News, Vol. 16, No. 6

http://www.aluka.org/action/showMetadata?doi=10.5555/AL.SFF.DOCUMENT.nuzn198510

Use of the Aluka digital library is subject to Aluka’s Terms and Conditions, available at http://www.aluka.org/page/about/termsConditions.jsp. By using Aluka, you agree that you have read and will abide by the Terms and Conditions. Among other things, the Terms and Conditions provide that the content in the Aluka digital library is only for personal, non-commercial use by authorized users of Aluka in connection with research, scholarship, and education.

The content in the Aluka digital library is subject to copyright, with the exception of certain governmental works and very old materials that may be in the public domain under applicable law. Permission must be sought from Aluka and/or the applicable copyright holder in connection with any duplication or distribution of these materials where required by applicable law.

Aluka is a not-for-profit initiative dedicated to creating and preserving a digital archive of materials about and from the developing world. For more information about Aluka, please see http://www.aluka.org Zimbabwe News, Vol. 16, No. 6

Alternative title Zimbabwe News Author/Creator Zimbabwe African National Union Publisher Zimbabwe African National Union (, Zimbabwe) Date 1985-10-00 Resource type Magazines (Periodicals) Language English Subject Coverage (spatial) Zimbabwe, Southern Africa (region) Coverage (temporal) 1985 Source Northwestern University Libraries, L968.91005 Z711 v.14-16 Rights By kind permission of ZANU, the Zimbabwe African National Union Patriotic Front. Description Editorial. First Secretary Holds Victory Press Conference. POLITBURO Changes and the New Cabinet Line Up. Focus: Department of Foreign Affairs. Biography: Comrade Secretary for Administration. Mwalimu Julius Nyerere: An Assessment of his Role in the Liberation of Southern Africa. Obituary: Comrade John Nyathi Pokela. Comrade Robson Manyika. Format extent 24 page(s) (length/size)

http://www.aluka.org/action/showMetadata?doi=10.5555/AL.SFF.DOCUMENT.nuzn198510

http://www.aluka.org 'AND

'AND ABWE 7oba oJHWESTERN UNIVERSITY 1 . -5 ft President Julius Nyerere A true Custodian of African Unity and Liberation

Contents First Secretary Hold Press C POLITBURO Change New Cabinet Mwalimu Julia Victory Press Conference Comrade Robert Gabriel Mugabe (see pa.e 5) Editorial Is Victory onference s and the ...... 1 ...... t Line U p ...... 10 Focus Department of Foreign Affairs ...... 11 Biography Comrade Maurice Nyagumbo Secretary for Administration ...... 12 s Nyerere An Assessment of his Role in the Liberation of Southern Africa ...... 13 Obituary Comrade John Nyathi Pokela ...... 18 Comrade Robson Manyika ...... 19 Comra Comrade (see page 11l) Biography Comrade Maurice Nyagumbo (see page 12) A True Custodian of African Unity and Liberation Comrade Mwalimu Julius Nyerere (see page 13) QO n[ y j Zimbabwe News Is the official News Organ of the Zimbabwe African National union (ZANUIPF) and is produced on the authority of the Central Committee by the Department of Information and Publicity, Jongwe Printing and Publishing Co., No 14 Austin Road, Workington, Harare. World Copyright, Central Committee (ZANUIPF). Pictures by Jongwe Archives, Herald and Ministry of Information

October 1985 F _SHONA ENGLISH--- NDEBELE Kukunda Kwakaita Bato reZANU (PF) Musarudzo: Dzidzo Inobva Mukukunda Uku ZANU (PF)'S Ukungqoba Landslide Kwebandla Election Victory: leZANU-(PF) Lessons from the Ekhethweni: Results Lezifundo Eziphuma Kulokho Kusati kwaitwa sarudzo yakapera, takaburitsa mashoko anokosha mugwaronhau rino tichikurudzira zvizvarwa zvemunyika muno kuti zvivhotere bato reZANU (PF). Takatsanangudza zvisungo zvedu nebudiriro yemakore mashanu akapera, tikaburitsawo pachena zvimwe zvimhingamupinyi zvatakasangana nazvo; tikazoonawo mamwe mabasa anokosha zvikuru anofanirwa kuitwa nehurumende yevanhu mune ramangwana. Zvizhinji zvacho zvakaburitswawo mugwaronhau rezvisungo zvaizotevedzwa mukunge vanhu vavhotera ZANU (PF), nemumashoko akataurwa pamisangano naComrade Robert Gabriel Mugabe, mutungamiriri weZANU (PF) nevamwe vakuru-vakuru vebato (pamisangano). Takaita izvi kuti vanhu vanyatsonzwisisa pfungwa nezvisungo zvedu vasati va.sarudza zvavaida. Naiwo mapato maduku akapihwa mukana uyu wekushambadzira zvisungo zvawo mumapepanhau nemunhepfenyuro. Izvi zvakarongwa nehurumende kuitira kuti vanhu vavhote vakasununguka, %asazochema-chema mushure mesarudzo. Bato reveruzhinji nehurumende zvaida kuti sarudzo iyi iburitse pachena zvido zvevanhu. Mushure mesarudzo, chikwata chakasarudzwa kuongorora mafambisirAo emabasa esarudzo chakatungamirirwa ntProfessor Walter Kamba, chak~tururira dzimwe pfungwa dzevamwe vanhu macrerano nekufambiswa kwesarudzo ivi kuna President Banana. Zvakatarid/ia kuti sarudzo yakaitwa vanhu vakasuntinguka. Doctor , mutung.miriri webato reZAPU naWalter Mthimkhulu weUANC, vakabudawo mumapepanhau vachitsinhira kuti sarudzo yakaitwa. vanhu vakasununguka. ' Nokudaro, zviri pachena kuti bato reZANU (PF) rakakunda musarudzo yaka-, itwa vanhu vakasununguka. Just before the lost general elections, we published a major article in this magazine in which we urged the people of this land to vote ZANU (PF). In that article we outlined our policies and achievements over the past five years, indicated some of the challenges which embattled us along the way, and identified areas where we felt greater emphasis should be placed by government in the years ahead. Many of the same issues were covered more fully in our election manifesto, and in statements and campaign speeches by the President and First Secretary, Comrade , and other ZANU (PF) leaders. We did all this to enable voters to have a clear understanding of our attitudes and policies before they made their crucial decisions. Minority parties were given the same opportunities to put their case to the electorate, and access to the media was accorded to them Arrangements for the whole electoral process were deliberately set by the government to be as fair as possible to all participants. The Party and its government wanted to ensure that the results of the elections would truly reflect the wishes of the electorate. At the end of the exercise, the independent Electoral Supervisory Commission, chaired by Professor Walter Kamba, reflected the verdict of most observers when it said in one of its reports to President Banana, . . . the conduct of the elections has been done in an environment vhich was conducive to a free and fair poll". The leader of ZAPU, Dr. Joshua Nkomo, and Waller Mthimkhulu of the UAN(" were quoted in the press as agreeing that the elections had been free and fair. It is against (his background that the Party's resounding electoral success should be vies ed and deduction,, drawn. Kungakenziwa ukhetho olwaphelayo, sabhala amazwi aqakathekileyo kulolu gwalondaba sikhuthaza abantu ukuthi bavotele ibandla IeZANU (PF). Sachasisa izinqumo zethu lengqubelaphambili yeminyaka emihlanu eyedlulayo, sakhuluma ngezinye inhlupho esaqondana lazo kuleyo minya-. ka, saphinda sabona imisebenzi eqakathekileyo ezaqhutshwa nguhulumende ngeminyaka ezayo. Izindaba ezinengi zacasiswa kugwalondaba Iwethu Iwezinqumo ezazizalandelwe libandla nxa lalizavotelwa nguzulu, lakumazwi akhulunywa emihlanganweniyokukhankasela ibandla nguComrade Robert Gabriel Mugabe, inhloko yebandla lezinye iziphathamandla zebandla IeZANU (PF). Lokhu sakwenza ukuze abantu bazwisise umnakano lezinqumo zethu bengakavoti. Amabandla amancane lawo anikwa lelithuba, avunyelwa njalo ukukhankasa emaphephandabeni lasemsakazweni. Lokhu kwaqoqwa nguhulumende ukuze abantu bavote bekhuluiekile, bangaze bahemahema ngemuva kokhetho. Ibandla likazulu lohulumende kwakufuna ukuthi ukhetho luveze mgceke intando kazulu. Ngemuva kokhetho, iqembu elahlolisisa ukhetho likhokhelwa nguProfessor Walter Kamba, laveza eminye immakano yabanye abantu kuPresident Banana, ngalolo khetho. Lathi "ukhetho lwaqhutshwa kuhle abantu bekhululekile". UDoctor Joshua Nkomo, inhloko yebandla IeZAPU to Walter Mthimkhulu owe- UANC baphuma emaphephandabeni bevuma ukuthi ukhetho Iwaqhutshwa abantu bekhululekile. Kungakhoke, ibandla IeZANU (PF) la ngqoba ukhetho lwenziwe abantu bekha lulekile. Okwaphuma ekhethweni Iwenengi labantu Ihandla IeZANU (PF) yilo kuphela etaphumelela ukwengezelela izihialo zalo eda- Zimbabwe News Vol.16 No. 6 Editorial . .. . +_+ _ 1

,M, IA N A ,.4nho, 1Q Zimbabwe News 'Zvakabuda Musarudzo Yeruzhinji Rwevanhu Bato reveruzhinji reZANU (PF) ndiro chete rakabudirira kuwedzera zvigaro zvaro zvevanorimirira mudare reparamende musarudzo yakaitwa munaJune naiuly. Bato reveruzhinji rakawana zvigaro makumi matanhatu nezvitatu, pakati pezvigaro makumi masere zvaikwikwidzwa mudare reparamende. Sarudzo haina kuzoitwa mudunhu reKariba nepamusaka perufu rwaComrade Robson Manyika, vaizomirira bato reZANU (PF), vakashaya kwasara svondo rimwechete kuti sarudzo itangise. Kwakazosarudzwa Comrade kuti vamifire dunhu reKariba mukukwikwidzana musarudzo. Nhengo yebato reZAPU yakazoramba kukwikwidza musarudzo iyi nekuti bato reZAPU rakanga risina rutsigiro mudunhu reKariba. Hapana kukwikwidzana kwakazovepo. Zvinoreva kuti bato reZANU (PF) rakawana zvigaro zvemudare reparamende, makumi matanhatu nezvina pakati pezvigaro makumi masere. Kana zvazvo bato redu risina kuwana zvigaro mumatunhu eMatebeleland North neSouth, huwandu hwevanhu vave kuritsigira mumatunhu aya hwakwirira. Kana dai sarudzo yakaitwa kuchitevedzwa mitemo yesarudzo yemuna1980, bato reZANU (PF) raiwana zvigaro mumatunhu aya emuMatebeleland. Bishop nebato rake reUANC akakundwa zvinonyadzisa musarudzo, akabva ashaya kana nechigaro chimwe chete zvacho. Kukundwa uku kwakaitwa bato reUANC kunenge kunototaridza ndechekuti bato reUANC rava remahumbwe munezvematongerwo enyika. Mumatunhu akawanda bato reUANC harichisina vanoritsigira nekuti ruzhinji rwavo rwavekupinda muZANU (PF). Kuwana zvigaro kwakaita bato reZAPU muMatebefeland kwakakonzerwa nevapanduki vaityisidzira vanhu kuti varivhotere. Asika kukundikana kwaro kunze kweMatebeleland kunotaridza kuti harisi bato rinomirira veruzhinji. Zvimwe chetezvo nebato reZANU (Sithole) rakawana chigaro chimwe chete chakawanikwa naGoodson Sithole, kuChipinge. Kunze kwemudunhu reManicaland, bato reZANU (Sithole) mune mamwe matunhu rakawana mavhoti mashomanana. Rakangonhonga-nhongawo muChipinge nemuChimanimani. Chikonzero kuti bato iri rakanyepera vanhu nikavimbisa vanhu zvarisingazombofa rakagona kuvaitira. Vagari vemuChipinge vakatsigira zvikuru hondo yechimurenga ichitungamirirwa nebato reZANU (PF). Hapana kukahadzika kuti vagari vemuChipinge vachavhotera bato reZANU (PF) musarudzo ichauya. Zvakabuda Musarudzo Yevachena Kusvikira muna 1980, vemune yayinzi yayitungamirirwa nalan Smith vakakundwa nemauto akasunungura Common Roll Results ZANU (PF) was the only Party to increase its share of the national vote in the June/July elections, and its share rose in all provinces. The Party captured 63 of the 80 common roll seats in the House of Assembly. The Kariba constituency was not contested due to the death a week before elections of ZANU (PF)'s candidate, Comrade Robson Manylka. A byelection was subsequently called and ZANU (PF)'s candidate, Comrade Enos Nkala, was declared the winner. ZAPU, which had fielded a candidate, withdrew from the race in mid-course because of lack of popular support - leaving Comrade Nkala the only candidate. So in all ZANU (PF) captured 64 of the 80 common roll seats. Although our Party failed to win any seats in Matebeleland North and South, its most spectacular gains in the proportion of the vote captured were made in those provinces. In Matebeleland South ZANU (PF) increased its share of the vote compared to 1980 by almost 88 percent. In Matebeleland North the gain was 50 percent. If the proportional representation system used in 1980 had been used in this year's elections ZANU (PF) would have picked up seats in the two provinces of Matebeleland. A crushing blow was dealt to Bishop Abel Muzorewa and his UANC party suffering a humiliating non-seat defeat. The injury the UANC suffered in the elections was so severe that the party is unlikely to present itself as a serious political force again. Defections from the party to ZANU (PF) since the elections have already left the UANC without any members in many areas of the country. ZAPU's failure to win more than a handful of votes outside Matebeleland and the western Midlands, despite putting candidates in all 79 contested constituencies and heavy campaigning, indicates that this party has no chance of achieving national status. Without the dissident element working for the party in Matebeleland, the moribund process which has afflicted ZAPU for years would now be complete. ZANU (Sithole), which produced one freakish result with the win of Goodson Sithole in Chipinge, has even more trouble achieving national status. Outside southern Manicaland ZANU' (Sithole)'s support was very small indeed with candidates getting only a few score votes. The Party won more than 90 percent of its few votes in just two constituencies, Chipinge and the neighbouring Chimanimani. The small success which this party had in the two constituencies is largely attributable to the fact that virtually all the campaign resources available to it were thrown there. People in these constituencies were promised heaven on earth by this party, and every attempt was made to play up certain local sentiments for electoral purposes. le lephalamende ekhethweni olvdenziwa ngoNhlangula loNtulikazi. Ibandla likazulu lazuza izihialo ezingamatshumi ayinthupha lezintathu edale lephalamendephakathi kwezingamatshumi ayis~ica-mimwemibil Esabelweni seKariba ukhetho kalusenziwanga ngenxa yemfa kaComrade Robson Manyika, owayezamela ibandla leZANU (PF), owabhubha sekusele iviki eyodwa ukuthi ukhetho lwenziwe. UComrade Enos Nkala, wakhethwa ukuthi abe ngomela isabelo seKariba ebandleni IeZANU (PF) edale lephaanende. Ilunga leZAPU lathi kalisafuni ukuncintisa ngenxa yokuthi ibandla IeZAPU lalingasekelwa esabeiweni seKariba. Okutsho ukuba ibanda ieZANU (PF) lazuza izihialo zedale lephalamende ezingamatshumi ayisithupha lezinepihaka. thi kwezingamatshumi ayisifica mimwemibill. Lobanje ibandla lethu lingatholanga izihialo ezabelweni zeMatebeleland North leSouth, inengi labantu asebelisekela Iathuthuka ezabelweni lezo. Ngabe kwalandelwa indlela zokhetho luka 1980, ibandla leZANU (PF) lalizazuza izihialo ezabeiweni ezimbili zaseMatebeleland. UBishop AbelMuzorewa lebandla lakhe ele-UANC wehlulwa okuyangisayo ekhethweni, waswela ngitsho lesihialo esisodwa. Ukwehlulwa lokhu sekukhanya angazathi yikho ukutshabalala kwebandla le-UANC kwezombuso welizwe. Ezabe. Iweni ezinengi ibandla le-UANC kalisela ngitsho abalisekelayo ngoba inengi labo selingena ebandleni IeZANU (PF). Ukwoehlula kwebandla IeZAPU eMate. beleland kwabangelwa ngabahlamuki ababesethusela abantu ukuthi balivotele. Kodwa-ke ukwehluleka kwalo ukuthola ngitsho lesihialo esisodwa ngaphandle kweMatebeleland kutshengisa ukuthi ibandla lei kafimeli uzulu. Ibandla teZANU (Sithole) elathola isihlalo esisodwa sika Goodson Sithole... Chipinge lalo kalfsoke lisekeiwe nguzulu wonke. Ngaphandle kwesabelo seManicaland, ibandla IeZANU (Sithole) lavotelwa kancane. Lazuzanje ezabelweni zeChipinge leChimanimani. Lokhu kwabangelwa yikuthi ezabelweni lezo abantu baqanjelwa amanga. Izakhamizi zaseChipinge zaphathisa kakhulu empini yenkululeko zikhokwelwa tibandla IeZANU (PF). Kasithandabuzi ukuthi izakhamizi zaseChipinge zizavotela ibandla IeZANU (PF) ekhethweni oluzayo. Okwaphuma Ekhethweni Lwabamblophe Kuze kube ngu1980, abamhlophe base Rhodesia eyayikhokhelwa ngu- owhlulwa ngamabutho alwela inkululeko yeZimbabwe babesesaba ukuthi babezaphindiselwa. Ukwesaba lokhu kwakufanele ngenxa yolunya lukaSmith. AmaJelimani ehlulwa empini ngo -1945 asadingwa lalamhla emhlabeni jikelele. Amanye awo asabanjwa nfalo agwetshelwa ugodo, lalamhla. Laphake, uComrade Mugabe, wamangatisa unhlaba wonke, ngokuxolela i0- %I I In K1- A A-4-ber 1985 ZiMhahwe lv,,ws

Zimbabwe News Vol.16 No. 6 October 1985 3 Zimbabwe, vaitya kuti Zimbabwe yasununguka vatema vaizotsividza utsinye hwavaiita. Uku kutya kwaikodzera kuvepo nekuti pasi rose vanhu vainge vaine utsinye hwakaita sehwaSmith nemhondi dzake kutanga makare kare vairangwa zvakaomarara kana vainge, vakundwa. MaJerimani akange aine utsinye muhondo yechipiri yepasi rose vakakundwa muna 1945, vachiri kutsvagiwa nanhasi. Vamwe vatungamiriri vemhondi dzechi-* Jerimani vakabatwa vakaurayiwa. Apaka apa, Comrade Mugabe vakashamisa pasi rose, kwete vachena vemuZimbabwe chete, nekuti vakabva vati mhandu ngadziregererwe. Comrade Mugabe vakati zvainge zvisina maturo kutsividza zvakaitwa nemhandu, vakati vanhu .ngavaregererane, kuri kuita tsiye nyoro. Munhu ane zvisungo zvinoremekedzeka chete ndiye angagone kuita pfungwa yakadai, mushure mekutambudzika kwakaita vatema vachipondwa nekushushwi nevapambevhu, kwemakore nemakore. Kuwana zvigaro gumi nezvishanu pakati pezvigaro makumi maviri kwakaita Smith nebato rake rinonzi Conservative 'Alliance of Zimbabwe kunoratidza kuti ruzhinji rwevachena rwakaramba tsiye nyoro dzemutungamiriri wehurumende yevanhu. Vachena ava varatidza vatema vemuno kuti vachiri kutsigira Ian Smith zvachose, murume akaita kuti zvizvarwa zvemuno zvakawanda zvipondwe. ... vakaratidza.kuti pfungwa dzavo dzichine tsvina, hadzisati dzasanduka, mukukudza nekuremekedza hurumende yemuZimbabwe. Nepamusaka pepfungwa yakadai, bato reveruzhinji nehurumende zvichaongorora mamiriro evachena vakadai nemagariro akanaka avainawo nepamusaka petwurnwe twumitemo twunovaita twumadzimambo pasina nechikonzero chose. Chibvumirano cheLancaster House chiri kushandiswa parizvino mukutonga chaonekwa kuti hachina nematuro ose. Chibvumirano ichi chinoti vachena zv.iuru makumi matatu nezvina ngavawane zvigaro zvemudare reparamende makumi mairi, huwandu hwevatema humwe chetehwo huchiwana chigaro chimwe chete mudare reparamende, hachingashande muno, marara, ngachibvarurwe-bvarurwe. Comrade Mugabe vakanyatsotsetsenura maererano neizvi pavakati: "Ko chokwadi zvingaite here kuti vamwe vanhu vafunge kuti vachena vanokosha kakapetwa makumi mairi kuenzanisa kukosha kwemutema. lzvi muZimbabwe hazvibvumidzwe . . . Ndinokuvimbisai kuti hatingagare tichitutwa nemutowo wakadai". Ramangwana Muchikamu chechipiri chekisregererana, bato reveruzhinji nehurumende hazvifanirwe kugamuchira rusarura, rwungave rwerwudzi rwupi. Vanhu vasingakudze vamwe havana kufanirwa kugara muno. Vanhu vane rusaruraganda nevakananga kukanganisa nyika vanofanirwa kuto- The people of Chipinge played a very important role during the liberation struggle under the leadership of ZANU (PF). We are confident that Chipinge will return to ZANU (PF) at the next elections. Results of the White Roll Up to 1980 white Rhodesians were fearful that given the nature of the confrontation between Ian Smith's illegal regime and the forces fighting for the liberation of Zimbabwe there would be massive recrimination against them after independence. This was not an unreasonable fear: people who behave as disgracefully as Smith's regime did have throughout history been treated harshly upon losing power. Nazis who lost power as far back as 1945, for example, are still being hunted around the world. Some of the leading Nazis who have been caught have been sent to the gallows. Here Comrade Mugabe surprised not only the whites of Zimbabwe, but the rest of the world as well, by his conciliatory stance once he came to power. Comrade Mugabe genuinely believed that there was little to be gained by pursuing a policy of recrimination, and that his hand of friendship would be reciprocated. Only a man guided by the highest principles could have made this gesture, given the severe hardships which he and millions of other blacks suffered during the years of colonialism. The capture by Smith and his Conservative Alliance of Zimbabwe (CAZ) of 15 of the 20 seats on the white roll clearly shows that many whites have rejected our Prime Minister's hand of reconciliation. These whites have clearly shown the black people of this country that they are still solidly behind Ian Smith and, all that he stands for; that they are still solidly behind the man on whose orders so many of our people were butchered. They have clearly shown that they are not capable of changing, that they have not reconciled themselves to the new order now prevailing in Zimbabwe. In the light of this, the Party and Government npw need to review the position of these whites and the special constitutional privileges which they enjoy. The Lancaster House Constitution under which we are olerating has been shown to be a farce. This constitution, which guarantees a mere 34 000 whites voters 20 seats when the same number of African voters are entitled to only one, is completely unacceptable and should now be thrown into a paper shredder. Comrade Mugabe summarised our objectives most succinctly when he said: "What the constitution tells us is that the white man of this country is 20 times as great as the African. We cannot accept that in new Zimbabwe ... I can assure you, we will not live with that indignity and insult for much longer". tha ngemuva kwempi. UComrade Mugabe wabona ukuba kwakungela ngqondo ukuthi aphindisele izitha, kwakungcono ukuthi abantu baxolelane, elethemba lokuthi izitha zazizazwisisa zamukele umusa ongaka. Ngemuva kokuhlupheka okwesabekayo kwezigidi lezigidi zabantu ngeminyaka yabahuquluzi, umuntu ohlakaniphileyo kuphela nguye owayengaxolela kangaka. Ukuthola izihlalo ezilitshumi lezinhlanu phakathi kwezingamatshumi amabili okwenziwa libandla likaSmith elithiwa Conservative Alliance of Zimbabwe (CAZ), ekhethweni lwabamhlophe kuishengisa mgceke ukuthi abamhlophe abanengi kabawamukeli umusa wenhloko kahulumende. Inengi labamhlophe laba selitshengise mgceke abantu abansundu bakuleli lizwe ukuthi basasekela u-Ian Smith ngamandla, kukanti enguyena owabulalisa abantu abanengi bakuleli. Sebeveze ukuthi ingqondo zabo kazikaguquki, kazihambelani lezikhathi. Kungakhoke, ibandla likazulu lohulumende sekufuna ukuhlolisisa isimo salaba abamhlophe, abahlezi bekholisa kwesinye isikhathi bengelalungelo lalokhu. Isivumelwano seLancaster House esibusa ngaso khathesi, silandela izinqumo zaso sesikhanya siqila abantu. Isivumelwano lesi esinika abamhlophe abazinkulungwane ezingamatshumi amathathu lezine, izihialo zedale lephalamende ezingamatshumi amabili, kukanti inengi labensundu elifana lalelo linikwa isihialo esisodwa edale lephalamende, kasamukelwa sekumele sidatshulwe. UComrade Mugabe wathi kungeke kwatsho ukuthi abamhiophe bakuleli baqakathekile okuphethwe ngamatshumi amabili kulinganiswa labensundu. Wathi 1okhu kasisoke sakuvuma eZimbabwe ekhululekileyo njalo kasisoke sathethiswa okunje. Elakusasa Esigabeni sesibili sesinqumo sethu sokuxolelana, ibandla likazulu lohulumende kakusoke kuvumele izigangi ezilobandlululo loba yiluphi. Abangahlonphi abanye kabavunyelwa kuleli. Kumele izigangi lababandlulula ngemibala lemihlobo baje. .ziswe nzima ukuze abantu bahloniphane. Ngeminyaka emihlanu sisebenze gadala ukugxila impande zenkululeko yethu. Kusese kunengi okuseleyo. Ngeminyaka emihlanu ezayo sekumele sithuthukise inotho yelizwe ukuze singathembeli kuncedo oluphuma kwamanye amazwe kuphela. Kuqakathekile ukuthi uhulumende wethu aqhube lezi nhlelo:1. Aqinise amabutho ethu, amapholisa lePeople's Militia, ukuze kuvikele iiizwe leZimbabwe lenkululeko yethu eqakathekileyo. 2. Umuntu wonke ahlale elelungelo Iokukhululeka eZimbabwe, kungela bandlululo. 3. Amasiko ethu athuthukiswe, abantu bamanyane kungelakubandlulula ngemibala lemihlobo, ngezabelo loba

4Vo.16 No. 6 October 1985 Zimbabwe News rerwa matanho akaomarara chaizvo kuitira kuti vanhu Vose vakudzane. Mumakore mashanu akapera takaedza zvikuru kuchengetedza nekusimudzira rusununguko rwedu, mune zvematongerwo enyika. Pachine zvizhinji zvinoda kuitwa. Mumakore mashanu anouya tinofanirwa kunhadzurudza upfumi hwedu kuitira kuti tisangovimba nerubatsiro rwunobva kunze kwenyika. Zvinokosha kuti hurumende yedu jite zvirongwa izvi: 1. Isimbaradze mauto edu, mapurisa nePeople's Militia, mukudzivirira Zimbabwe nekuchengetedza rusununguko rwedu tose, rwunokosha zvikuru. 2. Munhu wose ave akasununguka zvichitevedzwa gwara regutsarvzhinji. 3. Tsika dzedu dzisimudzirwe, vanhu vabatane pasina rusarura rwunoti urwu rwudzi rwakati, uyu anobva kudunhu ripi, kana kuti uyu haangaite basa rakadai nekuti munhurume kana kuti munhukadzi. 4. Hurumende itangisewo makambani anozosimudzira upfumi hwenyika. 5. Ruzivo rwemichina rwusimudzirwe, vanhu vadzidziswe mabasa akawanda. 6. Zvirongwa zveramangwana zvinyatsorongwa kuitira kuti upfumi hwenyika husimukire. 7. Paitwe zvirongwa zvekuongorora man" ingashandiswe mukutangisa i mapurazi ehurumende, makambani ehurumende, mishandirapamwe inotsigirwa nehurumende. 8. Hurumende igare ichiremekedza chisungo chekusapindira kana kuve nedivi rainorerekera munyaya dzekunze kwenyika, itsoropodze vanoda kutangisa hondo, ikurudzire runyararo pasi pose nemagariro evanhu akanaka pasi pose. Kutonga kweBato Rimwe Chete Vanhu Vakasununguka Zvikuru Kuvepo kwemapato akawanda seatiinawo lye zvino munyika muno kunokurudzira nhunzvatunzva nerusarura. Nemhandu yatiinayo kuchamhembe kwedu yashaya pekubata, hatingazvisasike kana kuzvipira kunjodzi dzakadai. Zvakabuda musarudzo zvinoratidza kuti zvizvarwa zvemunyika ino zvinonzwisisa pfungwa iyi, nekuti-kana bato reveruzhinji rikasarudza kuti kuve nebato rimwe chete rezvematongerwo enyika mukutonga vanhu vakasununguka zvikuru, vanhu vangazvitsigire kwazvo. The Future In the second phase of our policy of reconciliation, the Party and government should not tolerate reactionary racist attitudes of any kind. Those who do not respect other people should not be offered shelter under our skies. Appropriate political and legal action should be taken against racist and diehard reactionaries in order to promote a proper spirit of mutual respect among the races. Over the last five years we went a long way towards the consolidation of our political independence. A lot more remains to be done. In the next five years we should seek to transform our national economy in such a way that we reduce our dependence on foreign interests and countries. There is need for our government to carry out the following programmes: 1. Further strengthen our Defence Forces, Police and People's Militia to protect, preserve and defend the national independence and sovereignty of Zimbabwe; 2. ,.Create and preserve a more just social order in Zimbabwe; 3. Promote and develop a national culture; enhance our national consciousness and the unity of all our people without regard to tribe, region, race, sex or origin; 4. Set up State enterprises in the major sectors of the economy; 5. Train the necessary technically and ideologically competent cadreship; 6. Establish a planning machinery which will see the increased participation of organs of popular power from village to national levels in the allocation of the national budget for carrying out productive investment and social services; 7. Carry out land, agrarian and budget reforms to facilitate the setting up of state enterprises, state farms, collectives and co-operatives; 8. Pursue a policy of active nonalignment in our external relations, oppose war mongers and promote international peace, security and social progress throughout the world. One-Party Democracy The present multi-party system which we have in this country encourages subversion and division. With the apartheid monster to the south of us experiencing its severest test, we cannot afford a political arrangement which exposes us to these dangers. The election results show that the people of this country understand this logic, and that If the Party should decide to bring about a one-party democracy there would be massive support for the move. ngokuthi Ia ngowesifazane 1o yindoda. 4. Uhulumende abe lamankampani lobe amdpulazi okuzathuthukisa inotho yelizwe. 5. Abantu bafundiswe imisebenzi ehlukeneyo, eminengi. 6. Izinhlelo zentuthuko yakwelakusasa ziqoqwe kuhle ukuze zithuthukise inotho yelizwe. 7. Umhlabathi uhlolisiswe kuhle ukuze kwabiwe izindawo ezizakuba lamapulazi kahulumende, amankampani kahulumende, izindawo ezisebenzela abaphathisanayo kumaco-operative, lokuthi kuzabiza malini. 8. Ahiale elandela isinqumo sokungabi lahlangothi alusekelayo ezindabeni zamanye amazwe, angasekeli abafuna ukuqalisa impi, asekele ukuthula lengqubelaphambili emhlabeni fikelele. Umbuso welandla Elilodwa, Abantu Beklululekile Umbuso wakhathesi olamabwndla amanengi kuleli Iizwe ukhuthaza izigangi lokubandlululana. Sikhangelane lesitha esingeningizimu kwelizwe lethu, esiseziko khathesi, singeke sazicaya egcekeni ukuze Sehlulwe yisutha. Okwaphuma ekhethweni olwaphelayo kutshengisa ukuba izizalwane zakuleli zayayizwisisa lindaba njalo kungaba lebandla ehilodwa elizabusa, Iokhu kuzasekeiwa linengi labantu. aowe News Vol Ir K I , ,n 'irst Secretary Holds Victory 'ress Conference The following is the full text of the First Secretary, and President of ZANU (PF), Comrade Robert Mugabe's first post-general election press conference held on July 6, 1985: It is a moment for jubilation for my Party and for the people of Zimbabwe. Once again, ZANU has won the election and what this means, naturally, is that ZANU has been given a mandate by the people of Zimbabwe to rule the country, implement its policies and fulfil the wishes of the people over the next five years. I wish to take this opportunity of expressing my gratitude tb members of my Party who have worked so hard to achieve this resounding result that has brought us this landslide victory. We worked as a team right through, with precision and the results demonstrate the oneness that exists within the Party, the commitment which members of the Party from the Central Committee down to the Cell m9mber have to the Party and to the goals, aims and objectives of the Party. I also wish to thank the people of Zimbabwe for the manner in which they went about exercising their right to vote. The elections were very peaceful indeed and the people must be commended for their tolerance of one another at the polls and for their preparedness to make the elections free and fair. Having said that, I must emphasise that, to ZANU, the significance of the victory will only show itself in a meaningful way when the policies which the Party stands for begin to, be effected by the Government which 'we will be forming within a few days. Be United or Stand to Perish But I can say at once this is a mandate to unite our people. We believe in tlhe inexorable law of unity - you must be united or else you stand to perish. And so we shall be looking towards uniting our people under one political umbrella. This is a must for us and that objective has to be fulfilled within the next term of life that we have been given by the people. Then secondly, the mandate also means that the Party must implement its policies The 1st Secretary and President of ZANU (PF) addressing the first poitgeneral election press conference held in Harare "ZANU (PF)s resounding victory in the July, 1985 elections was a clear mandate by the People of Zimbabwe to the Party to implement its policies and fulfil the wishes of the people." and the cardinal ideology to the policies of the Party is Socialism. And hence, there is going to be an intensification of socialist programmes. We will make a much more meaningful thrust in the socialist direction towards the attainment of people oriented goals. Then thirdly, and this has now to do with creating the necessary environment that will yield the unity that I made reference to. We have to make sure that our society is rid of those undesirable elements whose own attitudes militate against the attainment of unity, and I have here on the one hand the racial attitudes of the whites and those whites who have not accepted the reality of a political order in which the Africans set the pace have to leave the country. On the other hand we have also amongst the Africans within some groups, machinations taking place to organise counter-revolutionary activities as well as, of course, the dissident element in Matebeleland, and these machinations have certainly to stop. Those responsible for them will have no one to blame but themselves when the hand of our law and order exercises itself over them. In other words, ZAPU which cto er wwou

6 Vol.16 No. 6 October 1985 is responsible for the dissidents in Matebeleland will have to do quite a lot to ensure that the incidents of robberies, murders and assassinations, victimisation, harrassment, taking place in Matebeleland is brought to an end. We cannot have a Party which on the one hand pretends it is democratic and wants to enjoy that advantage or privilege deriving from our democratic society; a party which pretends it is democratic when on the other hand it is nurturing and sponsoring dissident activities and, therefore, vitiating law and order, the security of the country and the progress that we are trying to achieve through various programmes and uplifting the lot of our people especially those in the rural areas. Well, that is the thrust you can expect to come from my goyernment over the next five years. Having said that, I must hint that we shall be working on the structuring of a new government as soon as possible, as soon as the President will have called on me to form that government. QUESTION: You have spoken about whites who have not accepted reconciliation and must leave the country, can you tell us how you will distinguish between the two groups? COMRADE MUGABE: Its' very easy. Those who have accepted reconciliation prove it with their actions - prove it with how they behave, what they say and the relationship between them and the Africans in their places of work where the .old order continues to have sway, and where the boss has not changed. We have our ears to hear and eyes to se and the senses operate quite actively. QUESTION: In both the question of the white roll and the one-party state the constitution as it stands seems to be an obstacle, at least in the immediate future. I am wondering whether you plan to continue under the strictures that are provided there or whether you are going to explore ways to circumvent or change the constitution beforgthe end of the constitution's life? COMRADE MUGABE: We must work towards change on the constitution in regard to those strictures or constraints which vitiate the sovereign will of the people. When the constitution is pitted against the will of the people and it acts as an obstruction, then it is no longer an expression of the will of the people and so the choice must be made whether such piece of paper is what must be revered or we must attach greater importance to the will of the people. We attained independence in 1980, and the fact of independence is a fact of the bestowel of sovereignty upon the people. If the people cannot change a constitution which is meant to express their will then there is obviously something wrong, and it cannot be accepted as a valid constitution at all, at least in respect of those The 1st Secretary and President of ZANU (PF) Cde. Robert Gabriel Mugabe address an election rally at Nkayi in Matebeleland holding a school boy by the name Nkululeko - meaning freedom aspects which are obstructive and amount to a permanent constraint of the will of the people. You represent the Washington Post and you know how American independence came to t*em. The American constitution, I do not think, emanated from London. It was a creation by the people of the United States and the people of Zimbabwe can very well create their own constitution. QUESTION: After five years in government, you still lead a country which has unity problems and after this election, Matebeleland is still out of step with the rest of the country - you have spoken of unity, what do you intend to do about Matebeleland? COMRADE MUGABE: It is really a pity that we are talking in terms of Matebeleland and the rest of the country. Really the problem is Nkomo and ZAPU as I see it. Nkomo and ZAPU and the dissidents. Nkomo cannot accent a secondary roe in our political order and so he must organise the people tribally, and if they cannot be organised tribally, he must set dissidents on them so that they do his will. We have been discussing this issue with the people of Matebeleland at various levels and there is no doubt in our minds that its more the fact of fear of the dissidents, fear of the wrath that should they be seen to be out of step and itis more really the cause of that fear we must Members of the Central Committee,viewing the bodies of the six ZA youths murdered by dissidents in Mberengwa - Midlands Provinc

'Limbabwe Newv in address than the effect it has on them. In other words, remove the cause and" the fear will go and the people of Matebeleland will behave in the same way as people elsewhere. They are not a strange people, they are tot a foreign element - they are part and parcel of our population and we have interacqed with them at various levels, governmental and political and we are satisfied that without ZAPU, without the dissident element, they will fall in line. QUESTION: You have talked of changing the constitution, I wonder whether you would takeyour landslide victory as a mandate or whether you would call a referendum before doing so? 'COMRADE MUGABE: We have already :%ad a referendum and we are not going to be mobilising the people in another ,useless exercise. The exercise has already been ut'dcrtaken and the will of the people is clear. The mandate has been given to us and we will proceed in as proper a manner as possible to effect the necessary changes - "proper" here means a manner which is in agreement with the will of the people as expressed during the election and the victory that we now enjoy. QUESTION: I wish to know if you ever talk to Ian Smith? . COMRADE MUGABE: If I ever talk to in Smith! Yes, I have talked to Ian Smith several times. I ceased talking to him when he started using those discussions as a means of organising his party and gaining credibility. From the discussions he would then go and tell his supporters, one, that the government was following policies that were being proposed to them by the , when it was still the Rhodesian Front. I never talked to him after he had changed from RF to CAZ. Secondly, when I discovered that that was giving him that credibility and, therefore, maintaning him, sustaining his leadership of the white community. I decided to, therefore, dissociate myself entirely from him, more so that the'policies of the RF were not changing at all - they changed the name to CAZ but their policies are still the. same. I therefore, pledged that I wouldn't talk to him at all. This is the position at the moment. QUESTION: We have seen a growing destabilisation by South Africa of the Frontline States. Two questions in regard to Zimbabwe. Do you fear an attack made now'on Zimbabwe .or a neighbouring state? Secondly, on sanctions on South Africa, do you agree that sanctions should be imposed and how will these affect Zimbabwe? COMRADE MUGABE: As regards the first question, South Africa is on a war of destaloilisation, and its objective is to destabilise our entire region. So it has its own strategy, we are aware of that, and any time is'time for aggression as fir as South Africa is concerned and we must 7 stay very ready any time for this type of delinquent exercise by South Africa. . We distinguish South African attacks into two. We have the covered attacks which occur through the agencies of elements that have been recruited by South Africa from amongst your people and these are then deployed in your country to commit acts of sabotage, to commit assassinations, to harrass the people and generally destabilise you as in the case of the MNR in and UNITA in Angola and we are aware ourselves, of the connection now between some ZIPRA elements and South Africa and of the fact that South Africa has been supplying some ex-ZIPRA ellments with ,arms. There is that coverty activity, therefore on the one- hand... On the other hand you have these incursions that occur from time to time when South Africa is not satisfied with the performance of its agents then it undertakes acts of aggression in an overt manner. So both covert actions and overt ones characterise South Africa's strategy in this region and we must stay ready, prepared-for both strategies or tactics by South Africa. In regard to sanctions against South Africa, we have supported sanctions against South Africa at all fora where these sanctions have been proposed. But, Zimbabwe and all the other FrontlineStates have made it cleat that we in this region cannot participate in the exercise of such sanctions because of our nearness to South Africa and dependence on its routes, in some cases its markets, but we have expressed our willingness to participate if the international community can lay at our disposal facilities whereby we can stand compensated for the -economic losses that we might suffer. So we support sanctions against South Africa fully. Our only worry is that if these sanctions are not global or they are not exercised or effected by most of the Western world which trade with South Africa, then theywill not succeed. They have a small chance of success if the United States, Britain, West Germany, the EEC countries all agree on imposing sanctions against South Africa and they act in harmony, truthfully, wanting those sanctions to succeed, the sanctions will succeed, but otherwise I cannot see them succeeding if they are peacemeal. Of course this doesn't prevent countries which on principle would want to sever relations with South Africa from doing so. Sweden has done so and I notice Norway is also doing so, other Scandinavian countries might also be doing so. That is very welcome indeed. iBut we need the whole Western world to work in combination if the sanctions are to have any meaning and effect on South Africa. QUESTION: What sort of military aid and'whichform and expense iv Zimbabwe thinking of giving to Mozambique? COMRADE MUGABE: Zimbabwe is already assisting Mozambique and assisting itself by ensuring that the routes which service Zimbabwe are free from attack and remain a going concern. This is why we have forces that man the route to Mozambique, the railway line to Beira, the road to Beira and the road to Tete, and the pipe line from Beira. We haven't got enough manpower to man the route to Maputo, the Maputo rail line. This is the military assistance we are giving to Mozambique - actually giving to ourselves in a way. Then of course, there is the need for us to guard our border with Mozambique. There have been a few incidents on that border on some occasions and we will intensify that border, but we do not have enough manpower ourselves to enable us to spread ourselves along the main line to Maputo. So there is that constraint, but we are very willing to give assistance as and when we can afford it from the point of view of manpower and afford it from the point of view of our economic resources. QUESTION: The Sunday Mail has received lots of letters from readers, white readers of The Sunday' Mail, complaining that the Prime Minister is blanketing them. They say that only 18 000 out of 120 000 whites voted for the Rhodesian Front, but the Prime Minister is blaming every white man. They say this is not fair. They also say that young people do not support the Rhodesian Front. Have you any. word of assurance to these whites, Comrade Prime Minister? COMRADE MUGABE: Have they any word of assurance to the Prime Minister? That's what they say. We want to see what they do. In fat when I made the statement, I made reference to the "white racists". If that blankets them, well, let them wear the cowbell. If it doesn't blanket them, then of course, they stand absolved. \ I have actually said we will work with those whites who would want td work with us but the rest will have to find a new home elsewhere. There is that distinction between those who have trully reconciled themselves to the new order and those who have not, are not trying and will not try. QUESTION: During your campaign you told people that if you get a mandate you will create a one-party state. Now we have other parties which have also won seats, how are you going to accommodate them in a one-party state? COMRADE MUGABE: How are we going to accommodate the people of Zimb,abwe in a one-party state? That is the question. We are for the unity of the people and we want them united under a 'pdlitical umbrella, that political umbrella is ZANU. So we will lay our.membership books open for thts e who will want to join us. When the time does come for us to effect a one-party state we will do so whether these parties still exist or not. In other words if it's a one party state then that's it. The other-parties w I1 stand invalidated and only one party will remain...... Aha~ws v-i, , 0. CJ~LoU e r3 tint IA Nn A fl,,tnh~r IQR~ Zimbabwe QUESTION: I am wondering if I can ask you a two-part question about the constitution. I am wondering tf you feel strongly now as you did in 1980 about the flaws in the constitution that you have described, and if so why you agreed to it. The second part of the question - I ain wondering why you would risk Zilttbabwe's international reputation, by breaking the agreement now instead of waiting for it to expire in 1990, after all five years is a very short time in the life of a nation. COMRADE MUGABE: Thank you. Wh. did we agree to it - there are many objectionable features of the constitution we accepted. We made our objections to Lord Carrington but because the main principles of the constitution were acceptable to us, we accepted the constitution. This does not mean in principle we accept all the features of the constitution. Having accepted the constitution and tried it over a five-year period, it is quite clear that some features are glaringly objectionable. Take the feature of white representation. Now, I wouldn't quarrel with it very much at this stage. The principle we object to is of categorising our people as black and white and giving them separate representation, bit we are prepared to accept that for a while. And so, I wouldn't quarrel with the principle at this stage bgcause the principle is to operate only for a short period. But look at What it has created! A mere 32 000 whites retain 20 Members of Parliament. They are given, by virtue of that constitution, 20 seats. I got more than that in Highfield. I am entitled therefore, to 20 seats, I think, in Parliament. So there is that feature. As I said in Highfield at 7imbabwe Grounds, a week ago, what it really makes out of its is that a white is twenty times as great as a black, or conversely, one white mal equals twenty blacks. Now our people are not that foolishly good as to continue to be insulted that stay. Reall wc feel that that one must go arKl go almost initlediately. The whites themselves Must feel that it is in their interest to have non-racial representation. In other words, to' be counted alongside everybody else in society and not to be singled out, you white man stand there, you are entitled to 20 seats and black man stand there you are entitled to 80 seats. That kind of thing or feature, I feel really has to go. Then there is a second aspect which has to do with tile mode of changing the constitution and that is ill respect of entrenVhed clauses, itlLdilg the.Dclaration of Rights and that factor of hite representation. YOu need 100 percent affirmative vote in Parliament. Everybody must \ ote yes, iricluding Ian Smith. This is a stricture Mthich really is intolerable. Wht it amounts to is thati e et if yot have a majority government or tiaJority represenltatiol in Parliament, thete The 1st Secretary and President of the Party Comrade Mugabe visits Chitungwiza polling station is very little you can do unless everybody in Parliament agrees with a proposal or measure to amend the constitution in respect of the entrenched clauses. [here is no constitution in the world like that, so why should Zimbabwe be burdened with a stt icture of that nature. Britain itself which imposed these features on us has an unwritten constitution and they proceed by way of a simple majority vote in Parliament. Why shouldn't we do the same. In fact some of us are of the opinion that a two-thirds majority is terrible and swhy shouldn't we w,.rite into our constitution a two-thirds majority. The tUnited States has that kind of feature w hich combines a two-thirds majority in some cases, perhaps three- quarters of either state, or representation in Parliament. Some such arrangement is tennable but not a feature which shows vey clearly that Britain did not want us to do anything to the constitution in respect of those entrenched clauses until ten years had expired. W\'ell we cannot wait until those ten sears expire. Time has come for us to think about those amendments and if we cannot make these amendments with the support of the others, Ian Smith included. then we will make the amendments \k ith tile stplort of those who would want to sce them made. The international community, you said. What is the internationl communi!y? Its tile Western \N orld thats what you are saying. Well to tell the truth, \ hen we beliese we are right, the Western wkorld can say what it w'allts go hang. As long as we believe we are right we s\ill do what we feel is in the interest ot our people - pure and simple. QUESTION: In your opening remarks iou noted that there had been afree and ,fair election and people had been able to exercise their right quite freely. In the case of Matebeleland, they voted for ZA PU. You have also said the problems that you face in creating national unity at the moment hinge largely on ZAPU and Mr. Nkomo. What then is the future, in those circumstances and with your views, for ZA PU and Mr. Nkomo? COMRADE MUGABE: I thought I had answered that question already. We are more interested really with the welfare of tile people of Matebeleland. We do not distinguish them from people elsewhere. Their fate is intertwined with the fate of others. Their destiny is the same as the destiny of other peoplc and we never talk in terms of Ndebeles. Shodas, .Vendas, Tongas - we never do that. . .. Intfact we discourage that in our own political philosophy. The people in ZANU did not vote for me because they were voting agaifist Ndebeles. They %oted for me and the Party because of what the Party has done, because of the record of the Party. Everywhere we went we told the people they wvere one, and so it is the oneness of the people we are more interested in. Nkomo and ZAPI are using methods hich are completely unacceptable to impose their awill on the people of M tebeleland and to influence then, aainst unity We sNill in I he first place continue our eserctse 4 orgatising the people of \latebeleland as we hase done having our Vol 16 No 6 October 1985 Zimbahwe

Zimbabwe News Vol.16 No. 6 own Party infrastructure well laid on in Matebeleland and, therefore, try to mobilise them and bring them into the orbit of the Party. Secondly, we will not tolerate a state or situation in which ZAPU will want to enjoy as I said earlier on, the advantages of our democratic system on the one hand a d on the other, is actually operating against that system yielding those advantages for it, by running an army of criminal dissidents. That has got to stop. If ZAPU won't stop it, then ZAPII will be stopped by us. Its just that simple. QUESTION: Can you tell us why Zinbabwe needs a one-party state? COMRADE MUGABE: Why does Britain ned a multi-party state, why does the United States need a multi-party state and nt a one-party state? Because that's what ye believe in. We feel it is a more preferable system, making for the greater lnity of our people. It does not yeild the chaos of the West. Chaos that one finds in the Western countris where anybody can run any group including killer groups - the Ku Klux Klan - openly, the Red Brigades and that Iind of thing openly. We would want to concern ourselves with matters that have to do with the development of the country and thc upliftment of our people. Our ideas must merge and yield programmes which in turn will yield benefits to the rest of our people. We believe in that philosophy. We are one family, one country, with one nation and one government. So we must have one party. It is that simple. To us there is no philosophical problem. Others have philosophicl problems about this, but certainly wie do not have any - no qualms about it. It is the right thing to do. If you are one, this is it. October 1985 9 ZANU (PF) won 64 of the 79 seats contested in the Common Roll Election in July, 1985. This is a true indication of the popular support the Party now enjoys. In comparison with the 1980 elections the scoring can be analysed as follows:TABLE A. ZANU PF PF ZAPU UANC ZANU (S) 1985 No. of Seats 64 15 None I 1980 No. of' Increase/Decrease 07o increase on Seats in seats the 1980 poll 10.53 -25 -100 None None None The National voting characteristics can be further broken down as:TABLE B Nat. Votes 1985 1980 % Swing % (for or against) Total Vote 2 892 524 ZANU PF PF ZAPU UANC ZANU OTHERS 2 233 320 556 996 66 342 35 490 376 + 14.2, -4.9 -1 -0.8 -2.6 Both tables A and B show an overall swing to ZANU PF at the expense of minority parties. PROVINCE Manicaland Mash. Central Mash. East Mash. West Mat. North Mat. South Midlands ZANU PF PROVINCIAL RESULTS TOTAL ZANU PF VOTE VOTE 380 644 202 649 683 830 262 8651 394 996 345 320 190 756 431 464 337 290 199 169 627 523 248 203 386"-842 52 148 24 603 357 537 1985 1980 SWINGTO 0 074 ZANU PF IN 1985 88.6 84.1 4.5 98.3 83.8 14.4 91.8 80.5 11.3 94.4 71.9 22.5 98.0 87.3 10.6 15.1 10.0 5.1 12.9 6.8 6.0 82.9 59.7 23.1 Mrs. Bona Mugabe the mother of the Prime Minister casting her vote at Lydiet in Norton

Huge crowd at Domboshawa p( station POLITBURO Changes and t New Cabinet Line Up The First Secretary and President of ZANU A (PF) recently announced new appointments and changes in the POLITBURO. The former Secretary for Transport, Comrade has been appointed Secretary for External Affairs, a post which was held in an acting capacity by the 2nd Secretary and Vice President of the Party Comrade Simon Muzenda. Comrade who was a POLITBURO Member becomes the new Secretary for Transport. Comrade Mayor Urimbo is now a full member of the POLITIBURO while Comrade Nelson Mawema becomes the new Deputy Secretary of the Commissariat and Culture. Comrade has been appointed Deputy Secretary for Transport. MINISTERIAL APPOINTMENT 1. Deputy Prime Minister- Comrade Simon V. Muzenda 2. Minister of State (Political Affairs and Coordination of Cooperatives) - Comrade Maurice T. Nyagumbo 3. Minister of Home Affairs - Comrade Enos M. Nkala 4. Minister of Transport - Comrade Hebert S.M. Ushewokunze 5. Minister of Education - ,Comrade Dzingai B. Mutumbuka 6. Minister of State (Defence) - Com rade Ernest R. Kadungure 7. Minister of State (Security) - Conrade Emmerson D. Munangagwa 8. Minister of State (Community Development and Women's Affairs) - Comrade Teurai R. Nhongo 9. Minister of Health - Comrade 24. Minister of Public Construction and Sydney T. Sekeramayi National Housing - Comrade Sim10. Minister of Information, Posts and barashe S. Mumbengegwi Telecommunications - Comrade 25. Minister of Youth, Sport and Nathan M. Shamuyarira Culture - Comrade 'David 11. Minister of Foreign Affairs - Com- Karimanzira rade Witness M. Mangwende 12. Minister of Finance, Economic Planning and Development - Comrade DEPUTIES Benard T. Chidzero 13. Minister of State(Public Service)- I. Local Government, Rural and UrMr. Christian J. Andersen ban Development - Comrade 14. Minister of Trade and Commerce - George M. Chinengundu Comrade Ofiver T. Munyaradzi 2. Education - Comrade Joseph 15. Minister of Industry and Technology Culverwell - Comrade Callistus D. Ndhlovu 3. Trade and Commerce - Comrade 16. Minister of Lands, Agriculture and Chimbidzai E. Sanyangare Rural Settlement - Comrade 4. Finance, Economic Planning and Moven E. Mahachi Development - Comrade Morton 17. Minister of Mines - Comrade D. P. Malianga Richard C. Hove 5. Labour, Manpower Planning and 18. Minister of Local Government, Social Welfare - Comrade Alexio Rural and Urban Development - N. Mudzingwa Comrade Enock C. Chikowore 6. Public Construction and National 19. Minister of Justice, Legal and Housing - Comrade Robert"M, Parliamentary Affairs Comrade Marere Eddison J. M. Zvobgo 7. Youth, Sport and Culture - Coin20. Minister of Labour, Manpower rade Amos B. Midzi Planning and Social Welfare - 8. Lands, Agriculture and Rural ResetComrade Frederick M.M. Shava tlement - Comrade Swithun T. 21. Minister of Energy, Water Resources Mombeshora - anddILkelopment - Comrade Kum- .9. Information, Posts and Telecombirai M. Kangai munications - Comrade Naomi 22. Minister of Natural Resources and Nhiwatiwa i Tourism - Comrade Victoria F. 10. Health - Comrade Edward M. Chitepo Pswarayi 23 Minister of National Sdpplies - I1. Transport - Comrade Amina Comrade Simbi V. Mubako Hughes bwe News Vo1.16 No. 6 October 1986 11 DEPAR T OF FOEG AFFAIR During the struggle for independence our Party received a great deal of material, diplomatic and other support from many friendly countries and organisations around the world. Without this support, our war effort would probably have been impossible to mourn successfully. The task of forging links with the external world falls within the remit of thq Department of I-oreign Affairs. Recently Zimbabwe New, spoke to the Deputy Prime Minister, Comrade Simon Vengayi Muzenda, who at the time, was Acting Secretary of the Department, about its history, structure and broad functions, the successes our Party scored in establishing links with other organisations abroad and the principles which guide our external relations, problems confronting the Department and how they are being solved, and the future of the Party and, country generally. History Recounting the history of the Department, Comrade Muzenda said: "The Department of Foreign Affairs owed its existence right from the formation of the Party in 1963. In fact one of the main sims and principles of the Party was its commitment to the noble ideals of PanAfricanism and solidarity with other struggling peoples the world over. So the Department was formed to forge diplomatic links with other political parties both in and outside Africa". When ZANU was banned in 1964, efforts to implement the policy of "confrontation and armed struggle" in order to bring about national independence in Zimbabwe were not abandoned. "This mammoth operation was conducted by the Party from Headquarters first in Zambia and later in Mozambique. In this task of decolonisation, the Department of Foreign Affairs evolved into a prominent position because it was charged with the mobilization of diplomatic and material support for the second Chimurenga. In fact, with the Republic of Zimbabwe, now a member of the international community, the Department of Foreign Affairs has become an imporiant component of the Party structure." Structure and Functions In its current structure, the Department is run by Comrade Dydimus Mutasa as Secretary, and the Minigter of Foreign Affairs, Dr. Witness Magunda 2nd Secretary and Vice president of the Party Mangwende, as his Deputy. The two of them constitute the political Heads of the Department. The Staffing Committee of the Party has just approved a "Civil Service" structure for the Department consisting of a Director and a number of Heads of sections in the Department with their supporting clerical and research staffs. "With funds permitting, some of the staff will be engaged." "The broad function of the Department", Comrade Muzenda said, "is to carry out the Party's policies and principles in the international sphere as set out in the Party's constitution and the decisions of the Party's Second Congress, as well as the Resolutions of the Central Committee". The Department is principally charged with the responsibility of establishing and maintaining relations with "all external and internal organisations, institutions and solidarity groups whose aims and objectives are not inconsistent with those of the Party" Successes and Principles "Over the years", Comrade Muzenda observed, "the Party has been very successful in forging links with many organisations and parties throughout the world. In fact what the Party is now doing is to further cement the fruitful contacts and fraternal alliances with various organisations which ZAN, (PF) fostered when the Party was the vanguard of the people's national liberation wsar". The Department has forged firm links with progressive parties and organisations, in the following areas of the world: a) Frontline States; b) The rest of Africa; c) The Socialist countries of Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union; d) Western Europe; e) Asia and the Pacific; and f) Many areas with liberation movements still struggling for selfdetermination. "The tangible success of forging links with other organisations was vindicated at the historic Second People's Congress last year when a record of nearly seventy foreign parties and organisations attended the Congress," Comrade Muzenda noted. Turning to the question of principles guiding our external relations, Comrade Muzenda said that the Department cooperated with international organisations and parties whose aims and objectives were not inconsistent with the overall aims and principles of the Party. "Amongst others, the following are the principles which guide our Party's external relations: a) Respect for and recognition of mankind's right to life; b) Anti-colonialism and antiimperialism; c) Adherence to Pan-Africanism and unity of the African peoples; and, d) Pursuit of and adherence to a sociopolitical system that eliminates the exploitation of man by man." Problems The Department of Foreign Affairs faces a number of problems as it attempts to discharge its obligations. One of these problems is related to shortage of funds. "As you might know, relations between political parties and organisations are on a reciprocal basis. We are often invited by many parties to attend their Congresses and Conferences but we are unable to attend these because of lack of funds. In fact the Finance Department insists that we only attend those meetings where we are given tickets paid for by the host party. To partially overcome that, we are putting requests to the Finance Department for increased financial allocations," Comrade Muzenda explained. Another problem which confronted the Department was associated with its structure, which has now been changed. "The absence of a Departmental 'Civil Service' tip to now has hampered the efficient running of the Departmept. To overcome FOCU

I ' Vol.16 No. 6 October 1985 I _.JA S Member of the Politburo of the Central Committee ZANU (PF): The Secretary for Administration - Member of Parliament for Dzivarasekwa - Mashonaland East Province - The Honourable Minister ofStase (Political Affairs aild Co-ordination of Co-operatives). Always smiling, calm and gentle, Comrade Maurice Nyagumbo can be described as "still waters that run deep". He once described himself as "Rombewo zvaro", just a poor humble man. He was born in Rusape on December 12, 1924. In 1944, after completing his primary education from St. Faith's Mission and St. Augustine's Penhalonga, he took French leave 'for South Africa under the pretext of going to a boy scout clmp at the Matopos. Work. was not easy to come by, and Comrade Nyagumbo found the same whites in South Africa like those he had tried to run away from in Rhodesia. He did several menial jobs like helping vegetable vendors in return for food, being a waiter, butler and later a bedroom boy in Port Elizabeth. In Cape Town he met William Mashaba, a Zimbabwean who introduced him to the S.A. Communist Party. Initially he was impressed by the white members of the Party who socially treated him as an equal. The Party offered him a Scholarship to study in Russia which he never took up. To avoid arrest, when the Communist Party was banned in 1948, Comrade Nyagumbo, under the false name of Michael Mahlangu, helped to form the Central African Social Club which aimed to involve Rhodesian Africans in political activities. Continued from page II that we have now set up a structure headed by a Director, which I have already referred to." Insufficient liaison with other Departments also created difficulties for the Department. "Sometimes other Departments do not inform or tell ts of their negotiations with our external friends which leads to unnecesary embarassments. To avoid that, we have made it a rule that all correspondence between the Party and foreign organisations must be channelled through the Department of Foreign Affairs." Future Looking ahead, Comrade Muzenda expressed great optimism about the future of the Party and the country as a whole. "With regard to the Party, it can only In 1953 Comrade Nyagumbo became Secretary-General of the club. He was deported two years later for being in contact with Mau Mau sympathisers in Kenya. Back home, he bought a small shop but continued with his political activities together with other nationalists like and Paul Mushonga. Together they edited Chapupu a political newsletter. He encouraged the formation of a political organisation but was persuaded to accept the City Youth League which successfully demonstrated against the introduction of the United Omnibus Company taking over from African bus operators in the city. "African political organisations were still confused, and even laughable in those days. An earlier African opinion organisation had been chaired by a white District Commissioner and in our efforts to form another party, subsequently, known as the African National Congress, we went about in search of a graduate and dared ask GuV Glitton-Brock (w hite) to grow from strength io strength. Organisationally, the Party is now on a very firm foundation after holding its historic Second Congress. It is now well structured from the cells to the Central Committee and its administrative organ - the Politburo. Ideologically, the Party is also very health\ having adopted a firm direction of socialism along the Marxist-Leninist model." With the Party growing and exercising increased influence in the formulation of Government policies, Comrade Muzenda said, our country can only benefit. "Also with thi spread of the Gospel against tribalism and banditry acts, and the upturn in the world economy to whih we are an appendage, our country can develop'in unity and prosperity to the mutual benefit of all her citizens.'! lead us. That is when Comrade Nkomo, then a graduate, unexpectedly dropped in at our major meeting, as if by providence, and the opportunity was seized to elect him president of the new organisation. because the Youth League had been derided as having been led by uneducated, hooligan elements", remeinbers Comrade Nyagumo. When the ANC was formed on September 12, 1957, Comrade Nyaumbo was elected Secretary of its Rusape branch. In 1959 the ANC was banned and he was detained and imprisoned until 1963. In jail he helped to draw up the first constitution of the NDP, formed in Januaiy, 1962, and banned in September of the same year. Released in 1963, he went to Tanzania to be part of the formation of a Government in exile and became ZANU's National Organising Secretary at its formation. In November, 1963, he was imprisoned for three years for a "subversive" statement and later detained until 1974 when he went to the Victoria Falls Bridge detente exercise. In the wake of the failure of these talks he was arrested again in March, 1975, for recruiting for the armed struggle. Comrade Maurice Nyagumbo was finally set free on December 12, 1979, to attend the last phase of the Lancaster House Constitutional Conference. While in prison he wrote his famous book "With The People". The most important part of his sombre experience is found in his book "With The People" a vivid autobiography of the man who loved easy going but industrious then turned politically conscious by environment under the oppressive same (white) people who should have been his equals. He ends up being an uncompromising nationalist who for 23 years sacrifices his freedom and material possessions to free his country. Throughout the struggle Comrade Nyagumbo worked selflessly for the attainment of his goals - justice and peace in a free Zimbabwe. "With The People" can therefore be summed up as a book that has the story of Comrade Nyagumbo's trial and tribulations. The story of a man who stood his grounds till 1980. At Independence Comrade Maurice Nyagumbo was first appointed Minister of Mines in the first Zimbabwe Government. He was to be moved to the Prime Minister's Office as a Minister of State for Political Affairs and Co-ordination of Cooperatives, Comrade Nyagumbo is married and has three sets of twins, all girls. BIGRPH

!we News Vo.16 No. 6 October 1985 13 valimu Julius Nyerere - an sessment of his Role in the Liberation Southern Africa The President of the United Republic of Tanzania, Comrade Mwalimu Julius Nyerere, is resigning from his important post in October, and relinquishing the reins of government after 24 years in office. Comrade Nathan Shamuya.'r rira, Secretary for Publicity and Information, who lived and worked in Tanzania for 8 years, assesses the role of the Mwalimu in the liberation of white minority ruled countries of Southern Africa, with particular reference to Zimbabwe, Angola and Mozambique. Tanganyika was the first country in East, Central and Southern Africa to attain national independince in 1961. Two years later, in 1963, the founding fathers of the Organisation of African Unity made Tanganyika the headquarters of its Coordinating Committee for Liberation of Africa (the Liberation Committee), and Chairman of the now defunct PanAfrican Freedom Movement for East, Central and Southern Africa (PAFMECSA). The leader of Tanganyika (Tanzania after the union with Zanzibar in 1964), Mwalimu Julius Nyerere, was a man totally committed in. principle as well as in practice to the twin-objectives of African unity, and liberation. It is therefore no surprise that Tanzania played such a decisive role in the liberation of all the countries of East, Central and Southern Africa and especially in the former white minority ruled states of Mozambique, Angola, Guinea-Bissau, Cape Verde, Zimbabwe, Botswana, Lesotho and Swaziland. In the short period of 25 years, Tanzania has helped to advance the boundaries of freedom and independence to include another 12 countries in this region and encompassing over 50 million people. But, the discussion and analysis below will focus on Tanzania's role in the liberation struggle of Mozambique, Angola and Zimbabwe, and the continuing struggles in Namibia and South Africa. Rearbase for Southern African struggles Tanzania provided the most reliable rearbase for the freedom-fighters and the liberation Movements of Southern Africa. Over the years, many of the leaders found a safe and dependable sanctuary in Tanzania. After fleeing through the forests or by plane from various detention centres and jails, they were able to re- group in Dar-Es-Salaam, the Tanzanian capital, and reorganise their cadres. A rearbase in which the leader- ship of an underground guerrilla movement can be protected and sustained is crucially important for the success of guerrilla warfare. In Lime, the liberation movemftents such as FRELIMO, the MPLA and ZANUI (PF) developed a good leadership that was capable of sustaining a protracted iuerrilla war and to lead an independent state. It was gratifying to see young cadres who arrived in Dar-Es- Salaam with little education or general knowledge, becoming leading military commanders and articulate political figures within a few years. They quickly established democratic procedures of resolving disputes and finding solutions to their problems As often happens with exiles and emigres, there was time to think deeply and seriously about the nature of certain thorny problems and to find permanent solutions to them. In the milieu of Dar-Es-Salaam in the era of late 60s and early 70s, it became possible for leaders of various Liberation

Western governments viewed President Mwalimu as a stumbling block to their reactionary schemes to install l pet regimes in Southern Africa Movements to exchange ideas, experiences and solutions to certain common problems. This interaction which led to qualitative development of ;he capability of the Liberation Movements was made possible by the commitmeqt and understanding of the Mwalimu (Teacher). He recognised the sovereignty of each Liberation Movement and respected the decisions of its leadership. The advice to unite all the people against a common enemy was given with his usual remarkable clarity and directness, but without twisting the arms of the leaders by negotiating with other groups behind their backs, or negotiating with representatives of the colonial states over their heads. The "Mecca" of the Freedom-Fighters The general pupulation of Tanzania also gave direct and active support to freedomfighters and to their Liberation Movements in every possible way. The word "refugee" is a dirty word in many African countries. Freedom-fighters tended to be equated with refugees. It was only in Tanzania that the refugee and the freedom-fighter from Southern Africa was held in some respect and honour. Even in the unfortunate event of a quarrel on a bus, or in a pub, ordinary Tanzanians would stand up to defend the "mukimbizi" (or refugee). Dar- EsSalaam became the "Mecca" of freedomfighters and Liberation Movements. It should be pointed out that in the 1960s most of the OAU states did not want to be associated with or to support the armed liberation war. They did not contribute to the liberation fund; disallowed movement of freedom-fighters through their territory on the ground that The training of cadres was intensified after the establishment of liberated zones they did not have valid travel documents; forbade any ferrying of arms; and in some instances, freedom -fighters were handed over to the Rhodesian regime ot the Portuguese colonial state. In 1966 in West Africa neocolonialist social forces were returned to power when the army toppled the Ghananian Government of Kwame Nkrumah and plunged Nigeria into bitter civil war. In Eastern and Southern Africa some states were openly collaborating with South Africa against the Liberation Movements. The OAU states, taken as a whole, were not a good rearbase for freedom-fighters and Liberation Movements. The impotence of the OAU was laid bare when the Rhodesiau regime defied Britain in November 1' and declared the abortive unilateral dependence. It was Tanzania, one of poorest of the poor African countr that stood up to carry the banner Africa's freedom. It was one of the t a dozen countries that regularly suppoi the liberation fund, provided trdocuments to freedom-fighters, stb and ferried their arms and bri diplomatic relations with Britain c Rhodesia in 1966. What is the Rational Choice for Afri I should perhaps underline that quickening pace of events in Souty Africa occurred at a time Tanzania'sj

News Vnl 1A Nn A iernal ideological debate was sharpeng. The Arusha declaration (1967) shook - foundations of every Tanzanian socioenomic institution as it sought to tsform those institutions. The succses or failures in the implementations the Arusha formulations fall outside t scope of this article. But, it should be oerved that the debate in Tanzania on wt is the rational choice for Africa, ; t are the weaknesses of the postcnial state and how could they be edied, sharpened the ideological ppectives of the Liberation Movements aeU. They were able to criticise their o societies, formulate strategies for d lopment, and begin constructing the rnative society they wished to create ar liberation. We have already discussed the importce of good leadership as a weapon in thstruggle. The second important wpon is a correct ideology. It acts as aradar that guides the Liberation Movement in its day-to-day work and operation. Without a correct ideology, the very purpose of the struggle for which much blood was shed, will have been removed. The Dar-Es-Salaam writings of Walter Rodney, Augustine Neto, Herbert Chitepo, Eduardo Mondhlane, Samora Machel, Marcelino Dos Santos and Amilcar Cabral show how they influenced the debate on socialism and how they were deeply influenced by it. Military Training Bases and iberated Zones jTanzania's principal role was the provision of facilities for military training. These facilities were offered to those Liberation Movements recognised by the OAU as part of the general programme of the Liberation Committee. Several African countries contributed large quantities of arms either to specific Liberation :Movements or to all of them through the Liberation Committee. Socialist countries 6f Eastern Europe and Asia, and NonAligned countries, also made contributions through the Committee. Although the OAU's Liberation Committee did not succeed in building a large liberation fund, it soon became the main supplier of arms and ammunition to liberation Movements. By the early 1970s the Liberation Movements had trained large enough numbers of cadres to flex their military muscle, and begin some successful operations. In the camps in Tanzania, they developed military and organisational structures that were crucial to the stability of the new liberated state. For exampie, the new states of Angola, Mozambique and Zimbabwe, had a nascent army, -police4force, and security organisation ready and able to defend it at birth. Given the way in which power was transferred in all these cases, the end result would have been an immediate breakdown of law and order and a bloody civil war, if A,.tnhor 1OA the Liberation Movements had not developed their own military capability. As the struggle intensified, the more successful Liberation Movements established liberated zones within their own territories. FRELIMO in particular had liberated the Mozambican provinces bordering on Tanzania long before the military coup in Portugal. FRELIMO established its own schools and clinics in the liberated zones; began exporting and importing goods; and established bilateral relationships with other friendly foreign governments. Numerous and valuable experiments with new forms of socioeconomic organisation were made in liberated zones. Indeed, in its organisation were made in liberated zones. Indeed, in its first decade in government, FRELIMO formulated its national policy on the model of some of the projects it had carried out in the liberated zones. ZANU (PF) established schools, clinics and cooperatives in the liberated zones in the border with Mozambique. The whole concept of the liberated zones in Southern Africa was made possible and feasible by the presence of Tanzania. It was ready and willing to put all its national territory, its diplomatic units and part of its military units at the service of the Liberation Movements. Holding onto the line The major breakthrough for the Liberation Movements in Southern Africa came in 1974 with the anti-fascist military coup in Portugal. That was followed by a flurry of diplomatic activity as the new Portuguese government signed constitutional agreements with FRELIMO and MPLA. Even the racist government of South Africa rushed in with John Vorster visiting Monrovia, Lusaka and Lilongwe, for much-publicised talks. He offered to Freedom fighters regroup and reorganise their cadres and established a rear base in Tanzania News Vol 16 No r rg+ h- 19A5 15 sign non-aggression pacts with African states that wanted. In Ian Smith's Rhodesia the liberation war had struck deep roots in the north-eastern districts, and mass mobilisation was taking place with speed and efficiency. The regime was coming under tremendous internal pressures from ZANLA forces and the mobilised masses. Detained African leaders were released at the insistence of South Africa in order to take part in peace talks at Victoria Falls on board a white train provided by South Africa. This rapidly changing political situation required to be handled with tact by persons'who had their objectives very clear before them. Several mistakes had been made in the past, especially in the olive branch offered prematurely in 1969 in the Lusaka Manifesto. The theme that we prefer "to talk rather than kill" in the document was used as we feared by several confusedstatesmen to talk to John Vorster, Ian Smith and others over the heads of the Liberation Movements with no appreciable advantage accruing to the oppressed masses or to the liberation struggle itself. The Mogadishu Declaration repaired some of the damage of the Lusaka Manifesto, but it was Tanzania that held onto the line. In order to deal with the rapidly changing political situation in Southern Africa on a regular and systematic basis, the OAU established a new diplomatic body comprising the Heads of governments of Frontline States (sometimes including Nigeria). It was mandated to take appropriate initiatives and negotiate on behalf of the OAU. The Mwalimu was designated as Chairman. In that capacity and in that diplomatic body, the Mwalimu was able to hold the OAU and sonde of its vociferous members to the line of true liberation and independence; and

VnI IR Nev R Oi~tnhAr 1985 Lit to fend off bogus offers from th Apartheid regime of South Africa, and to oppose the neo-colonial internal settlement worked out between Ian Smith and Bishop Abel Muzorewa in Zimbabwe. He was able to expose the true and dangerous character of reactionary groups such as UNITA in Angola, Muzorewa's Zimbabwe-Rhodesia, and MNR in Mozambique, which were manipulated by foreign pQwers for their own interests. These puppet groups were sponsored and supported 6y the very imperialist forces against whom the liberation war was launched.The frequent meetings of the Frontline States developed and established a valuable and effective instrument of Pan-African diplomacy. The "Keeper" of the African Conscience Needless to say, the position of the -Mwalimu as a spokesman for the OAU and for Tanzania on Rhodesia in par.ticular, worried and embarrased the governments of Western Europe, especially Britain and America which have economic and strategic interests in the region. They saw him as the stumbling block to their schemes either to acquiesce to Ian Smith's declaration of independence or to install in power a puppet regime of the kind Muzorewa had already set up. The Mwalimu's correct line and his frequent public statements angered Britain so much that the BBC accused him of making himself "the keeper of the African conscience". From the very beginning, the Mwalimu had concluded that the best forum for handling and possibly resolving the Rhodesian problem was the Commonwealth of Nations. The OAU had no influence on Britain, the colonial power. The United Nationssponsored mandatory economic sanctions were not working quickly and effectively. In the circumstances, he concentrated on the Commonwealth, mobilising African and Careribean states, and eventually winning over , Canada and New Zealand. When the ZANLA forces scored major military battles, and were poised for military victory in 1979, it was the Commonwealth conference in Lusaka that provided the forum for Britain to bring all the interested parties to the negotiating table at Lancaster House before the end of that year. ' The, wisdom of the Mwalimu was demonstrated in his handling of the bitter division between ZAPU and ZANU. The division itself was a common feature 'in many other Liberation Movements. What made Zimbabwe's case particularly difficult, was the insistence by ZAPU that it would not talk to a ZANU delegation even at OAU meetings. In spite of this uncooperative posture, the Mwalimu provided adequate facilities for both parties to operate in Tanzania. He also resisted pressures from sponsors of what became known as the "authentic" Liberation Movements, that recognition be accorded to ZAPU alone. The sponsors of the "authentics" would have imposed Joshua Nkomo on the people of Zimbabwe. The Mwalimu stood firm on the correct principle that the people of Zimbabwe alone should exercise their inalienable right to choose the leadership and the party they liked. Indeed, when that opportunity was granted by theLancaster House constitution in 1980, Joshua Nkomo and his party were totally rejected and condemned by the people of Zimbabwe. The rejection was repeated again at the general elections in July this year. Although Dat-Es-Salaam has become the main foci of the work and operatious of Liberation Movements in Africa, it has however remained fiercely independent and non-aligned. It has carefully balanced the interests and influences of major powers, especially the socialist powers, without allowing anyone of them to. dominate the movements. The Western powers were fundamentally opposed to the movements, and therefore never had much direct influence on them anyway. It was socialist powers especially Russia and China, that vied for support, and even threatened to set up a rival organisation. Tanzania guarded jealously the sovereignty and independence of the Liberation Movements. From the very beginning, ZANU (PF) insisted on its sovereignty and independence, refusing to be dictated to by the so-called authentics, and prosecuting the liberation war in the best interest of Zimbabwe only and its people. At crucial moments in the history of our struggle, ZANU (PF) was critised and vilified by many but Mwalimu always understood and supported us. Zimbabwe must say Thank You a thousand times. The Mwalimu will be the first to admit that the process of liberating Southern Africa in particular, and Africa in general, has only just begun. Southern Africa is not yet free. The forces that colonised the region and subjugated its people for a century have been subdued, but they are not yet defeated. These forces are determined to roll back the tide of freedom and independence. They are concentrating on delaying and denying independence to Namibia; and propping up the Apartheid regime in South Africa. To do this with any degree of success, they have embarked on a treacherous policy of destabilising the independent states in the region. Mozambique, Angola and Zimbabwe have never known complete peace since the attainment of their independence. They have to contend with bandits and dissident organisations armed and financed in South Africa by reactionary elements in America, Britain, West Germany, Japan and France. The Reagan and Thatcher administrations in the USA and UK are still on the side of the counter'revolutionaries and the destabilisers in Southern Africa. The good work started by the Mwalimu has not yet been completed. It may still require a general war, especially in the Republic of South Africa, before thf forces of colonialism, racism and imperialism are vanquished. Vol 16 No 6 October 1985 L11 ve NeWS Vol.16 No 6 ctt ht r 1r O'I 1P1 Education Branches at: * I lal __ Technical - Professional Kingstons Booksellers and stationers to the nation Harare: Stanley Avenue Parkade Victoria Kwekwe & Gweru 9 Marondera * Mutare You . .. and those who depend on you can enjoy a richer and fuller life when you call on OLD MUTUAL's years of experience in financial counselling. C OLD 104 MUTUAL YOUR FRIEND FOR LIFE Branches and Offices in: Bulawayo, Gweru, Chinhoyi, KadOma, Kwekwe, Redcliffe, Masvingo, Mutare. Mutual House cnr. Speke Avenue and Second Street P.O. Box 70 HARARE Tel. 704411 12920 I

8 Vol.16 No. 6 October 1985 Zimbabwe N Obtur COMAD JOH NVTIPK The following is a full text of a speech delivered by the Prime Minister Cde. Robert G. Mugabe at the funeral of the late PAC Chairman Comrade John Nyathi Pokela in Harare on July 13th, 1985: It is with a very profound sense of sorrow and great loss that we are all gathered here today to pay our tribute to one of the most gallant and c ,urageous fighters against apartheid. Indeed Comrade Pokela was one of the finest and bravest sons of that great but unhappy country, Azania. On behalf of ZANU (PF), the Government and people of Zimbabwe, and on my own behalf, I would like to express our deepest sympathies and heartfelt condolences to the bereaved Pokela family, to the PAC and to the entire struggling Azanian masses. Comrade John Pokela, whom we have gathered here today to lay to rest, was an indefatigable freedom fighter, a tried and tested leader of the oppressed and exploited Azanian masses. Indeed, the late Chairman of the Pan-Africanist Congress of Azania was also one of the greatest leaders in our troubled region of Southern Africa. His untimely death here in Harare on 30 June, after a short illness came as a profound shock to us all. Comrade Pokela like his political mentor and close associate Comrade Mangaliso Robert Sobukwe, was a leader with a clear vision and one who filled his people with revolutionary zeal, political direction, and a sense of purpose and hope. He was a true nationalist, a committed revolutionary, and an ardent PanAfricanist. Comrade Pokela passionately believed in the just andjegitimate cause of his people and the eventual success of the struggle they waged. National Liberation As a staunch, committed, and clearheaded nationalist he consistently maintained that the struggle in Azania was for national liberation and selfdetermination. He vehemently opposed any reformist or cosmetic solutions to the roblem of apartheid cannot be reformed - it must be totally eradicated through the undaunted struggle of the victims of apartheid themselves. The living patriots of Southern Africa have a lot to learn from the exemplary life of Comrade Pokela. His dedicated and experience-rich political career, which epitomised the finest of revolutionary virtues, panned from his years as an active member of the youth league of the African National Congress" in the late 1940s, being unanimously elected chairman of the PAC in February, 1981. During those forty years Comrade Pokela played a leading role, together with his nationalist and Pan-Africanist colleagues such as the late Comrade Mangaliso Robert Sobukwe and Comrade ZephaAia Methopeng and others in the formation of the Pan-Africanist Congress of Azania on April 6, 1959, and in establishing the military wing of the PAC, POQO. The PAC conceived and led the antipass laws campaign which led, on 21 March, 1960, to the Sharpeville Massacre. This decisively changed the course of the struggle in South Africa. It qualitaiively transformed the struggle from that of protest to that of boldly challenging the racist regime. This qualitative transformation in the nature of the struggle also took place here in Zimbabwe when ZANU (PF) chose the road of armed struggle and subsequently launched the war of liberation beginning with the heroic battle of Chinhoyi. Soon after the Sharpeville events Comrade Pokela escaped to the then British Protectorate of Basutoland to join the PAC leadership in exile. In 1966 he was kidnapped from Basutoland by the agents of the racist South African regime and was subsequently sentenced on two counts to 20 years imprisonment. Comrade Pokela served thirteen full years on the infamous Robben Island. The long years of incarceration, however, did not break his fighting revolutionary spirit. Even whilst on Robben Island he was a tremendous source of inspiration to all the political prisoners incarcerated there, whatever their political persuasion. Even though imprisoned on that cursed Island, he still posed a threat to the Racist Pretoria Regime. For thirteen years the regime tried systematically to break his political will and determination, yet he emaged from this cauldron of inhuman treatment even more resolute and confident than before of liberating his country from minority racist rule. Following his release from Robben Island he was banished to his native village in the North-Eastern Cape Province. After enduring nine months of banishment and in response to the call of patriotic duty, he escaped and arrived in Tanzania in February 1981 where he was unanimously elected Chairman of the Central Committee of the Pan-Africanist Congress of Azania. Programme of Action Under his sagacious chairmanship and guided by his Revolutionary vision, it is Continued on page 20

News Vol.16 No. 6 October 1985 COMAD ROSO * AV Oiur Below is the full text of a speech made by the First Secretary and President of ZANU (PF), Comrade Robert Gabriel Mugabe, at the funeral of the late Comrade Robson Manyika, Member of the Central Committee and Deputy Minister of Labour and Social Services. Comrade Manyika was declared a National Hero and laid to rest at Heroes Acre on June 27, 1985. This day, this occasion, and the event that has assembled us all here sadly combine, for all of us parents, relatives, acquaintances and comrade-in-arms of Robson Manyika, in bringing home to us the tragic reality of his departure - his sudden, unexpected and unheralded death. It is still unbelievable to many of us that a comrade we were with, not long ago after his return from the ILO Conference in Geneva, has truly parled from us. And yet we must, of necessity, accept and believe the reality of his death. The reality of death is also the reality ofa life once lived and, as in Robson Manyika's case, perhaps shared with us in a rarely abundant way. Comrade Manyika died at 51, a relatively young age nowadays. He was born in the Goromonzi area and was educated at Chikwaka Primary School and Chiwiza Secondary School respectively. His early interest in the politics of liberating his country demonstrated itself when he became a member of the Youth League of successive organisations, beginning with the ANC, proceeding later to the NDP and ZAPU. In ZAPU, he was relied upon to perform daring acts that many a youth would have been frightened to undertake. Those early years were indeed a formative period for him as he went through the mill that finally produced the brave and absolutely daring guerilla fighter that he eventually became. His military training in the Soviet Union and Cuba brought to his character those additional skills that he clearly needed in order to become not only an accomplished guerilla fighter but also a leader of other guerilla fighters, who, at one time, became Chief of Staff, at another, political commissar, and, at yet another stage, chief commander of the training camps and personnel of ZANLA. At the Party Restructuring exercise held at Chimoio in 1977, Comrade Manyika was made a member of the Central Committee of ZANU, a position he retained in 1984, when the Second ZANU Congress re-elected him to the new Central Committee of the Party. In 1980, Comrade Manyika was appointed to the post of Deputy Minister of Labour and Social Services, becoming Deputy Minister of Labour and Social Welfare when the Ministry of Labour, Manpower Planning and Social Welfare was created. Over a whole period of more than twenty-five years, Comrade Robson Manyika has rendered sterling service to the people of Zimbabwe, as a freedom fighter during the liberation struggle and as a Central Committee member and deputy minister after Independence. It is because of his undoubted commitment to the national cause and the degree of sacrifice involved that we have decided with pride to declare him our national hero. A Rigid Disciplinarian Comrade Manyika's long nationalist service has highlighted his qualities in quite a unique way. He not only showed an immense degree of commitment and sacrifice, but he also was a rigid disciplinarian who insisted on absolute conformity on the part of his subordinates to the established rules and regulations of ZANLA and the Party. He, personally, was extremely obedient to those in authority over him and executed the orders given him very strictly indeed. He never tired ot working, indeed overwork was to be his undoing. For, whether he was well or not, he sought to maintain the same pace of vigour in carrying out either Party or Government work. No amount of counselling or persuasion would succeed in inducing him to "take things easy". Even his medical doctor's advice just had no persuasive effect on him. Look at the man's staunch pace as he last week dashed from the ILO Conference in Geneva and had, within a day of his arrival, launched himself "full gear" into his election campaign in the Kariba constituency. Time had, naturally, to come when the body would say to the mind, "I cannot take any more". Perhaps a quality that endeared him to many of his colleagues in ZANU was his friendliness and cheerfulness even when he was reported unwell. The Party, the Government and the People of Zimbabwe have lost a most faithful, tireless and dedicated servant. The members of the Manyika family who feel severely distraught and shaken by this sad tragedy must take comfort in the knowledge that Robson, their son, had become more than just a son of the Manyika family. His deeds had elevated him to the status of a great comrade of the Nation which had become his enlarged family and which he served so faithfully and excellently. Whilst, therefore, we commisserate with them and mourn his sudden departure from our midst, we 19

20 plead with them to join the rest of us in chanting the song of praise.to Robson. They should this moment take pride in the fact that a son of their own blood has brought glory to their family, as the State this day, on this occasion, and through this funeral event, confers on Robson Manyika the rare honour, the greatest Zimbabwe can bestow on any single individual, of National Hero. In honouring Robson in this way, we do expect that those of us, who still have the fortune of remaining alive, will benefit by the example that Robson set for us all. His good actions must become our actions, and his revolutionary zeal should continue to influence the direction of our own actions so we can continue to rededicate ourselves to the defence of the Revolution for which Robson made such. immense sacrifices. To Robson I say: "Fare thee well beloved comrade, Fare thee well brave fighter Fare thee well loyal worker Fare thee well son-of-the soil Thy love shall for ever stir our hearts Thy actions for ever move our limbs, And thy loyalty for ever bind us, While thy sacrifices shall for ever raise The banner of our Freedom. Good-bye and rest in eternal peace!" Continued from page 18 widely acknowledged that PAC, by-andlarge, reunited its ranks, drew up a revolutionary programme of action and resumed its dynamic roleas a committed national liberation movement representing the legitimate aspirations of the oppressed majority in South Africa. We have no doubt that the revolutionary course so ably charted by Comrade Pokela will be pursued to its logical conclusion by those he left behind. This, indeed, is the greatest honour that the PAC and the entire struggling masses of Azania can do this fallen hero of their national liberation struggle. For,. although we are today laying him to rest, he is not taking with him his dream of a free and prosperous Azania. He is not taking with him his spear. Both the dream and the spear he has bequeathed to the living revolutionary masses of Azania. Pick up the spear and continue the fight until final victory. Surely there can be no alternative course of action for the oppressed revolutionary masses of Azania, but to pick up and sharpen even more Comrade Pokela's spear. For, even as we are mour- ning and laying to rest this courageous freedom fighter, social injustice, oppression and repression are intensifying in racist South Africa. Hardly a day goes by without reports of murderous acts by the ruthless and blood-thirsty apartheid police and soldiers against defenceless opponents of apartheid. Indeed, 'the situation is bpund to deteriorate even more progressively and dangerously, as the apartheid police and military machine face even more widespread resistance and courageous opposition, in the over-crowded and impoverished black townships and bantustans. The oppressed masses are clearly and totally rejecting any attempts to hoodwink them with so-called new dispensation measures to reform the iniquitous apartheid system. They are demanding, instead, the total dismantling of the entire ugly edifice that is apartheid, and its replacement by a free, just, happy and prosperous order in which every citizen of that country is equal. For our part, here in Zimbabwe, while we join the PAC in mourning their fallen hero, we are equally heartened by the rapidl\ growing revolutionary zeal among the Azanian masse,. As we mourn with the Azanian masses, we also \vish to assure them of our total support tor their liberation struggle and our unwavering revolutionary solidarity with them now until final victory. No amount of intimidation, economic blackmail or 'any criminal attacks ws ill deter us from our own just and revolutionar. duty to fight for the decolonisation of the whole African continent. To our dear departed brother, Comrade Pokela, I say rest in peace son of Azania. You hase gallantly fought the struggle of the nation of Azania, nay of the whole of Africa. You have died fighting that struggle and have fallen like a hero. Let \,our example be emulated by all the freedom-los lug people of Azania. We have admired your courage. We honour you tl da\ as a rcvolutionary hero. Long Live the Azdnian Struggle. Aluta Continua. Vol.16 No. 6 October 1985 Zimbabwe News There are no birds of our feather. Because we offer the truly definitive example of the printer's art. The total job: typesetting, origination, printing and binding - utilising the latest technology and completed to the highest international standards. Our very competitive prices will also give you something to crow about. JONGWE PRINTING & PUBLISHING CO,(PVT) LIMITED 14 Austin Road. WOkrnglon, Har.,, Telephone 64749. 68428 & 68431.