Catherine Moyo.  David Moore's interviews from 1986-7 and 2004 which are now being transcribed.  Material on ZIPRA collected by the Mafela Trust.  ZIPRA auto-biographies and Nicholas Nkomo's manuscript in possession of Jocelyn Alexander.  Oral interviews collected in field research by Gerald Mazarire, Ken Manungo, Terence Ranger, etc.  Interviews, with permission, from published collections, in particular: o Children of History (Zimfep, 1992) o Mothers of the Revolution (Baobab, 1990) o Women of Resilience (Zimbabwe Women Writers, 2000).

Gerald Mazarire is Chairman of the History Department at the University of Zimbabwe; Alois Mlambo is Professor of History at the University of Pretoria; Terence Ranger is Emeritus Professor at the University of Oxford.