ZIMBABWE COUNTRY REPORT April 2004
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Canada Sanctions Zimbabwe
Canadian Sanctions and Canadian charities operating in Zimbabwe: Be Very Careful! By Mark Blumberg (January 7, 2009) Canadian charities operating in Zimbabwe need to be extremely careful. It is not the place for a new and inexperienced charity to begin foreign operations. In fact, only Canadian charities with substantial experience in difficult international operations should even consider operating in Zimbabwe. It is one of the most difficult countries to carry out charitable operations by virtue of the very difficult political, security, human rights and economic situation and the resultant Canadian and international sanctions. This article will set out some information on the Zimbabwe Sanctions including the full text of the Act and Regulations governing the sanctions. It is not a bad idea when dealing with difficult legal issues to consult knowledgeable legal advisors. Summary On September 4, 2008, the Special Economic Measures (Zimbabwe) Regulations (SOR/2008-248) (the “Regulations”) came into force pursuant to subsections 4(1) to (3) of the Special Economic Measures Act. The Canadian sanctions against Zimbabwe are targeted sanctions dealing with weapons, technical support for weapons, assets of designated persons, and Zimbabwean aircraft landing in Canada. There is no humanitarian exception to these targeted sanctions. There are tremendous practical difficulties working in Zimbabwe and if a Canadian charity decides to continue operating in Zimbabwe it is important that the Canadian charity and its intermediaries (eg. Agents, contractor, partners) avoid providing any benefits, “directly or indirectly”, to a “designated person”. Canadian charities need to undertake rigorous due diligence and risk management to ensure that a “designated person” does not financially benefit from the program. -
On the Shoulders of Struggle, Memoirs of a Political Insider by Dr
On the Shoulders of Struggle: Memoirs of a Political Insider On the Shoulders of Struggle: Memoirs of a Political Insider Dr. Obert M. Mpofu Dip,BComm,MPS,PhD Contents Preface vi Foreword viii Commendations xii Abbreviations xiv Introduction: Obert Mpofu and Self-Writing in Zimbabwe xvii 1. The Mind and Pilgrimage of Struggle 1 2. Childhood and Initiation into Struggle 15 3. Involvement in the Armed Struggle 21 4. A Scholar Combatant 47 5. The Logic of Being ZANU PF 55 6. Professional Career, Business Empire and Marriage 71 7. Gukurahundi: 38 Years On 83 8. Gukurahundi and Selective Amnesia 97 9. The Genealogy of the Zimbabwean Crisis 109 10. The Land Question and the Struggle for Economic Liberation 123 11. The Post-Independence Democracy Enigma 141 12. Joshua Nkomo and the Liberation Footpath 161 13. Serving under Mugabe 177 14. Power Struggles and the Military in Zimbabwe 205 15. Operation Restore Legacy the Exit of Mugabe from Power 223 List of Appendices 249 Preface Ordinarily, people live to either make history or to immortalise it. Dr Obert Moses Mpofu has achieved both dimensions. With wanton disregard for the boundaries of a “single story”, Mpofu’s submission represents a construction of the struggle for Zimbabwe with the immediacy and novelty of a participant. Added to this, Dr Mpofu’s academic approach, and the Leaders for Africa Network Readers’ (LAN) interest, the synergy was inevitable. Mpofu’s contribution, which philosophically situates Zimbabwe’s contemporary politics and socio-economic landscape, embodies LAN Readers’ dedication to knowledge generation and, by extension, scientific growth. -
Participation, Citizen Journalism and the Contestations of Identity and National Symbols: a Case of Zimbabwe's Natio
Participation, citizen journalism and the contestations of identity and national symbols: A case of Zimbabwe’s national heroes and the Heroes’ Acre Shepherd Mpofu Department of Communication University of Johannesburg [email protected]@uj.ac.za/ [email protected] Abstract This article constitutes an examination on how citizen journalism has challenged Robert Mugabe’s authoritarian regime on issues pertaining to national heroes and usages of the Heroes Acre as central national identity markers. Under Mugabe’s ZANU‐PF, Zimbabwe has seen the public being limited from directly participating in salient national debates. ZANU‐PF’s control of the official public sphere has also constrained alternative views from ventilating the government‐controlled communicative spaces. The party’s narrative on heroes, the Heroes Acre and national identity has gained a taken‐for‐granted status in the public media. This has obtained against the backdrop of what has become known as the Zimbabwe crises, characterised by a declining economy, a constricted political space, a breakdown in the rule of law, and the subsequent flight of a number of Zimbabweans into the diaspora. The accompanying wave of technological advancements and the mushrooming of mostly diaspora‐based online media have opened up new vistas of communication, enabling a hitherto ‘silenced’ community of ordinary people to participate in national conversations. The conclusion reached here, is that citizen journalism has not only enhanced the culture of conversation among people (as espoused under democratic conditions) but has also covered up the democratic deficit experienced in the public sphere, mediated by traditional media, parliament and pavement radio. -
Country Advice Zimbabwe Zimbabwe – ZWE36759 – Movement for Democratic Change – Returnees – Spies – Traitors – Passports – Travel Restrictions 21 June 2010
Country Advice Zimbabwe Zimbabwe – ZWE36759 – Movement for Democratic Change – Returnees – Spies – Traitors – Passports – Travel restrictions 21 June 2010 1. Deleted. 2. Deleted. 3. Please provide a general update on the situation for Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) members, both rank and file members and prominent leaders, in respect to their possible treatment and risk of serious harm in Zimbabwe. The situation for MDC members is precarious, as is borne out by the following reports which indicate that violence is perpetrated against them with impunity by Zimbabwean police and other Law and Order personnel such as the army and pro-Mugabe youth militias. Those who are deemed to be associated with the MDC party either by family ties or by employment are also adversely treated. The latest Country of Origin Information Report from the UK Home Office in December 2009 provides recent chronology of incidents from July 2009 to December 2009 where MDC members and those believed to be associated with them were adversely treated. It notes that there has been a decrease in violent incidents in some parts of the country; however, there was also a suspension of the production of the „Monthly Political Violence Reports‟ by the Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum (ZHRF), so that there has not been a comprehensive accounting of incidents: POLITICALLY MOTIVATED VIOLENCE Some areas of Zimbabwe are hit harder by violence 5.06 Reporting on 30 June 2009, the Solidarity Peace Trust noted that: An uneasy calm prevails in some parts of the country, while in others tensions remain high in the wake of the horrific violence of 2008…. -
Enreporting on Zimbabwe's 2018 Elections
Reporting on Zimbabwe’s 2018 elections A POST-ELECTION ANALYSIS Table of Contents ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ii EXECUTIVE SUMMARY iii 1.0 INTRODUCTION AND BACKGROUND 1 PRESENTATION OF FINDINGS 8 2.0 MEDIA MONITORING OF THE NEWS AGENDA 8 3.0 MONITORING POLITICAL PLURALISM 13 4.0 GENDER REPRESENTATION DURING THE 2018 ELECTIONS 18 5.0 MEDIA CONDUCT IN ELECTION PROGRAMMING - BROADCAST MEDIA 24 6.0 MEDIA’S CONDUCT IN ELECTION REPORTING 28 7.0 CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS 34 ANNEX 1: HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONS REPORTED IN THE MAINSTREAM MEDIA 35 ANNEX 2: LIST OF ACRONYMS 37 REPORTING ON ZIMBABWE’S 2018 ELECTIONS - A POST-ELECTION ANALYSIS i Acknowledgements International Media Support and the Media Alliance of Zimbabwe This publication has been produced with the assistance of the are conducting the programme “Support to media on governance European Union and the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs. and electoral matters in Zimbabwe”. The content of this publication is the sole responsibility of Media Monitors and can in no way be taken to reflect the views The programme is funded by the European Union and the of the European Union or the Norwegian Ministry of Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Foreign Affairs. International Media Support (IMS) is a non-profit organisation working with media in countries affected by armed conflict, human insecurity and political transition. ii REPORTING ON ZIMBABWE’S 2018 ELECTIONS - A POST-ELECTION ANALYSIS Executive Summary Zimbabwe’s 2018 harmonised national elections presented a irregularities, they struggled to clearly articulate the implications unique opportunity for the media and their audiences alike. In of the irregularities they reported and the allegations of previous election periods, the local media received severe criticism maladministration levelled against the country’s election for their excessively partisan positions, which had been characterized management body, the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC). -
Matebeleland South
HWANGE WEST Constituency Profile MATEBELELAND SOUTH Hwange West has been stripped of some areas scene, the area was flooded with tourists who Matebeleland South province is predominantly rural. The Ndebele, Venda and the Kalanga people that now constitute Hwange Central. Hwange contributed to national and individual revenue are found in this area. This province is one of the most under developed provinces in Zimbabwe. The West is comprised of Pandamatema, Matesti, generation. The income derived from tourists people feel they have been neglected by the government with regards to the provision of education Ndlovu, Bethesda and Kazungula. Hwange has not trickled down to improve the lives of and health as well as road infrastructure. Voting patterns in this province have been pro-opposition West is not suitable for human habitation due people in this constituency. People have and this can be possibly explained by the memories of Gukurahundi which may still be fresh in the to the wild life in the area. Hwange National devised ways to earn incomes through fishing minds of many. Game Park is found in this constituency. The and poaching. Tourist related trade such as place is arid, hot and crop farming is made making and selling crafts are some of the ways impossible by the presence of wild life that residents use to earn incomes. destroys crops. Recreational parks are situated in this constituency. Before Zimbabwe's REGISTERED VOTERS image was tarnished on the international 22965 Year Candidate Political Number Of Votes Party 2000 Jelous Sansole MDC 15132 Spiwe Mafuwa ZANU PF 2445 2005 Jelous Sansole MDC 10415 Spiwe Mafuwa ZANU PF 4899 SUPPORTING DEMOCRATIC ELECTIONS 218 219 SUPPORTING DEMOCRATIC ELECTIONS BULILIMA WEST Constituency Profile Constituency Profile BULILIMA EAST Bulilima West is made up of Dombodema, residents' incomes. -
The Mortal Remains: Succession and the Zanu Pf Body Politic
THE MORTAL REMAINS: SUCCESSION AND THE ZANU PF BODY POLITIC Report produced for the Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum by the Research and Advocacy Unit [RAU] 14th July, 2014 1 CONTENTS Page No. Foreword 3 Succession and the Constitution 5 The New Constitution 5 The genealogy of the provisions 6 The presently effective law 7 Problems with the provisions 8 The ZANU PF Party Constitution 10 The Structure of ZANU PF 10 Elected Bodies 10 Administrative and Coordinating Bodies 13 Consultative For a 16 ZANU PF Succession Process in Practice 23 The Fault Lines 23 The Military Factor 24 Early Manoeuvring 25 The Tsholotsho Saga 26 The Dissolution of the DCCs 29 The Power of the Politburo 29 The Powers of the President 30 The Congress of 2009 32 The Provincial Executive Committee Elections of 2013 34 Conclusions 45 Annexures Annexure A: Provincial Co-ordinating Committee 47 Annexure B : History of the ZANU PF Presidium 51 2 Foreword* The somewhat provocative title of this report conceals an extremely serious issue with Zimbabwean politics. The theme of succession, both of the State Presidency and the leadership of ZANU PF, increasingly bedevils all matters relating to the political stability of Zimbabwe and any form of transition to democracy. The constitutional issues related to the death (or infirmity) of the President have been dealt with in several reports by the Research and Advocacy Unit (RAU). If ZANU PF is to select the nominee to replace Robert Mugabe, as the state constitution presently requires, several problems need to be considered. The ZANU PF nominee ought to be selected in terms of the ZANU PF constitution. -
Dissertation Introduction How Would You Feel As a Journalist If The
Dissertation Introduction How would you feel as a journalist if the president of your country says you and the publication you work for are “sell outs”? You are called sell outs because your reports carry views by people that differ from those of the President. This is not an imaginary picture but politicians in Zimbabwe and I should hasten to add others throughout the world now use such contemptuous and sometimes blackmailing language in their quest to control what journalists write about their governments, leaders, and even about the conduct of the country’s military establishment. The common way used to control or even admonish journalists who write what the government does not want the public to hear is to appeal to their “patriotic” feelings. In a way this is some form of intimidation. In Zimbabwe the government of President Robert Mugabe refers to all journalists working in the independent media as puppets of western government. They are deemed and labelled unpatriotic because they give discerning citizens a platform to be heard and do not pander to the whims of the establishment. In the United States the media there is partially blamed for singing to war with the government of President Bush, Doyle (2004). The US media is accused of being “too trusting of the establishment hand that feeds them - especially on stories of international peace and security. We saw this in their limp-wristed coverage of dirty wars of the CIA in El Salvador and Nicaragua. Despite their great merits, the U.S. media largely failed in their responsibility to explain the true nature of George Bush’s military adventurism in Iraq.” Doyle. -
Ethnicity, Development and the Dynamics of Political Domination in Southern Matabeleland
IOSR Journal Of Humanities And Social Science (IOSR-JHSS) Volume 19, Issue 4, Ver. III (Apr. 2014), PP 137-149 e-ISSN: 2279-0837, p-ISSN: 2279-0845. www.iosrjournals.org Ethnicity, Development and the Dynamics of Political Domination in Southern Matabeleland Clifford Mabhena Institute of Development Studies- National University of Science and Technology-Bulawayo, Zimbabwe Abstract: This article argues that the hegemony of the Shona people in Zimbabwe has been largely influenced by ethnicity and the quest to dominate Matabeleland politically, socially and economically. Development marginalisation of Matabeleland region, I argue has been influenced by ethnicity and politics of revenge. The study used ethnography to collect data and hence in-depth interviews were used as data collection tools. The results of the study indicate that Matabeleland has been largely dominated by the Shona ethnic group, and arguments advanced by scholars for this dominance, it is argued, Ndebele dominated the Shona people in the 19th and 20th centuries. This was due to conquest by the marauding Ndebele warriors under the leadership of King Mzilikazi and latter on King Lobhengula. The ascendance of the Zimbabwe African National Union Patriotic Front (ZANUPF) in the 1980 independence elections opened the gates for the ascendancy of the Shona people as the party was pre-dominantly Shona speaking. The march to state house by the ZANUPF dominated party created a lot of tension between the two ethnic groups; Ndebele and Shona, and hence the lashing out of the fifth brigade in 1983 and 1984 in Matabeleland and Midlands provinces of the country. Key words: Hegemony, ethnicity, internal colonisation, marginalisation I. -
Dismantling the System of Mugabeism
Dismantling The System Of Mugabeism All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means electronic or mechanical including photocopy, recording or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the author. ISBN 978-3-00-059482-3 First Edition © 2018 1 Dismantling The System Of Mugabeism Dedication. To my fellow Zimbabweans, we defeated Mugabe the person but Mugabeism is still intact. We must dismantle this system and bring total democratization of our country Zimbabwe. My children Lilly, Tanaka and Nkosilathi,Jr you don’t deserve to grow up in such a collapsed country which is now a shadow of itself. This is the little contribution I can make towards challenging a regime which is putting your future at stake. ‘This is the history of a failure’ (Che Guevara, The African Dream) 2 Dismantling The System Of Mugabeism Foreword. I feel refreshed and motivated to write this book in this new-old political dispensation. New in the sense that, this is the first time ever since I was born to see this country having another President who is not Robert Gabriel Mugabe and old in the sense that those who are now in power are the same people who have been in charge of this country for the past four decades working alongside Mugabe. Yes Mugabe has gone but the system he created is still intact. Are the Mnangagwas of this world going to reform and become ambassadors of peace, tolerance, democracy and respect of the rule of law? Or they will simply pick up the sjamboks from where Mugabe left them and perpetuate his legacy of brutality? Is corruption going to end considering that a few former Ministers who were arrested by Mnangagwa’s administration were being used as scapegoats, most of the criminals and kleptocrats who committed serious crimes against humanity and corruption are still serving in the post-Mugabe ZANU PF government? The same old people who bled Zimbabwe dry serving in the kleptocratic regime of Robert Mugabe are the same people who are serving under Mnangagwa. -
National Youth Service Training
National youth service training - “ shaping youths in a truly Zimbabwean manner” [COVER PICTURE] An overview of youth militia training and activities in Zimbabwe, October 2000 – August 2003 THE SOLIDARITY PEACE TRUST 5 September, 2003 Produced by: The Solidarity Peace Trust, Zimbabwe and South Africa Endorsed nationally by: Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition Zimbabwe National Pastors Conference Ecumenical Support Services Harare Ecumenical Working Group Christians Together for Justice and Peace Endorsed internationally by: Physicians for Human Rights, Denmark The Solidarity Peace Trust has a Board consisting of church leaders of Southern Africa and is dedicated to promoting the rights of victims of human rights abuses in Zimbabwe. The Trust was founded in 2003. The Chairperson is Catholic Archbishop Pius Ncube of Bulawayo, and the Vice Chairperson is Anglican Bishop Rubin Phillip of Kwazulu Natal. email: selvanc@venturenet,co.za or [email protected] phone: + 27 (0) 83 556 1726 2 “Those who seek unity must not be our enemies. No, we say no to them, they must first repent…. They must first be together with us, speak the same language with us, act like us, walk alike and dream alike.” President Robert Mugabe [Heroes’ Day, 11 August 2003: referring to the MDC and the possibility of dialogue between MDC and ZANU-PF] 1 “…the mistake that the ruling party made was to allow colleges and universities to be turned into anti-Government mentality factories.” Sikhumbuzo Ndiweni [ZANU-PF Information and Publicity Secretary for Bulawayo]2 “[National service is] shaping youths in a truly Zimbabwean manner” Vice President Joseph Msika [July 2002, speech at graduation of 1,063 militia in Mt Darwin]3 1 The Herald, Harare, 12 August 2003. -
1 Daily Media Monitoring Report Issue 21: 28 June 2018
Daily Media Monitoring Report Issue 21: 28 June 2018 Table of Contents 1.1 Introduction ........................................................................................................ 2 1.2 Key Events ......................................................................................................... 2 1.3 Media Monitored .................................................................................................... 2 Methodology ................................................................................................................ 3 2.0 Did the media represent political parties in a fair and balanced manner? ............. 3 2.1 Space and time dedicated to political parties in private and public media ........ 3 2.2 Space and time dedicated to political actors in private and public media ......... 5 2.3 Tone of coverage for political parties ................................................................. 6 2.4 Gender representation in election programmes ................................................ 7 2.5 Youth representation in election programmes ................................................... 8 2.6 Time dedicated to political players in the different programme types in broadcast media ...................................................................................................... 7 3.0 Conclusion ........................................................................................................... 10 The media have an ethical obligation to be impartial in their coverage of electoral 1