Reinventing Hong Kong Local Memory for Cultural Cold War – a Study Title of Sung Wong Toi: a Commemorative Volume and Cold War Memory

This document is downloaded from Outstanding Academic Papers by Students

(OAPS), Run Run Shaw Library, City University of Hong Kong.

Reinventing Hong Kong local memory for cultural cold war – a study Title of Sung Wong Toi: a commemorative volume and cold war memory

Author(s) Yiu, Ho Yeung Gordon (姚浩洋)

Yiu, H. Y. G. (2020). Reinventing Hong Kong local memory for cultural cold war – A study of Sung Wong Toi: A commemorative volume and Citation cold war memory (Outstanding Academic Papers by Students (OAPS), City University of Hong Kong).

Issue Date 2020

URL http://dspace.cityu.edu.hk/handle/2031/9409

This work is protected by copyright. Reproduction or distribution of Rights the work in any format is prohibited without written permission of the copyright owner. Access is unrestricted.

Academic Year 2019-20

Reinventing Hong Kong Local Memory for Cultural Cold War

A Study of Sung Wong Toi: A Commemorative

Volume and Cold War Memory

YIU Ho Yeung Gordon

Instructor: Prof. HON Tze-ki

May, 2020

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This document is downloaded from Outstanding Academic Papers by Students (OAPS), Run Run Shaw Library, City University of Hong Kong. Acknowledgement

I would like to convey my acknowledgment to Prof. Hon Tze-ki, my instructor, who

suggested some important ideas for my thesis, and Mr. Calvin Wong who

recommended different primary and secondary sources for my research. Last but not

least, a faithful gratitude to the President and Chairman of the Chiu Clansmen’s General

Association, Mr. Chiu Wai Shing and Mr. Chiu Chak Sum, who spared their precious

time to attempt the interview discussing about the history of Sung Wong Toi.

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This document is downloaded from Outstanding Academic Papers by Students (OAPS), Run Run Shaw Library, City University of Hong Kong. Content

INTRODUCTION ...... 4

PART I ...... 10

QING LOYALISTS’ SUNG WONG TOI MEMORIAL SYSTEM ...... 10

The Origin of Sung Wong Toi ...... 10

The Arrival of Qing Loyalists and Flourishment of Details ...... 12

Emphasis of Narrative and Transformation of Lieu de Mémoire ...... 15

PART II ...... 22

COLD WAR HONG KONG ...... 22

Global Atmosphere: Britain’s Concern and America’s Indecisiveness ...... 23

Crisis and Chances in the 1950s: Tourism and Cold War Memory ...... 26

Two China: Legitimacy of Chinese Culture and Sung Wong Toi ...... 33

THE BUILDING OF SUNG WONG TOI GARDEN ...... 38

From Ruins to Garden: Communities’ Participation...... 39

Diffusion of Cold War Dynamic: Tourism, Exhibition and Academic Exchange ...... 48

Sung Wong Toi Memory from the Garden to the Commemorative Volume ...... 58

THE SUNG WONG TOI COMMEMORATIVE VOLUME ...... 65

Publication of the Commemorative Volume...... 65

Inheritance of Sung Wong Toi Memory in the Volume ...... 73

Sung Wong Toi as a Collective Memory through Commemorative Volume ...... 79

PART III ...... 81

IMPACT OF COLD WAR SUNG WONG TOI ...... 81

Media and Sung Wong Toi Memory...... 82

Impact to the Public: Public Creations ...... 84

Sung Wong Toi in Cold War under Global Influence ...... 85

Doubts, Limitations and Decline of Cold War Sung Wong Toi Memory ...... 87

CONCLUSION: SUNG WONG TOI’S PAST AND FUTURE ...... 93

BIBLIOGRAPHY ...... 95

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This document is downloaded from Outstanding Academic Papers by Students (OAPS), Run Run Shaw Library, City University of Hong Kong.

Introduction

On 21st April, 2014, the discovery of an old well, dated at the Sung Dynasty, was

discovered during construction of Shatin to Central Link, whereupon preservation of

Sung Wong Toi and Sung artifacts once again become a featuring issue: from a concern

of historical relic to our collective memory.

Sung Wong Toi development undergoes with tortuousness yet it is remarkable.

Scholars since the beginning of twentieth century had already studied about Sung Wong

Toi’s history and its related creation such as poems and articles. Qing loyalists such as

Chen Botao (陳伯陶, 1855-1930) authenticated historical accuracies of Sung Emperors’

evacuation to Hong Kong which the relic commemorated. Their works, not only gave

the first glimpse of the ‘ancient’ history of Hong Kong, but also initiated a trend of

commemorating their former master by aligning the lamentable history enshrined by

Sung Wong Toi. The ROC scholars who resided in Hong Kong after 1949, such as Jian

Youwen (簡又文, 1896-1978) proceed the study of Sung Wong Toi history in Hong

Kong and further elaborated their predecessors’ sentiments into their nationalist ideal.

Recent scholarship diversified Sung Wong Toi studies into areas, for instance,

social atmosphere, political decision and ideological development. Chiu Yu-lok’s The

Modern Literati and The Intellectual Thought and Social Life in Modern and

Contemporary Periods focus on the ideological phylogeny of the Qing loyalists, who

resided in Kowloon after 1911 and contributed to the establishment of Sung Wong Toi;

Chiu and Chung Po-yin’s cooperative work Kowloon City analyzed Sung Wong Toi as

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This document is downloaded from Outstanding Academic Papers by Students (OAPS), Run Run Shaw Library, City University of Hong Kong. the prior evidence to substantiate Sung emperors’ final stage of their lives in Hong

Kong, the main contribution is to make Kowloon history namely equalize to the history

of Sung; Kao Chia-Cian’s Adherents' History in Stone: Autumn Chants on the Terrace

of the Sung Kings and the Landscapes of the Qing Dynasty Adherents in Hong Kong

and Yiu To-Sang and Wong Chin-Leung’s A Study on Hou Wong Temple in Kowloon

City with Reference to Sung Wong Toi respectively elucidated the connection between

literati and Sung Wong Toi, and other historical sites in Kowloon chained up a public

imagination as well as making Sung Wong Toi a landscape out of a singly space. These

admirable works demonstrated Sung Wong Toi’s importance as a historical site in areas

of intellectual, social and urban history which consistent to scholars in Chen and Jian’s

generations. Literary studies, historical authentications are astoundingly abundant,

while I would wonder how memory that attached beyond the history, the poems and

Sung Wong Toi’s development itself, was preserved and transformed over generations.

More recent works, for instance, Hon Tze-ki’s A Rock, a Text and a Tablet:

Making the Sung Emperor’s Terrace a Lieu de Mémoire, along with Yiu and Wong

aforesaid work suggested an emphasis of historical memory on studying Sung Wong

Toi. Hon further articulated that “(the) analogy between the remembrance of Sung

loyalty and the remembrance of the Cold War was vividly on display at the front of

Sung Wong Toi: A Commemorative Volume (Sunghuangtai jinianji, 宋皇臺紀念集),”

which signified both the importance of the Commemorative Volume, a commemorative

anthology after the establishment of memorial garden as well as a new dynamic of Sung

Wong Toi’s memorial system when Hong Kong became the battlefield between the

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This document is downloaded from Outstanding Academic Papers by Students (OAPS), Run Run Shaw Library, City University of Hong Kong. “free world” and “Communist China.” 1 Hon considered the alliance between the

colonial government and the local clansman association is a political persuasion against

Communism, through the mean of demolding the “elite communication”

(commemoration of the Qing loyalists) into a “public memory” (“free world” vs.

“Communism”).2

Development of Sung Wong Toi Memory should retrospect to the Qing loyalists.

Assembling up the efforts of Chen and other Qing loyalists, it illustrated a complete

myth-site-memory transformation of Sung Wong Toi. The Sung vs. Mongols memory

was a myth before the arrival of Qing loyalists due to its ambiguous records and

uncertain details. After textual and historical authentication by Chen, Sung Wong Toi

beleaguered as “the Sacred Hill” in the eyes of the literati, which secondarily completed

the entire memorial system of Sung vs. Mongols dynamic. Based on the imagined

sorrowfulness and autumnal feelings, together with a merge of romanticism and

historical background of the fall of Sung, Chen further evolved the memory of Sung

Wong Toi into a new system, that the terrace became a lieu de mémoire (realm of

memory) to commemorate the pervious Qing Dynasty. Memorialization of Sung Wong

Toi – from a dubious myth to a historical site then a memory – was completed by Chen

and other Qing’s loyalists in the first 30 years of the Twentieth Century, but what brings

us into a deeper discussion is their intention of doing so. In 1917, Chen and other Qing

loyalists, under the effort of Su Zedong 蘇澤東 (1858-1927), edited a series of

1 Tze-ki Hon, “A Rock, a Text, and a Tablet: Making the Sung Emperor’s Terrace a Lieu de Mémoire,” in Places of Memory in Modern China: History, Politics and Identity, ed. Marc André Matten (Leiden: BRILL, 2011), pp.151, 158. 2 Ibid, pp.152-153.

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This document is downloaded from Outstanding Academic Papers by Students (OAPS), Run Run Shaw Library, City University of Hong Kong. poetries, textual researches and articles named as Autumn Chants at Sung Wong Toi

(Sung Tai Ciuchang 宋臺秋唱). As a compilation of poetries, Autumn Chants

collected the poetries composed by the Qing loyalists during their gatherings near Sung

Wong Toi, which Hon concluded its purpose in two ways: reaffirming Sung Wong

Toi’s historical authenticity and injecting new elements to the details of Sung Wong

Toi.3 Picture of Autumn Chants at Sung Wong Toi (Sungtai qiuchang tu 宋臺秋唱圖)

deified Sung Wong Toi through poetic remembrance, and thus, Kao claimed,

“whereupon, Sung Wong Toi’s memorial meaning is no longer an object for

commemoration only, rather… a place, a landscape to re-recognize Hong Kong .”4

The derived ideas aforesaid gives me a new idea on a systematic studying of Sung

Wong Toi in memory study, whereas the thesis would like to proceed the studying of

Sung Wong Toi in memory approach. That is, Sung Wong Toi is not only a historical

event or relic, but also a memorial structure that alters as time passes by, being

interpreted, diffused and imagined by generation after generation. Memory itself, as

Roger Schank and Robert Abelson argued, is “about one’s experiences… (which) are

the fundamental constituents of human memory, knowledge and social

communication.”5 The studying of their backgrounds through their works about Sung

Wong Toi would provide important information of how the historical memory of Sung

3 Hon, “A Rock, a Text, and a Tablet,” pp.147-149. 4 Chia-Cian Kao, “Adherents' History in Stone: Autumn Chants on the Terrace of the Sung Kings and the Landscapes of the Qing Dynasty Adherents in Hong Kong,” Bulletin of the Department of Chinese Literature N.T.U., no.41 (2013): 309. 5 Roger C. Schank and Robert P. Abelson, “Knowledge and Memory: The Real Story,” in Knowledge and Memory: The Real Story, ed. Robert S. Wyer. (New Jersey; Hove, UK: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 1995), pp.1-10.

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This document is downloaded from Outstanding Academic Papers by Students (OAPS), Run Run Shaw Library, City University of Hong Kong. Wong Toi was presented to the public: from past to present, from private to public,

from personal to collective.

Pierre Nora professed the relation between sites and memory and coined a new

diction, lieu de mémoire.6 Surely it is, the methodology of studying memory always

involved with history, whereas Nora further articulated that how history was structured

in to memory we the community recognized, is not an issue related to the past, rather,

the present does, which our collective identity determined how memory was

remembered, diffused, and recognized.7 For Qing loyalists, which Kao analyzed, their

Sung Wong Toi Memory is no long the memory back to Sung past, but a collective

memory to people who loyal to their Qing masters.8 On the other hand, Hon interpreted

of their ROC counterparts commemorated their Republican regime through the Sung

Wong Toi against PRC – a Cold War memory.9 The evolvement of Sung Wong Toi

memory substantiated Nora’s theory, that “as collective memory is transformed… this

‘law of remembrance’ has great coercive force: … source of identity, (and) total

commitment.”10

“Site” is more than important in the notion lieu de mémoire, this site, however,

could be either tangible or intangible.11 The material site and literal site of Sung Wong

Toi memorial systems: The Sacred Hill and Autumn Chants to Qing loyalists, and

6 Pierre Nora, Realms of Memory: Rethinking the French Past (New York: Columbia University Press, 1996), p.12. 7 Ibid, pp. 9-11. 8 Kao, “Adherents' History in Stone,” pp. 310-312. 9 Hon, “A Rock, a Text, and a Tablet,” pp.153-154. 10 Nora, Realms of Memory, p. 11. 11 Ibid, p.8.

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This document is downloaded from Outstanding Academic Papers by Students (OAPS), Run Run Shaw Library, City University of Hong Kong. Memorial Garden and Commemorative Volume to Cold War memory respectively,

signified their transformation from former to later due to the destruction of material site

during Japanese Occupation. Literary site however, Commemorative Volume is an

inheritance of Autumn Chants while further established according to ROC scholars’

intention. Perceived on the current scholarship, the thesis would proceed the studying

of their present, that is, how they coined Sung Wong Toi memorial system with their

collective identities.

In this thesis, what we should cover is not singly the transformation of Sung Wong

Toi memorial systems during Cold War but also the impact of this memorial structure,

which is still influential nowadays: as memory would inherit from generation to

generation, studying alteration of Sung Wong Toi’s memorial structure is also studying

our public memory that exists nowadays. Therefore, the thesis would trifurcate in to

three parts. In the first part, we would first talk about the memorial system of Qing

loyalists, to discover the basis of Sung Wong Toi Memory in the early twentieth century.

The second part would relate Sung Wong Toi and Cold War together, the establishment

of the two sites in Cold War Sung Wong Toi Memory: Memorial Garden and

Commemorative Volume would be the focus of this part. The third part would examine

the influences and the impact of Cold War Sung Wong Toi, that aroused an enormous

echo throughout the society between 50s and 60s. Together with, the thesis would re-

examine Sung Wong Toi’s memorial structure and to open up the discussion of the

impact of Sung Wong Toi Memory.

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This document is downloaded from Outstanding Academic Papers by Students (OAPS), Run Run Shaw Library, City University of Hong Kong. Part I

Qing Loyalists’ Sung Wong Toi Memorial System

To understand Sung Wong Toi’s entire memorial system and its transformation, let us

first pull back the timeline to the beginning of the Twentieth Century. The history of

Sung Wong Toi was tirelessly reiterated by scholars and travel writers for myriad of

times, but it is necessary. Given that Pierre Nora’s idea on memory, its dynamics “thrive

only because of their capacity of change, their ability to resurrect old meanings and

generate new ones along with new and unforeseeable connections.”12

The Origin of Sung Wong Toi

The establishment of Sung Wong Toi, similar to Moses and the Ark of the Covenant,

are both mysterious under a veil of historical background: a certain historical period,

but bewildering – sometimes chaotic – on details. Where? Why? When? Who? What?

How? Could not be testify even in the modern days.13 The only sources we could

extract the limited sort of facts in history are the fragmentedly sporadic classics and so-

called “historical records” (which are highly subjective or somehow distortive).

12 Pierre Nora, Realms of Memory, p.15. 13 In his work, Jan Assmann pointed out that to create a memory, it is necessary to refer to the “details” of the specific period, the basis on history would make the memory more likely to be remembered. See Jan Assmann, “Myth and History of the Exodus: Triumph and Trauma,” in From Akhenaten to Moses: Ancient Egypt and Religious Change (New York: American University in Cairo Press, 2014), pp. 27-29.

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This document is downloaded from Outstanding Academic Papers by Students (OAPS), Run Run Shaw Library, City University of Hong Kong. Luckily, compared with the case of Moses, the records about Sung Wong Toi is

relatively more reliable then the Holy Bible, but still distanced from the reality. Jan

Assmann’s studying on Exodus with a systematic memory model could be applied to

the origin of “Sung Wong Toi Memory,” which contains two parts – the “details” and

“narratives.”14 Along with the primary records about Sung Wong Toi, say, Records of

Guangdong (Guangdong tongzhi 廣東通志), Chronicle of Yashan (Yashan zhi 厓山

志) and Gazette of the Xin’an County (Xin’an xianzhi 新安縣志) have almost no details

about how the Sung Wong Toi was built. The former two stated that Sung Wong Toi

was established after the fall of Sung in 1279; the later one, which published in the year

of Jiaqing mentioned the carvings on the stone ambiguously –

“At the east of guanfu (官富), there is a solid rock with several zhangs (丈) long.

Emperor Bing was stationed here before. There was three characters “Sung Wong

Toi” carved on a gigantic stone near the terrace.”15

The wording “was” provides an intriguing hint about the origin of Sung Wong Toi.

These foremost records about Sung Wong Toi are published in Qing but Sung Wong

Toi itself originated in Sung Dynasty. The wording “was” authenticated “when” the

Sung Wong Toi was built (though it is still perplexing). In a strict definition, the

establishment of Sung Wong Toi could hardly be regarded as “memory” due to its

extreme mysteriousness and uncertainty in details which singly relies on a negligible

14 Ibid. 15 Translated by self, the original Chinese text is 在官富之東，有盤石，方平數丈。昔帝昺駐蹕於此。台側巨石，舊有「宋王臺」三字. See Congxi Huang 王崇熙, Xin’an xianzhi 新安縣志 [Gazette of The Xin’an County] (Publisher Unknown, n.d.), p.146.

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This document is downloaded from Outstanding Academic Papers by Students (OAPS), Run Run Shaw Library, City University of Hong Kong. linkage between the stone and historical background of the fall of Sung, and the witness

of this historical linkage is the renewal of Sung Wong Toi in 1807.16

The Arrival of Qing Loyalists and Flourishment of Details

The one who turned Sung Wong Toi from a myth to memory is Chen Botao (1855-

1930),who titled himself “True Hermit of Kowloon” (Jiulong Zhenyi 九龍真逸) after

moving to Kowloon Walled City in order to show his loyalty to the overthrown Qing

Government. Chen’s works in the first decade of the twentieth century, when he

emigrated to Hong Kong after the fall of Qing, his interest on Sung Wong Toi turned

the ambiguously justified stone into memory.

Chen’s contribution to this transformation was basically authentication and re-

creation. In his works, Records of the Sung Loyalists in Dongguan (Sung Dongguan

yimin lu 宋東莞遺民錄) , Chen traced the location of the Southern Sung government,

and proved the government once settled in Kowloon Bay. 17 Another work,

Remembrance of the Past at the Sung Emperor’s Terrace, with a Preface (Sung Huang

Tai huaigu bingxu 宋皇臺懷古並序), Chen further rectified the character Wong

(wang 王) is an erroneous addressing of the two Sung Emperor Zhao shi (1268-1278)

and Zhao Bing (1271-1279), and suggested an alteration of the character to “Huang”

皇, which intentionally depreciated by the Yuen historians before.18

16 Indicated in a line next to the three characters “Restored in the Dingmao year of the Qing Emperor Jiaqing” (Qing Jiaqing Dingmao chongxiu 清嘉慶丁卯重修). 17 This could also see in Botao Chen 陳伯陶, Gualu wensheng 瓜廬文賸 [Collected Writings from Gourd Hut] (Hong Kong: publisher unknown, 1931), 4:9a-10b. 18 Botao Chen, “Sung xinggong yiwage bingxu 宋行宮遺瓦歌並序 [Sung for the Remaining Tiles from the Sung Palance, with a Preface],” in Sungtai qiuchang 宋臺秋唱 [Autumn Chants at the Sung

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This document is downloaded from Outstanding Academic Papers by Students (OAPS), Run Run Shaw Library, City University of Hong Kong. New discovery of Sung’s archaeological sites in Kowloon Bay is Chen’s pivotal

contribution to memorization of Sung Wong Toi – the Village of the Two Emperors’

Palace” (Erwang Dian Cun 二王殿村), Tomb of the Golden Lady (Jin Furen Mu 金

夫人墓) and the Marquis Temple (Houwang Miao 侯王廟) through textual research

on local gazettes.19 This unprecedented act provided pivotal countenance to historical

value of Sung Wong Toi – from a claimed-to-be site to a solid historical site – making

Sung Wong Toi a myth to a reality with relatively creditable concrete details – although

some of the claims are hitherto doubtful in academia.20

Together with giving us the “purpose” and details of Sung Wong Toi, thus a

systematic memory of Sung Wong Toi could circulate through a community according

to Assmann’s model of memory as shown below –

Emperor’s Terrace] ed. Su Zedong (Hong Kong: publisher unknown,1917), juan 1: 2b–3a. For more explanation about the authentication of characters, see Hon, “A Rock, a Text, and a Tablet,” pp.142- 143. 19 Botao Chen, “Sung xinggong yiwage bingxu 宋行宮遺瓦歌並序 [Sung for the Remaining Tiles from the Sung Palance, with a Preface],” in Sungtai qiuchang, juan 1: 2b–3a. 20 Some archaeological excavation in the past decades showed several contradictions to Chen’s claim. Moreover, through textual comparison between the local gazettes and the research done by Jiao TSung-I, the actual location of the original rock of Sung Wong Toi and the Temple of the Heavenly Ruler remained undetermined. See Him-fung Siu 蕭險峰, Chi-ming Shum 岑智明 and Kwok-wai Lau 劉國偉, “Jiulon cheng shangdi gumiao yuanzhi kaozheng 九龍城「上帝古廟」原址考證 [A Textual Research on the Original Site of “Old Temple of the Heavenly Ruler” in Kowloon City], Fieldwork and Documents: South China Research Resources Station Newsletter, no.83 (2016): 4-5.

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This document is downloaded from Outstanding Academic Papers by Students (OAPS), Run Run Shaw Library, City University of Hong Kong. A Comparison of Details Before and After the Arrival of Qing Loyalists21

Details Before After interpretation of Qing loyalists When After the fall of Sung After the fall of Sung Once renewed in 1807 Once renewed in 1807 A Protective Act was passed in 1899 to protect the site Where Kowloon Bay, but uncertain Kowloon Bay, with concrete details showing the Sung Emperors stationed here before Who Unknown Loyalists of Sung Dynasty What A rock crafted with three A rock crafted with three characters “Sung characters “Sung Wong Toi” Wong Toi,” and a place for Qing loyalists Why In remembrance of Sung Commemorating Sung Dynasty and imperialist China

How Crafting a rock Established a terrace Qing loyalists gathered and chanted Gathering poetries and paintings into a compilation

The keywords of the difference are “place” and “landscape.” Sung Wong Toi is a

“place” to commemorate Sung Dynasty, which contains a meaning and contribution to

societal identity: Sung loyalists, yet due to its previously equivocated origin, it is

21 The table was composed by self. About the details, I have checked the local gazettes and Autumn Chants, together with scholars’ studying on the relationship between the Qing loyalists and Sung Wong Toi. See Kao, “Adherents' History in Stone,” pp. 277-79, 281-316.

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This document is downloaded from Outstanding Academic Papers by Students (OAPS), Run Run Shaw Library, City University of Hong Kong. doubtful to aptly consider it as a “place” under the definition by Hunziker.22 This

confounded line between “space” and “place” in Sung Wong Toi is assumable to be the

reason of its negation among several hundred years between Sung and Qing. Chen and

other Qing loyalists’ contribution not only restored the memory of Sung vs. Mongols

but further elaborated it into a new dynamic of Qing vs. the Republic through a

transformation from “place” to a well-explained “landscape.”23

Emphasis of Narrative and Transformation of Lieu de Mémoire

Narrative plays even more important role on changing a story – or a site – than detail

itself into a memory that shared in communities. Among the writings, one of the

paragons is Hunag Pei-jia 黃佩佳 (1906-?).24 Huang is a travel writer and an official

of The Treasury of Hong Kong Colonial Government, who is eminent on recording

Sung Wong Toi, some records showed an intriguing narrative –

A couplet about Sung Wong Toi has stated:

The thousand years had passed,

As the dynasties had come to last.

22 Marcel Hunziker, et. al, “Space and Place – Two Aspects of the Human-landscape Relationship,” in A Changing World: Challenges for Landscape Research, 47-62. Vol.8. Landscape Series (Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 2007), pp. 47-50. 23 Autumn Chants, for instance, is a replete composition to legitimized the Qing loyalist as the user of the landscape by continuously reiterating their experiences and endeavor in gatherings as Sung Wong Toi, which, infused with a peculiar identity of the loyalists through both physical and immanent activities. 24 The English translation is missing due to the lack of information about him, here I used the pin-yin system to temporarily translated his name.

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This document is downloaded from Outstanding Academic Papers by Students (OAPS), Run Run Shaw Library, City University of Hong Kong. In what the Ocean never drain and the rocks never perish,

Leaving the tidal river ebb-and-flow and the verdant grass flourish.

Glancing twilight beyond shadowed twigs,

The picturesque scenery and the autumn links.

Ever since the Republic raised to the new dawn,

Eventually sorrow and grudge have never gone.

When all is said and done, cloudy mist slims from distance,

Along with the thriving pine efflorescent.

Oh, the forsaken, desolate mountain; oh, the lonesome rock,

Shall we ask, who the breeze and the ashen moon are chilling for?25

This couplet, which believingly composed by a Qing loyalist is exemplary on

reflecting their nostalgia towards Qing (and, take for granted, resentment to the

Republic). Contents of the couplet reflects a mature memorization of Sung Wong Toi

by infusing and legitimizing landscape into memory of specific community by three

means: first, a general depiction of autumnal landscape in resemblance with Autumn

Chants at Sung Wong Toi, the couplet further internalize this sorrowful scene into his

mentality, resented to the Republic which replaced the Qing he once obeyed to. This

25 Translated by self, the original text is 有(對聯)擬宋皇臺云：「歷數朝而至今日，將有千載。因何海不枯，石不爛，還留江水悠悠，綠草蔓蔓。但見樹杪斜陽，山明水秀增秋感。自民國以逮來時，終非愁可滅，恨可消。畢竟雲煙渺渺，翠松蒼蒼衹遺荒山片石，試問風清月白為誰涼。」

See Pei-jia Huang, Xianggang bendi fengguang fu xinjie bai yong 香港本地風光附新界百詠 [Local Scenery of Hong Kong, Attached with Hundred Chants of the New Territories], ed. Sze Shum 沈思 (Hong Kong: The Commercial Press (Hong Kong) Ltd., 2017), pp.14-15.

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This document is downloaded from Outstanding Academic Papers by Students (OAPS), Run Run Shaw Library, City University of Hong Kong. couplet is typical on its direct linkage between loyalism towards Qing and Sung Wong

Toi (“the lonesome stone” in line 11), which in echoes with Hon’s assumption that after

Autumn Chants was published, Sung Wong Toi was transformed into a lieu de mémoire

and remained influential until the rock was perished during the Japanese Occupation.26

Even more important, the composer of the couplet is unknown, which we could

speculate two possibilities – 1) judging from the idea conveyed from the couplet, the

composer should be a Qing loyalist. 2) this couplet has not appeared in Autumn Chants

or Collective Memory of Sung Wong Toi, indicating that he was probably distanced

from Chen Botao’s social circle. 27 If the statement is genuine, then the couplet

indicated Sung Wong Toi had become the universal memorial symbol of Qing loyalism

in the 1920s among the Qing adherents in Hong Kong, and it also demonstrated the

influence of common memory composed by Chen and his friends.28

It is necessary to clarify the term “universal” could only be applied among the

literati community of Qing loyalists, which is, the so-called Qing vs. the Republic

memory was restricted to social elites with their sentiment towards Qing’s decline, thus

Sung Wong Toi Memory was still an esoteric idea to the common public. Nevertheless,

it does not mean that Sung Wong Toi is irrelevant to the public at that time. Another

26 Hon, “A Rock, a Text, and a Tablet,” pp.146-148. 27 It is highly possible that the composer was unfamiliar with Chen, as Huang recorded the couplet on 16th May, 1930, if the composer knows Chen and his friends, the couplet should be included in Autumn Chants, or other literati’s works, like Lai Jixi 賴際熙 (1865-1937). 28 This assumption is based on two sources: the records of Huang in 1930 and its inexistence in Autumn Chants in 1917.

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This document is downloaded from Outstanding Academic Papers by Students (OAPS), Run Run Shaw Library, City University of Hong Kong. intriguing and precious record by Huang depicted the common social activities of Sung

Wong Toi during Mid-Autumn Festival.29

The records by Huang reveals an astonishing popularity of Sung Wong Toi outside

the elite literati circle which coalesces with Chen’s literati community. Combining

Autumn Chants, the couplets and autumnal activities of the general public, “autumn”

was the linkage between the common memory of Qing loyalists and the public’s. Even

though the linkage was somehow far-fetched, we should consider the Chinese society

as a whole. Taking another similar case, Zhang Dai 張岱 (1597-1684)’s travel to the

West Lake in Hangzhou recorded a similar scenario in Zhongyuan Ghost Festival 中

元節, showing that literati’s activities would also attract the common public to imitate

(even though literati would sneered on their arty-farty acts in distain).30

What the case of Sung Wong Toi and West Lake’s have in common is the finite

share of common memory from an “elite” class and the public. As in the early period

of Hong Kong’s colonialization, gentries, literati were influential major social forces

especially in the north of the Boundary Street, whereupon naturally compelled the elites

became paragons of cultural trend. 31 Even though the Qing loyalists caused very

29 “At the evening during Mid-Autumn Festival… Some of the people would hike to Sung Emperor’s Terrace, sitting next to the rock, and sight-seeing the entire sea. The pale moon ascends to the sky, while the chill passes through the armpit, what a graceful moment.” See Huang, Xianggang bendi fengguang p. 241. 30 For Zhang Dai himself, he sneered the common public who imitated the literati in appreciating the moon. See Dai Zhang, Tao’an Mengyi 陶庵夢憶. (Shanghai: Shanghai Classic Publishing House, 1995), p.84. 31 Although the British government rented the New Territories in 1898, the government tended to let the social elites and local gentries to govern the natives, and, the Qing loyalists by themselves. Due to their reputation and wealth, these social elites were way more influential than the colonial government

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This document is downloaded from Outstanding Academic Papers by Students (OAPS), Run Run Shaw Library, City University of Hong Kong. limited impact in social affairs, their cultural influence is hardly underestimated.32 In

retrospect to the efforts of Chen and his friends on preserving Sung Wong Toi, like

Chen and his friend, Lai Jixi, sough a wealthy businessman Li Sui-Kam 李瑞琴 to

finance a renovation of Sung Wong Toi which completed in 1915. Unlike a direct

influence on preserving Sung Wong Toi, for instance, Ho Kai’s legislative suggestion

in 1898, the renovation increases the poeticism of Sung Wong Toi by the imagination

of the literati. 33 The renovation in 1915, is an adoption of Chinese landscape

composition which depicted poetically in the Picture of Autumn Chants in 1917.34 The

material outcome of their imaginative memory towards Sung Wong Toi as the symbol

of loyalty towards the overthrown Qing Dynasty created a lieu de mémoire in echoes

with Hon’s claim. What further out of Hon’s expectation, however, is the Qing vs. the

Republic memory is somehow transmissive in sentimental perspective.35

itself in the north of Boundary Street. See John M. Carroll, A Concise History of Hong Kong. Critical Issues in History. (Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield, 2007), pp.32-40. 32 According to Hon, since the Qing loyalists were unwilling to work for the colonial government and had to take care of their native business, their impact were limited. However, their cultural influence, such as working as writers, calligraphers, painters, and private tutors, I would argue that these showed their relatively influential cultural power in the society. See Hon, “A Rock, a Text, and a Tablet,” p150. 33 For details of Ho Kai’s suggestion to the colonial government, see Runhe Liu 劉潤和, et.al, Jiulong chen qu fengwu zhi 九龍城區風物志 [Gazette of Sceneries in Kowloon City District], (Hong Kong: Kowloon City District Council, 2005), p. 46. 34 The renovation included erecting an arch, building a pathway and putting up handrail around the rock. For details, see Ho Yeung Yiu, Sung Wong Toi: Politics before and after WWII (Hong Kong: City University of Hong Kong, 2020), pp. 4-5. 35 Travelers like Huang who is a “native-born Hongkonger,” described the renovated Sung Wong Toi could “always triggers people’s sense of sorrow,” which “specifically attractive to Hong Kong’s guys and girls in spring and autumn.” The original text is「（宋皇臺）四周又圍以石欄……總會撩人愁思……故在春秋佳日，極惹香江士女之流連。」See Huang, Xianggang bendi fengguang, pp. 240- 241.

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This document is downloaded from Outstanding Academic Papers by Students (OAPS), Run Run Shaw Library, City University of Hong Kong. This memorial system is esoteric and elitist, which could narrowly applied to the

Qing loyalists settled in Hong Kong, but what giving us a shine is the common memory

shared among the loyalists was presented to the common public in a very fragmented

and sporadic narrative – autumnality (qiuyi 秋意) and sense of sorrow (chou 愁) –

though the common public is hardly understand the original memory constructed by

the Qing loyalists, while it is noteworthy that the transmission occurred due to

materialization of imagination towards Sung Wong Toi by Chen and his comrades.

Autumn Chants was the result of the transformation of materialistic evidences into lieu

de mémoire that a Sung Wong Toi memory was thus became “a landscape to

commemorate Qing and resent to the Republic” for the Qing loyalists and “a place to

feel sorrowfulness and autumnality under the narrative of literati” for the public.

Nevertheless, this memorial system is flimsy. What if, the site was destroyed and

no longer exists in the world? What if, the only heirs of this narrow memorial system,

gradually passed away in the next few decades? These predictions had unfortunately

come to reality during the 1930s and 40s. After the 1930s, Sung Wong Toi Memory

faced a significant challenge compelled by two factors: the first is destruction of the

rock during the Japanese Occupation in 1943, the devastating demolishment of the site

also bereft its function as a lieu de mémoire after Japanese Occupation. The original

site of Sung Wong Toi was literally perished, the original symbol of a collective

memory was permanently removed from the reality. Overhauling of the memorial

system was ascended to the paramount critical issue in order to proceed itself as a sacred

place of commemoration. The situation deteriorated along with the gradual decease of

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This document is downloaded from Outstanding Academic Papers by Students (OAPS), Run Run Shaw Library, City University of Hong Kong. the Qing loyalists in the late 1920s and 1930s.36 The decease of the Qing loyalists

meaning that no more reaffirmation of Qing vs. the Republic memory which once

universal among the literati circle (and in a very limited extant, to the public).

Without heirs to inherit their ideas, meaning that the community sharing Qing vs.

the Republic memory system had been collapsed. The memory of Sung Wong Toi was

again buried until another wave of revitalization headed by Jian Youwen in the late

1950s – the establishment of Sung Wong Toi Memorial Garden and publication of Sung

Wong Toi: A Commemorative Volume – with cooperation of the British government

and local communities, who found it worthy to recall the memory of Sung Wong Toi,

the intention, was astonishingly similar to the Qing loyalists but greater in communal

involvement – a Sung Wong Toi Memory that was “democratized and decentralized.”37

36 Wu Deyi 伍德彛 died in 1928, Chen Botao in 1930, Lai Jixi in 1937; even travel writers: after he went to the battle field in Guangzhou in 1943, Huang Pei-jia was untraceable ever again 37 Nora, Realms of Memory, p.9.

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This document is downloaded from Outstanding Academic Papers by Students (OAPS), Run Run Shaw Library, City University of Hong Kong. Part II

Cold War Hong Kong

After the Japanese Occupation for over 3 years and 8 months, Hong Kong was returned

to the reign of Britain. The entire world order – the global political climate – had

eventually changed as the confrontation between the USSR and the US accelerated into

global level. As a colony under British rule, Hong Kong during the wave of

decolonization between the 40s and the 60s stand on an awkward position due to its

nature as a colony, and, more importantly, a neutral point in the middle of CCP-

controlled China and its ROC counterpart after Chinese Civil War (1946-1949).

This special situation of Hong Kong compelled by geo-historical factors, Hong

Kong’s foreign relations with Britain, the US, also “Two China,” becomes a talk of the

town. In topics of Sino-American, Anglo-American, or Two China diplomacy, Hong

Kong always featured in this international chess game. In reality, Hong Kong’s dubious

position during the Cold War eventually contributed to its own special policies, which

further brought influences to the public. Relocation and preservation of Sung Wong Toi

itself was actually a so-called “benevolent” policy which could demonstrated the

colonial government’s condescending magnanimousness, an expediency during the

critical crisis of Britain itself in 1950s, the reason lies within the global atmosphere

during Cold War between 1950s and 60s, and it finally influenced the establishment

and flourishment of Sung Wong Toi Memory with Cold War Dynamic.

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This document is downloaded from Outstanding Academic Papers by Students (OAPS), Run Run Shaw Library, City University of Hong Kong. Global Atmosphere: Britain’s Concern and America’s Indecisiveness

It is pivotal to examine the position of Hong Kong after 1949: when CCP took control

over the mainland while KMT retreated to Taiwan, and continuous decolonization

proceed across Europe.

Because of several coincidences, Hong Kong remained as one of the very few

colonies in British rule.38 Due to its economic advantage – a self-sustained colony –

and as an important trade port to Britain in the Far East, it is seemingly that Britain

would not give up Hong Kong easily.39 However, as the momentum of Cold War began

to rise to the surface, Hong Kong was given a new important strategical meaning as a

surveillant and sea route blockade towards Communist China.40 However, Hong Kong

had become a hot potato to British diplomacy.41 Decline of economic and military

power is the first determination, which Britain considered it an “unnecessary act” to

38 Hong Kong had not returned to ROC rule after the World War – Franklin D. Roosevelt, a strong antagonist against colonialism, died before Germany surrendered, and the upcoming predestined Chinese Civil War troubled Chiang Kai-shek to claim Hong Kong’s sovereignty back to ROC. 39 Britain had trade surplus to Hong Kong across the 50s. See David Clayton, Imperialism Revisited: Political and Economic Relations between Britain and China, 1950-1954 (London: King’s College, 1997), pp.140-144. 40 This is why Churchill strongly opposed Roosevelt’s idea on returning Hong Kong (it would be a hindsight to say Churchill predicted the defeat of Chiang in 1949). See Notes of meeting between Bevin and Commonwealth Ambassadors in British Embassy, Washington, 16. Sept. 1949, FO 371/7042, F14305/1024//61G, PRO; Churchill stated that “nothing would be taken away from Britain without a war, specially Singapore and Hong Kong.” See Lanxin Xiang, Recasting the Imperial Far East: Britain and America in China, 1945-1950 (London: Routledge, 1995), p.4. 41 Duara Prasenjit, “Hong Kong as a Global Frontier: Interface of China, Asia, and the World,” in Hong Kong in the Cold War, ed. John M. Carroll and Pricilla Roberts (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 2016), p.212.

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This document is downloaded from Outstanding Academic Papers by Students (OAPS), Run Run Shaw Library, City University of Hong Kong. protect Hong Kong through military mean.42 In addition, Britain estimated “hot war”

was hardly occurred in Asia, yet ideological infiltration would be rampant, cooperative

relationship with Asian countries would be more considerable against Communism.43

Developing “cooperative relationship” is mostly economic – financial support –

contradicted to Britain’s post-war situation in reality, thus reliance on the US became

exclusive option in order to maintain Britain’s international stronghold.44 Dilemma of

Britain in Hong Kong had never vanished even Mao Zedong and Zhou Enlai publicly

conciliated British rule over Hong Kong after the Communist Party occupied China.45

Between cooperation with the US against Communism, accompany with a caution

preventing to provoke any resentment from PRC became the major issue of British

diplomacy in Hong Kong during Cold War period, in which the preconception of

Anglo-American relationship is a balance between “not to negatively influence the

unity of Commonwealth” and “dissolve the relationship between PRC and USSR by

nationalism and aid from ‘western world’.”46

42 Just as several conjectures argued that Churchill did give up Hong Kong during Second World War. See Chi-Kwan Mark, Hong Kong and the Cold War: Anglo-American Relations, 1949-1957, trans. Lam Lap-Wai (Hong Kong: Chung Hwa Book Company, 2018), p.25; Ming K. Chan and John D. Young, Precarious Balance: Hong Kong Between China and Britain, 1842-1992 (London: Routledge, 2015), p.109-111; JP (50) 47, 6 Apr. 1950, DEFE 4/31, PRO. 43 CP (49) 58, 14. Mar. 1949, CAB129/33. 44 Such reliance reached to severe concern after Suez Crisis in 1956. See Robert Tombs, The English and Their History (UK: Penguin Books, 2015), pp. 770-775. 45 Steve Tsang, A Modern History of Hong Kong, (London: I.B. Tauris, 2004), pp.68-70. 46 William Roger Louis, “The Dissolution of British Empire,” in The Oxford History of the British Empire: Vol.4: The Twentieth Century, ed. Judith M. Brown and William Roger Louis, (UK: Oxford University Press, 1999), pp.340-342; CP (49) 180, 23 Aug. 1949, CAB 129/36, PRO.

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This document is downloaded from Outstanding Academic Papers by Students (OAPS), Run Run Shaw Library, City University of Hong Kong. Things were not happened favorably as Britain wished. The US had literally no

interest on Hong Kong during 40s and early 50s due to recent defeat of ROC and fierce

warfare in Korea. 47 Officials’ inconsistency of opinions among both British and

American government obstructed on generating a collaborative, convincing diplomatic

policy related to Hong Kong, that the US was uncertain towards Britain’s resolve on

keeping Hong Kong, while Britain had to seek for the US’s assistance without

interfering their own diplomatic strategy. 48 However, the US’s indecisiveness was

transient. Attitude of the US changed drastically a year after they refused to protect

Hong Kong in 1953. As the situation of Indochina Peninsula deteriorated, Eisenhower

used Hong Kong as “a carrot in diplomacy” to attract Britain to align with the US.49

When intensity of the Vietnamese War escalated in the 60s, Britain allowed the US

army to stay in Hong Kong for R&R (rest and recuperation) to veil the power of defense

in Hong Kong – a bluffing strategy against the nascent big regime right next to the

indefensible colony. In Priscilla Roberts word, the sudden change of attitude of the US

47 The US also struggled with the crisis of French army in Vietnam, and instability across the Taiwan Straits, causing the US to be extremely conservative towards safeguarding Hong Kong. With consideration of the US’s international standpoint, they believed safeguarding Hong Kong with military means would be not “beneficial,” George Marshall even claimed Hong Kong to Britain is “hard to compare” with Taiwan to the US, because losing Taiwan would severely damage the US’s reputation in West Pacific Ocean, which is “intolerable.” See White House Minutes, 7 Dec. 1950, TP, PSF, Subject File, Box 164, HSTL; Paris to MoD, 20 Apr. 1953, DEFE 11/434, PRO. 48 About the struggles and communications between British government and the US government on the issue of Hong Kong, see Mark, Hong Kong and the Cold War, pp.61-76. 49 Ibid, p.69.

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This document is downloaded from Outstanding Academic Papers by Students (OAPS), Run Run Shaw Library, City University of Hong Kong. indicated Eisenhower administration’s growing readiness, showing that “maintaining

states quo of British rule in Hong Kong was in the interests of the US.”50

Crisis and Chances in the 1950s: Tourism and Cold War Memory

The changes of attitude of the US and British government is important for examining

development of Sung Wong Toi.

For British government, the crisis of Hong Kong in the late 1950s enforced the

colonial government to re-examine its policies in Hong Kong, the Hong Kong 1956

Riots influenced colonial government’s policies in Hong Kong henceforth. Celebration

of ROC national day on 10th October caused rivalry between ROC and PRC supporters

escalated into physical assaults, resulting to one of the most lethal civil unrests in Hong

Kong history. In the report, Grantham concluded the 1956 Riots was stirred by several

KMD members and triads societies, but he denied to recognized it as an instigated riot

intentionally planed by KMD or CCP, but it “happened to be” a confrontation between

CCP and KMD supporters and aptly shifted the focus to the social-economic

dissatisfaction of the commons due to sudden enormous emigration.51 Grantham tried

50 Eisenhower said that the US “would expect to be with you (Britain) there (Hong Kong)” in return to Britain’s support in Indochina Peninsula. Although in reality, as Mark argued, Anglo-American discussions about defensing Hong Kong were “academic,” his determination of the statement stipulated to the year of 1957. About the letter from Eisenhower to Churchill on 4 April, 1954, see Peter G. Boyle, ed., The Churchill-Eisenhower Correspondence, 1953-1955 (North Carolina: The University of North Carolina Press, 1990), pp.136-138; Pricilla Roberts, “Cold War Hong Kong: Juggling Opposing Forces and Identities,” in Hong Kong in the Cold War, p.45. 51 Alexander Grantham, Report on the riots in Kowloon and Tsuen Wan, October 10th to 12th, 1956, together with covering dispatch dated the 23rd December, 1956, from the Governor of Hong Kong to the Secretary of State for the Colonies (Hong Kong: Hong Kong Government Printer, 1956), pp.50- 55.

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This document is downloaded from Outstanding Academic Papers by Students (OAPS), Run Run Shaw Library, City University of Hong Kong. to avoid any possibility to make Hong Kong got involved to political spectrum over

this civil unrest.52

After the 1956 Riots, the colonial government realized frangibility of Hong Kong

had already aroused significant concern to the entire Britain, and even the US. After

strongly opposed the idea of returning Hong Kong before 1997.53 The episode and

responses of the colonial government made PRC, ROC and also the US to reconsider

their international struggles to each other, which they realized cultural warfare and the

power of propaganda – an imperceptibly infiltration mean – was the best way not to

provoke British’s sensitive nerves or any physical confrontation on this prosperous but

militarily fragile metropolis.54

Soft power confrontation was the best solution of Hong Kong’s dilemma in the

eye of Britain. Alongside with its position as a member of the Western Bloc, Britain

52 From this report, Grantham reaffirmed Hong Kong’s position as a neutral point which could tolerate both CCP and KMD supporters on a premise of not to jeopardize British governance over Hong Kong as a British colony. See Ibid. This lopsided attribution begot PRC’s dissatisfaction and lead to continuous criticisms on British government for “conniving” KMD’s “subversion” over mainland in Hong Kong, see Peking to FO, 2 Oct. 1956, PREM 11/1798, PRO. 53 Grantham requested for further number of troops to empower defenses of Hong Kong, and also more conciliative (also authoritative) policies in order to preserve Hong Kong’s neutrality see COS (57) 59, 23 July 1957, DEFE 4/98, PRO. About how the US and British government reached a consensus, see Mark, Hong Kong and the Cold War, pp. 75-88, 134-146. 54 Across the 50s to 60s, the US showed little willingness on defensing Hong Kong due to its continuous struggles with USSR, but the US realized supporting Hong Kong would aligned Britain on other international affairs, and Hong Kong as one of the best trade ports around the world. Therefore, the US troops’ R&R visits to Hong Kong was occasionally beneficial, while propaganda is the major means to portrait themselves but have to beware of the attitudes of the British government. See Lin Ye 葉霖, Zai zhongguo de yingzi xia: Meiguo dui Xianggang de waijiao zhengce, 1945-1972. 在中國的影子下: 美國對香港的外交政策, 1945-1972. [Under the Shadow of China: America’s Diplomatic Policies to Hong Kong, 1945-1972] (Hong Kong: Chung Hwa Book Company (Hong Kong) Ltd., 2018), pp.135-159, 174-189.

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This document is downloaded from Outstanding Academic Papers by Students (OAPS), Run Run Shaw Library, City University of Hong Kong. had more concern on retaining its international influence under the threats of both

raising Communist power and its inevitably declining hard power. History, culture,

identity, belongingness, public education, were now Britain’s pivotal elements on

retaining their sovereignty over a Chinese-dominated colony in Far East. In this sense,

when Sung Wong Toi was suggested to relocate as a memorial garden in 1955, the

British government regarded it as the best tool for promoting Hong Kong’s soft power

against communism while gaining reputation of respecting the Chinese population as

well.

For Britain, relocating Sung Wong Toi was not simply an act of development in

expanding the Kai Tak Airport, while judging from a wider perspective – the

international and political spheres – preserving Sung Wong Toi was a critical act to

regain reputation among the Chinese citizens and showing their capability of governing

to its US ally due to the aftermath of Second World War, and the on-going cultural

Cold War. Sung Wong Toi had already become a symbol of “national soul and spirit,”

preserving Sung Wong Toi could proof the colonial government’s magnanimousness

to the majority in Hong Kong. Just as the colonial government repeatedly emphasized

the “historical value” of Sung Wong Toi, it is not hard to understand that the

government made use of Sung Wong Toi’s historical value to regain popularity after

the devastating riot in 1956 –they accelerated the process of relocation after the riot.55

The colonial government had three major considerations on relocating Sung Wong

Toi. The first is Sung Wong Toi’s location. Sung Wong Toi is located in Kowloon,

55 HKRS156-1-4457, 7 Dec. 1955 to 9 Jan. 1963, BL1/591/55; “Parks & Playgrounds: Report of Work Done by Urban Services Department; Surfacing of Skating,” South China Morning Post Dec 5, 1956.

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This document is downloaded from Outstanding Academic Papers by Students (OAPS), Run Run Shaw Library, City University of Hong Kong. which the 1956 Riots took place, and as Grantham concluded the riot occurred due to

some sorts of underwhelming living condition, relocating Sung Wong Toi to a new

memorial garden could gain popularity in two ways: showing respect of the Chinese

and their history, also a development of leisure facilities could improve their standard

of living, and it did appraised by the public, “The government decided to preserve this

ancient monument… the rock was placed there, properly and beautifully in its resting

place.”56

Building a strong tie with local communities was also a significant consideration.

The planning of relocating Sung Wong Toi to a new memorial garden, as my interview

with the Chiu Clansmen’s General Association stated, was originated by both the

General Association and Kowloon City District Kai-Fong Welfare Association. Sung

Wong Toi relocation thus became a cooperation between the colonial government and

the local communities, that facilitated to govern a place with majorly Chinese ruled by

foreign regime. More details about their cooperation would be discussed in later section.

The third one is the focus of this part. In practical sense, relocating Sung Wong

Toi was to cater the expansion of Kai Tak Airport – but in a larger sense – in support

to tourism. In 1957, Hong Kong Tourist Association (HKTA) joined Pacific Asia

Travel Association (PATA), estimated a great influx of tourists in upcoming years:

927% growth in number of tourists between 1957 and 1965, and overwhelmingly

Americans – making up 35% of the number of tourists in 1965 – as it predicted.57 Sung

56 “‘Old Hongkong’ The Story of Sung Wong Toi,” South China Morning Post Junuary 29, 1961. 57 “Xianggang luyou xiehui jiaru taipingyang luxing xiehui 香港旅遊協會加入太平洋旅行協會[Hong Kong Tourist Association joined PATA],” The Kung Sheung Daily News 工商日報 Aug 04, 1957; Hong Kong Report for the Year 1965 (Hong Kong: Government Printer, 1966), p.162; Hong Kong

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This document is downloaded from Outstanding Academic Papers by Students (OAPS), Run Run Shaw Library, City University of Hong Kong. Wong Toi was neither neglected nor its relocation was unilaterally an act of catering

expansion of the airport, instead, a tourist-oriented development around Kai Tak

Airport. The English version of the memorial tablet was the most convincing evidence:

a set of facilitates for Sung Wong Toi’s potential attraction to non-Chinese visitors, a

place for leisure in compare to the chaos and disorder among Kowloon City District,

Sung Wong Toi was intentionally created as a place for tourists to appreciate Chinese

history – just as how the English newspaper of Hong Kong portraited Sung Wong Toi

based on the intention of the colonial government.58

If we say the colonial government considered tourism as a practical way for

economic well-being, the US’s active participation on Hong Kong tourism would be

more oriented to Cold War ideological warfare, that is, the new Sung Wong Toi

memory was to put Hong Kong firmly in the “West Bloc,” that under protection by the

US. The establishment of HKTA and its participation of the American Society of Travel

Agents, the advent of commercial jet air-craft in the late 1950s, accompanied with Hong

Kong’s strategic geographical importance in Southeast Asia, the US started to be

interested on a cooperative relationship with Hong Kong on tourism, which reached its

apogee during the Vietnamese War, “desirable” for organizing and implementing anti-

Tourist Association, Annual Report 1967/8. Hong Kong: Hong Kong Tourist Association, 1968, pp. 26-29. 58 There are numerous of reports from South China Morning Post describing Sung Wong Toi and emphasized its historical value. In general, these reports focused the origin, relocation and historical value of Sung Wong Toi, which the narrative tended to attract non-Chinese tourists. For one of the examples, see “Around Hong Kong,” South China Morning Post - Herald, January 03, 1960.

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This document is downloaded from Outstanding Academic Papers by Students (OAPS), Run Run Shaw Library, City University of Hong Kong. Communist propaganda.59 The words have concluded the entire situation and strategy

of the US’s propaganda through tourisms, publications and radio broadcasting.60

It is intriguing that the US played an active role on involving Cold War affairs in

Hong Kong, but paradoxically their tourists were “recipient” of Cold War propaganda.

Sung Wong Toi in the eyes of Americans was a travel gaze, which “involve the notion

of ‘departure,’ of a limited breaking with established routines and practices of everyday

life and allowing one’s senses to engage with a set of stimuli that contrast with the

everyday and the mundane.”61 As Hong Kong, in Mark’s word, “was constructed,

represented, and performed as the ‘exotic East’ with Western colonial characteristics,”

Sung Wong Toi could also be regarded as “a sightseeing excursion”.62 In cooperation

with colonial government’s intention of turning Sung Wong Toi memorial garden into

a tourist site, we could find Sung Wong Toi was an “eligible site” for the US’s Cold

War tourist propaganda.

First is its representativeness of “Chineseness.” Sung Wong Toi, as the media and

colonial government tirelessly reiterated, was sacred by its long-enduring history and

its historical value as a lieu de mémoire. It is noteworthy that the publish of

Commemorative Volume, although it is hard to reach the common public, its reassertion

of Sung Wong Toi did achieve some sort of international attention and attract tourists

59 Foreign Service dispatch, HK to State, March 26, 1953, Folder Report Semi-Annual, Box 3, USIS HK 1951– 55, RG84, NA. 60 Xun Lu, “The American Cold War in Hong Kong, 1949-1960: Intelligence and Propaganda,” in Hong Kong in the Cold War, p.123. 61 John Urry, The Tourist Gaze, 2nd ed. (London: Sage, 2002), pp.2-3. 62 Chi-Kwan Mark, “Hong Kong as an International Tourism Space: The Politics of American Tourism,” in Hong Kong in the Cold War, p.167.

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This document is downloaded from Outstanding Academic Papers by Students (OAPS), Run Run Shaw Library, City University of Hong Kong. to visit Sung Wong Toi, as a foreign traveler wrote in 1969, “find it surprising that this

unusual and comparatively accessible relic, with its colorful historical associations,”

showing that the foreign travelers were impressed by Sung Wong Toi due to “travel

gaze” intentionally constructed by the colonial government and the US. 63

Commemorative Volume served not as a tourist guide book but as a triggering seed of

Sung Wong Toi fervency, notwithstanding the tourists may hardly know about

Commemorative Volume, the academic work provided abundant details to testify Sung

Wong Toi’s historical value and Oriental stimulation which could attract foreign

travelers (just in addition, the claim “comparatively accessible” proved the strategy of

the colonial government on establishing Sung Wong Toi as a tourist site and encircle it

into a tourist zone of Kai Tak Airport is a success).

We could observe another factor lead to the US’s interest was the combination of

history and leisure usage of garden which provides both stimulation (or say, cultural

shock) to foreign travelers in notion, while leisure intention could smooth travel

experience in attraction to tourists for further participation on consumption of a place.

Although we are still lack of sources which directly indicated Sung Wong Toi brings

significant attraction to foreigners, based on theory and the propaganda of colonial

government on history-based garden, we could evince Sung Wong Toi’s tourist value

to the US for Cold War propaganda, like Tiger Balm Garden on Hong Kong Island

which HKTA praised it as “Mecca for sightseers local and foreign.”64

63 A.J. Heward Rees, “A Word of Praise,” South China Morning Post, Auguest 13 1969. 64 Hong Kong Tourist Association, Hong Kong Travel Bulletin 8 (3), March 1966.

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This document is downloaded from Outstanding Academic Papers by Students (OAPS), Run Run Shaw Library, City University of Hong Kong. Two China: Legitimacy of Chinese Culture and Sung Wong Toi

However, what are the US actually looked upon, what are the concrete details about

Sung Wong Toi as a lieu de mémoire, in addition served as anti-Communist propaganda?

The gradual active intervention from the US to Hong Kong and its cooperation with the

colonial government refers to a new stage of new Chinese Civil War in an ideological

perspective. The “Cultural Civil War” between two China was henceforth infused with

Cold War ideological confrontation: “Free World” and the “Communist World” as the

US aided to the spread of anti-Communism in Hong Kong by a new-born popular mean:

tourism, which became the second most important industry (the first was textile

manufacturing) in the 1960s.65 Culminate with Linda K. Richer’s word, tourism is a

political phenomenon influenced by power relations through tourist policies,

consumption and production (both material and cultural), in which cultural cold war

could take place for anti-Communist propaganda among Hong Kong.66

What is the dynamic of its historical memory, as America and Britain had literally

no connection with it? Here, the debate of “Two China” became a critical issue to

trigger Sung Wong Toi as a weapon in cultural Cold War, and it gave a new memorial

system to the terrace. About how Jian and other ROC scholars reinterpreted Sung Wong

Toi memory based on their nostalgia and resentment towards PRC, the upcoming

section would discuss the basic elements on transformation from Qing vs. Republic

Memory to Cold War Memory. In this part, we started from a larger perspective – in

65 Hong Kong Report for the Year 1965, p.153-166. 66 Linda K. Richer, The Politics of Tourism in Asia (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1989), pp. 2- 5.

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This document is downloaded from Outstanding Academic Papers by Students (OAPS), Run Run Shaw Library, City University of Hong Kong. proves of “legitimate regime” – and a systematic memorial net oriented to Sung Wong

Toi.

The debate of “Two China” originated after the Chinese Civil War, the two

regimes claimed to be the legitimate regime of the entire China, though it is somehow

sophisticated to determine what is “Chinese.”67 Both PRC and ROC kept the debate

continued through international arena were all about claiming themselves as the “One

China” while denying to recognize the other.68

Hong Kong destined to become a neutral standpoint between “Two China” – under

British rule, and showed overwhelming characteristics of Chinese culture – which

Alexander Grantham, the Governor of Hong Kong at that time, had stated that due to

Hong Kong’s “Chineseness,” returning Hong Kong to China is corollary.69 After PRC

controlled the mainland, Britain soon recognized PRC regime due to unpropitious

situation of Hong Kong – a literally indefensible port against a nascent powerful regime.

Henceforth, governors of Hong Kong would tended to juxtapose both PRC and ROC

to preclude any possibility of eliciting resentments towards the British government.

Since cultural identicality and British diplomatic policies, Hong Kong destined to

become a “window,” “sentinel” to both PRC and ROC.70 For PRC, Hong Kong is not

singly “a frontline to break the embargo by (the) US-led western camp,” but also a place

67 Gungwu Wang, “Hong Kong’s Twentieth Century: The Global Setting,” in Hong Kong in the Cold War, p.8. 68 For example, membership of the United Nations, international affairs, and even intensive confrontations such as the crisis of Taiwan Straits in 1954-1955, 69 Alexander Grantham, Via Ports: From Hong Kong To Hong Kong (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 1965), p.177. 70 Clayton, Imperialism Revisited, p.118-125.

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This document is downloaded from Outstanding Academic Papers by Students (OAPS), Run Run Shaw Library, City University of Hong Kong. for intellectual and informational warfare and propaganda, such as publication of pro-

Communist newspaper: Ta Kung Pao and Wen Wei Po.71 ROC, similarly attached

importance to Hong Kong as valued as PRC did, numerous of ROC scholars evacuated

to Hong Kong during Chinese Civil War, evinced to be major force of ROC propaganda

in Hong Kong during the 60s.72 Affiliate with Britain’s mollifying policies in Hong

Kong due to its morbid hyper-sensitiveness, and the US’s intervention in Hong Kong

affairs, Hong Kong became a intercrossing point of both free and communist camp,

under balance-controlling policy of the authority but unrest cultural war tirelessly

continued between two camps.73

For PRC and ROC, proving their “mandate” to rule over China was paramount to

attract supports in a neutral zone, whereupon proving themselves as “legitimate” over

another “China” through cultural warfare became the melody of Cultural Cold War in

1960s Hong Kong. ROC’s strategy was to cooperate with the US’s “psychological

assault” towards the Communist camp, which could break down to four points. 74

71 Yangwen Zheng, Hong Liu, and Michael Szonyi, ed., The Cold War in Asia: The Battle for Hearts and Minds (Leiden, Netherlands: Brill 2010), pp. 101-102. 72 See Part 2. 73 Sophisticated Hong Kong internationality, was well concluded by Grantham, “a living example for the Chinese of a free life” where Communist China and the “free world” encountered face-to-face. See Charles Leary, “The Most Careful Arrangements for a Careful Fiction: A Short History of Asia Pictures,” Inter-Asia Cultural Studies 13 (4) (December 2012): 548-558; Digest of Meeting, Sir Alexander Grantham, “China as Seen from Hong Kong,” September 29, 1954, Folder 1, Box 446, Council on Foreign Relations Papers, Mudd Manuscripts Library, Princeton University, Princeton, NJ, United States. 74 The four points are: 1) To encourage overseas Chinese in Southeast Asia and Hong Kong population to resist CCP; 2) To facilitate them to recognize and support specific US policies and general free- world ideals; 3) Fend against anti-American propaganda; 4) To intensify mainland population’s dissatisfaction and misdoubt towards Communism. See Telegram, Sept. 8 1952, 511.46G/9-852, RG 59, Box 2375, NA.

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This document is downloaded from Outstanding Academic Papers by Students (OAPS), Run Run Shaw Library, City University of Hong Kong. Perhaps equivalent to “proving PRC is an illegitimate regime,” ROC’s paramount

mission is to find an explicit, convincing method to evince their legitimacy but not an

arbitrary whimsical. To testify their legitimacy over China, ROC, in cooperation with

the free world, established The Chinese University of Hong Kong, inviting ROC

scholars for teaching, propagating “Chinese virtues” in contrast to PRC’s “savagery”

and “barbarianism.”75 In enhance the efficiency of the propaganda, tourism was a new

mean for both the US, ROC and British government to propagate themselves according

to their own interests. Bifurcating in two sects: the academic sect, and popular sect, the

Two China debate evinced Sung Wong Toi and Cultural Cold War were pertinent.

For ROC itself, proving themselves as legitimate with their connection to Hong

Kong is powerful because their relation with Hong Kong.76 Sung Wong Toi either, is

a tangible cultural symbol of a “Cultural China” that ROC intended to sculpt.77 The

new discoveries aroused Chen, and later Jian, also their counterparts to the studying of

Hong Kong in previous dynasties, intact researches conducted by Qing loyalists and

ROC scholars on Sung Dynasty Hong Kong resulted a Kowloon “Sunglization” due to

75 About how establishment of The Chinese University of Hong Kong promoted Chinese culture, see Grace Ai-Ling Chou, Confucianism, Colonialism and the Cold War: Chinese Cultural Education at Hong Kong’s New Asia College, 1949-63 (Leiden: Brill, 2011). and Wing Sang Law, Collaborative Colonial Power: The Making of the Hong Kong Chinese (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 2009). 76 Sun Yat-sen and the Xingzhonghui (興中會, The Revive China Society), though strictly saying, it is not ROC’s headquarter, it is their cradle of revolution. 77 For example, Chen Botao’s studies on the Village of the Two Emperors’ Palace”, Tomb of the Golden Lady and the Marquis Temple before, and later the discovery of Lee Cheng Uk Han Tomb (李鄭屋漢墓) in 1955 given that Hong Kong was not as unprosperous as imagined. Archaeological findings and heritage provided solid details for ROC to illustrate their inheritance of “Chineseness” according to these findings.

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This document is downloaded from Outstanding Academic Papers by Students (OAPS), Run Run Shaw Library, City University of Hong Kong. its historical relevance with Sung Dynasty, which the myth of Sung Wong Toi played

an important role within.78 Scholars’ emphasis on Kowloon’s relevance with Sung

Dynasty, was in fact influenced by Sung Wong Toi Memory itself, correspondingly

enhanced its influence of Sung Wong Toi among the sphere of “cultural China,” we

would cover the influence of Sung Wong Toi: the establishments of memory sites, both

material and literal one, reconstructed Sung Wong Toi Memory by the Free World.

78 Po Yin Chung 鍾寶賢 and Yu Lok Chiu 趙雨樂, Jiulong Cheng 九龍城 [Kowloon City] (Hong Kong: Joint Publishing House (HK) Co., Ltd.), pp. 35-38.

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This document is downloaded from Outstanding Academic Papers by Students (OAPS), Run Run Shaw Library, City University of Hong Kong. The Building of Sung Wong Toi Garden

The Chinese Civil War right after the Second World War stunted the progress of the

renovation of Sung Wong Toi relics in the 1940s. The chance of relocation of the site

occurred when the colonial government found the inevitable necessity of expanding

Kai Tak Airport, which the expansion included the area of Sacred Hill. In 1955, under

the suggestion of Kowloon City District Kai-Fong Welfare Association and the Chiu

Clansmen’s General Association, suggestion of reconstructing Sung Wong Toi as a

memorial garden was soon adopted by the Urban Council. On 28th December, 1959, a

tablet crafted from a piece of the shattered rock was relocated to the current location,

which is known as Sung Wong Toi Memorial Garden nowadays.79

The memorial tablet of Sung Wong Toi was divided into two versions: the Chinese

and English version, erected right next to the relocated relic of the terrace, was

composed by a recent emigrant from China since 1949, Jian Youwen 簡又文 (1896-

1978). Unlike his predecessor of contributing to Sung Wong Toi Memory, Chen Botao,

who was an ordinary Qing literato, Jian was a professionally well-trained historian who

served as a member of the Institute of Oriental Studies in University of Hong Kong

since 1954, making him an appropriate person to draft the content of the memorial

tablet.

79 This is a very brief introduction of the relocation of Sung Wong Toi. The later parts would back to discuss the stakeholders in the relocation and their contribution to the establishment of Cold War Memory.

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This document is downloaded from Outstanding Academic Papers by Students (OAPS), Run Run Shaw Library, City University of Hong Kong. From Ruins to Garden: Communities’ Participation

Relocation of Sung Wong Toi relics was an accelerated project, the suggestion of

relocation was promoted by the Kowloon City Kai Fung Welfare Association in 1954

and eventually approved its appropriation in 1955. 80 Construction and relocation

promptly began in 1956 and completed in December, 1959. Along with the momentum,

Chiu Clansmen’s General Association started their compilation of Commemorative

Volume in March 1957 and published in 1960.81

Relocation of Sung Wong Toi, establishment of memorial garden and publication

of Commemorative Volume took place consecutively, the soon responses and prompt

action of the colonial government resulted to a rapid completion of all the tasks. In

reality, the government document HKRS156-1-4457 reveals that local communities

played an important role on urging the urban council and Secretaries for Chinese

Affairs to make both convincing and promising decisions. By examining the interaction

between local communities and colonial government, we would discover the

intertwining impact among Cold War Sung Wong Toi and local communities, also their

consideration towards Sung Wong Toi’s new memorial system.

Colonial government’s responses, at the very first stage, had several hesitations on

relocating the tablet to the garden: the garden had to be designed in Chinese-styled in

80 The original idea of establishing memorial garden was Chiu Lut-sau in 1945, but the propose of relocation was suggested by the Welfare Association due to expansion of Kai Tak Airport in 1953, which eventually agreed by Secretary of Chinese Affairs in 1954. See HKRS156-1-4457, 7 Dec. 1955 to 9 Jan. 1963, BL1/591/55. 81 “The Chiu’s Compilation of Sung Wong Toi: A Commemorative Volume.” Overseas Chinese Daily News, March 05, 1957.

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This document is downloaded from Outstanding Academic Papers by Students (OAPS), Run Run Shaw Library, City University of Hong Kong. cater to Sung Wong Toi’s theme, but most of the colonial officials had little knowledge

on this, thus seeking for expertise was paramount concern at that time; cost of the

construction was another problem, even though Hong Kong was one of the few

financially self-sufficient colonies among the Great Britain, colonial officials had

struggled within several debates about the cost for days due to the unfamiliarity towards

the cost of building a Chinese garden, even Brian Charles Keith Hawkins (1900-1962),

the Secretary of Chinese Affairs, urged for a prompt final decision on the appropriation,

claiming that the construction of the garden is “urgent.”82

Hawkins’s concern was not a smoke without fire – as he claimed from the memos

sent to other colonial officials, he was actively approached by Chiu Lut-sau, president

of Chiu Clansmen General Association at that time, suggested two memorial tablets

should be erected near the relic in order to record the history of Sung Wong Toi, also

the efforts of both government and local communities on preserving the historical site.

In addition, the Association was willing to pay for the tablets, including cost of the

materials and recruiting suitable miner.83 In the memo, Hawkins emphasized Chiu

Clansmen’s General Association’s importance which not just for its willingness to

patronage the relocation of Sung Wong Toi, but their claim of the Sung Emperors’

descendants, which Hawkins regarded allowing local communities’ participation would

granted reputation to the government about their demeanor on respecting local tradition.

In response to Chiu Lut-sau’s activeness ardency, Hawkins personally told Chiu to

communicate with Kowloon City Kai Fong Welfare Association first, while he

82 HKRS156-1-4457, 7 Dec. 1955 to 9 Jan. 1963, BL1/591/55. 83 Ibid.

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This document is downloaded from Outstanding Academic Papers by Students (OAPS), Run Run Shaw Library, City University of Hong Kong. conveyed the message to the government for urging an acceleration of process – which

he regarded as “urgent” as mentioned above.

Although the government documents lacked of detailed information about

conversations between Chiu and Hawkins, nor government officials’ immanent idea

towards the reconstruction of the garden, we could excavate how Cold War Dynamic

influenced government’s decision of implying cultural Cold War tactics among Sung

Wong Toi. As we mentioned, most of the colonial officials were literally unfamiliar to

Chinese culture, this colonial governmentality of recognizing themselves as

“expatriates” was a tradition of British on ruling Chinese population.84 This resulted

an aimless construction of the memorial garden to preserve historical site of Sung Wong

Toi (in idea of cultural heritage or museology, lack of mission and vision), resulted to

colonial officials’ hesitation about the cost and details about overhauling the memorial

garden – they even had no idea of the purpose of “memorial” garden except of

“preserving historical site.” Active approach of Chiu Clansmen’s General Association

was a twist to this sticky situation, since Chiu Lut-sau was a famous merchant,

educationist and philanthropist in the Chinese circle, the colonial officials were more

than happy to gain Chinese’s support by allowing participation of local communities,

which had already been a cliché of colonial governmentality in Hong Kong. The

importance of Chiu Clansmen’s General Association was their identity of Sung

emperors’ progenies, we could say, a “living history” coalesced to Sung Wong Toi and

the national history beyond. This difference became more visible when comparing the

84 Fei Yan, “Demystifying British Colonial Governance of Hong Kong: A Review of Governing Hong Kong: Insights from the British Declassified Files,” Twenty-First Century, no.137 (June 2013): 122- 129.

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This document is downloaded from Outstanding Academic Papers by Students (OAPS), Run Run Shaw Library, City University of Hong Kong. legislation on preserving Sung Wong Toi in 1898 suggested by Ho Kai, which was

permitted by an equivocation of “preserving valuable historical site” by colonial

government.85 The reconstruction project of Sung Wong Toi in 1955, was regarded as

“the inheritance of nationalism” which reiterated myriadly throughout Commemorative

Volume: the calligraphies composed by colonial officials also regarded nationalism as

the “new meaning” of Sung Wong Toi.86 In preserve the historical site of Sung Wong

Toi, although colonial officials did not familiar with Chinese culture, they had a well

understanding on respecting it: for instance, the officials’ conversations with Prof.

Drake from The Chinese University of Hong Kong about decorations of the Chinese-

styled garden.87

The quick adoption by the colonial government, we could boldly assume as an

acumen discovery of Sung Wong Toi’s potential for cultural Cold War warfare. As we

have covered the strategy of Britain and the US against CCP was to solicit nationalism

to overwhelm communism in order to ultimately dissolve CCP. With Chiu Clansmen’s

General Association’s participation, Sung Wong Toi thus implied with nationalistic

idea of “inheritance” and “legitimacy” inextricably related to unique genealogical

linage provided by the association. Besides, possibly unnoticed by the colonial officials,

Chiu Lut-sau’s personal relationships and reputation attracted ROC scholars’ attention,

which further aggrandized reconstruction of Sung Wong Toi to a “nationalistic affair”

85 About the detailed document about Ho Kai’s suggestion, see Po Yin Chung and Yu Lok Chiu, Jiulong Cheng, pp. 38. 86 For example, Sir Edgeworth David, Colonial Secretary of Hong Kong (1955-1957), had written “praise the appreciable ancestors forever” (Yong song sian fen, 永誦先芬). For more details, see Jian, Sunghuangtai jinian ji, pp. i-iv. 87 HKRS156-1-4457, 7 Dec. 1955 to 9 Jan. 1963, BL1/591/55.

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This document is downloaded from Outstanding Academic Papers by Students (OAPS), Run Run Shaw Library, City University of Hong Kong. among Chinese population. Just as President Chiu recalled during interview: “when

uncle Lut-sau asked for assistance, hundreds replied to help in purpose of preserving

our national memorial site.”88 Cold War Sung Wong Toi’s potential of propagating

nationalism against Communism is visible, that its impact not singly attract Chinese’s

attentions but to merge both colonial government and local communities together as a

memorial entity. According to both the memorial tablet and Commemorative Volume,

after the memorial tablets was established, we could see numerous of references to

colonial government together with local communities in which Jian concluded as “a

cultural product coined by synergic cooperation by hundreds of people (across

society).”89

From another aspect in the similar period of time, The Reform Club of Hong Kong,

representing the other local communities, publicly urged the government to make

prompt responses through letter to the editor as shown below –

Sir, - The Reform Club notes that in answer to a Petition from the Lok Sin Tong

Benevolent Society and the Kowloon City Kai Fong Welfare Association, the

Secretary for Chinese Affairs has stated that Government has been giving most

serious consideration towards ensuring the preservation of the Sung Wong Toi Stone

and that plans had been prepared and funds allocated for the construction of a garden

in which the Stone would be placed.

88 Interview with Chiu Clansmen’s General Association. 89 Jian, Sunghuangtai jinian ji, p. xii.

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This document is downloaded from Outstanding Academic Papers by Students (OAPS), Run Run Shaw Library, City University of Hong Kong. The Reform Club feels that this statement of the Secretary for Chinese Affairs does

not bring out the fact that the question as to the future of this Stone was considered

by the Urban Council some eighteen months ago and that the decision to preserve

the Stone was taken largely on the initiative of the Reform Club. The Chairman of

the Club, Brook Bernacchi, prepared a long Memorandum for the benefit of

Government on the history of the Stone. 90 Government has accepted the

recommendations of the Urban Council in this matter and the construction of a

public garden in which the Stone will be placed arises directly out of the Council's

recommendations.

The Reform Club of Hongkong91

According to this letter to the Editor, we could discover a wide range participation

of local communities and pressure group along with Chiu Clansmen’s General

Association – Lok Sin Tong, Kai Fung Welfare Association and the Reform Club of

Hong Kong. 92 Current existing excavatable sources reveal limited information to

depict these communities’ participation on the issue of Sung Wong Toi Garden, the

question is: why Cold War Sung Wong Toi could attract enormous attention across the

90 Bernachhi was the Member of the Urban Council, 1952-1981, 1983-1986, 1989-1995. 91 “Sung Wong Toi, (To the Editor, S.C.M.Post)” South China Morning Post, December 10, 1955. 92 To make the thesis more related to the topic “memory,” I would like to omit the entire event. About their participation, another short essay by myself had more detailed discussion, see Ho Yeung Yiu, Sung Wong Toi: Politics Before and After WWII. Hong Kong: City University of Hong Kong, 2020.

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This document is downloaded from Outstanding Academic Papers by Students (OAPS), Run Run Shaw Library, City University of Hong Kong. Chinese society in Hong Kong, but the efforts of local communities except Chiu

Clansmen’s General Association, were neglected by our contemporaries?

The answer lies within the government documents about the memorial tablets and

re-establishment of the memorial garden, an illustration of Sung Wong Toi memorial

entity’s selective participation by decision of colonial government. After the officials

agreed the propose of erecting memorial tablets near the relic of Sung Wong Toi, it is

assumable that Chiu Lut-sau told the idea of memorial tablets – according to Hawkins’s

advice – to other local communities, which aroused the local communities’ zealousness

on donation to memorial tablets. One of the colonial officials expressed his concern on

this stir and fervency, stated that it would be difficult for the miner to sculpt all the

donors’ names with such huge number of participants, arranging the order of enlisting

donors would cause “terrifying… embarrassing” situation. 93 Retrieving from the

content of the memorial tablets, the colonial government only accepted Chiu

Clansmen’s General Association’s patronage and assistance on establishing the

tablets.94 This selective acts of colonial government might considered with practical

sense, but implied a selection of “candidates” to promote Cold War Sung Wong Toi.

We have to once again retrieve Pierre Nora’s word about memory, that historical

memory would only enshrined by the most representative figure through selective

process by the agents, that recording the entire historical event into memory is nearly

93 HKRS156-1-4457, 7 Dec. 1955 to 9 Jan. 1963, BL1/591/55. 94 The original text of the memorial tablet has stated, “in 1957, during the winter of the Ting Yau Year, Mr. Kan Yau-man of San Wui composed the original Chinese text of this record, which was inscribed by Mr. Chiu Chiu of Toi Shan for engraving the Chiu clansmen’s association of Hong Kong. Besides publishing a special book in commemoration of this historic spot, assisted in selecting the stone and supervising the preparation of these memorial tablets.”

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This document is downloaded from Outstanding Academic Papers by Students (OAPS), Run Run Shaw Library, City University of Hong Kong. impossible.95 The choice decided by colonial government demonstrated the impact of

Cold War Sung Wong Toi through indirect influence on selecting representative figure.

Nevertheless, we have to make a clear sense, this does not refer to a paradoxical

statement that the government played an active role due to a passive receive on the

impact of Cold War Sung Wong Toi memory, but rather colonial government made use

of the impact of Cold War Sung Wong Toi memory for cultural warfare. In decision of

the colonial government, as President Chiu noted, “Sung Wong Toi had already been

famous among throughout Hong Kong before the relocation,” what made the memorial

garden “memorial” (or more specific term, lieu de mémoire) was the continuation of

living memory.96 Under this sense, praising governments’ cooperation of the legitimate

descendants of Sung emperors was far more prior than single recount about strives on

local affairs.97 Giving a meaning of the memorial garden as a lieu de mémoire, the

colonial government opted the Chiu clansmen as the representative of Cold War Sung

Wong Toi, as Hawkins realized the nature of Chiu Clansmen’s General Association

was to worship their royal ancestors – a long-enduring Chinese tradition (indeed, the

clansmen performed annual filial ceremony at Sung Wong Toi). 98 To colonial

government, memorial garden was an ancestral place to the Chiu clansmen, the “actual

meaning” of Sung Wong Toi memorial garden’s existence, while local communities’

95 Pierre Nora, “Between Memory and History: Les Lieux de Mémoire,” Representations, no.26: (Spring, 1989): 14, 17. 96 Interview with Chiu Clansmen’s General Association. 97 For example, Tsang argued that the Reform Club of Hong Kong’s active participation in Kowloon local affairs was to gain support by Kowloon citizens for upcoming Urban Council election. See Tsang, “The Emergence of Political Party in Postwar Hong Kong,” pp. 80-92. 98 HKRS156-1-4457, 7 Dec. 1955 to 9 Jan. 1963, BL1/591/55; Interview with Chiu Clansmen’s General Association.

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This document is downloaded from Outstanding Academic Papers by Students (OAPS), Run Run Shaw Library, City University of Hong Kong. supports were at the secondary place which is a proof of local supports towards

government’s valuing of Chinese culture. Therefore, emphasizing Chiu Clansmen

General Association (and their cooperation with ROC scholars, see part 2), could made

Sung Wong Toi more effective as a cold war weapon, which filial piety, respect of

ancestors and inheritance of Chinese tradition were elements of “Cultural China” – the

rightist newspapers’ reports on the association’s annual filial ceremonies across the 50s

and 60s further evinced colonial government’s intentional selection for cultural Cold

War influenced by Cold War Sung Wong Toi.99

Communication between local communities and colonial government was a

process of selection of the representative of Cold War Sung Wong Toi, while this

process was visibly influenced by the memory of Cold War Sung Wong Toi. As a

foreign regime, an analogy of Exodus and the case of Sung Wong Toi might be more

understandable – the Chiu clansmen were the “chosen people,” the Sung Wong Toi

memorial garden was the “promised land,” the establishment of the tablet was the “Ten

Commitments” received from Yahweh. From the government documents, we could

find that although colonial government gave relatively high-degreed freedom of

participation on the issue of relocating Sung Wong Toi, it intendedly illustrated their

preeminence and superiority on decision making. However, these decision makers were

not as dominant as the God behind – the Memory of Cold War Sung Wong Toi – played

99 For instance, South China Morning Post on 23rd December, 1969, titled “Chiu Clansmen Pay Homage to Martyrs” together with a purpose of celebrating the tenth anniversary of the building of the garden, coincidentally to the tide-rising Cultural Revolution in mainland China, which showed interconnection with the association and the government in cultural warfare. See “Chiu Clansmen Pay Homage to Martyrs,” South China Morning Post, December 23, 1969.

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This document is downloaded from Outstanding Academic Papers by Students (OAPS), Run Run Shaw Library, City University of Hong Kong. a major role of influencing this entire memorial entity to cooperate with each other on

the issue of turning Sung Wong Toi Memorial Garden into a lieu de mémoire to

perpetual its function as a fortress of Cultural China during cultural Cold War.

Diffusion of Cold War Dynamic: Tourism, Exhibition and Academic Exchange

From internal circle (scholars, clansmen, local communities and the government) of

Cold War Sung Wong Toi entity to the external (common public and foreign visitors),

tourism, exhibition, academic exchange, and some certain of cultural creations

advertised Cold War Sung Wong Toi to both local and international stages, in which

cooperation between local and foreign powers (most likely the US) is an important

factor to consider. The influence of Sung Wong Toi, as being considered as an

incarnation of Cultural China in contrast to Communist China, was thus diffused,

imagined and interpreted throughout the popular spectrum. Different from its “high

culture” nature, the impact of Cold War Sung Wong Toi was depicted and commented

through public media instead of documents or academic works but newspapers.

Impact of Cold War Sung Wong Toi has to be examined first from the memorial

garden and its relation with cultural Cold War strategy executed by local and foreign

cooperation. Combination of leisure usage and historical value of Sung Wong Toi is

about aesthetics: retrieving from the depiction of Sung Wong Toi – Autumn Chants,

Commemorative Volumes and travel records by Huang Pei-jia – the new Sung Wong

Toi memorial garden emphasized on heavily emerging Chinese elements: Chinese-

styled decorations, fountains, and most importantly, the tablet. As stated by Patrick

Cardinall Mason Sedgwick (1911-1985), Secretary for Chinese Affairs, on the

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This document is downloaded from Outstanding Academic Papers by Students (OAPS), Run Run Shaw Library, City University of Hong Kong. unveiling ceremony of the memorial garden, “the establishment of the tablet not only

decorated the garden, but also further attracts foreign visitors.”100 This statement gave

us a clear picture of Sung Wong Toi’s impression by foreign visitors that the US

intended to be for Cold War affairs: a lieu de mémoire awaited for visitors to enjoy the

overhauled historical memory, narrated by ROC scholars in share of their “Cultural

China” vs. Communist China memory, which the decorations, the tablet and entire

Chinese-styled memorial garden provoked an appreciation of Chinese culture through

travel experience. In short, the US discovered the “place-specific experiences” of Hong

Kong – including Sung Wong Toi and its functions as a lieu de mémoire – could be a

weapon of propagating anti-Communist sentiment. Cold War tourism, as Mark once

again articulated, “was politicalized… the city became a sensitive and contested place

for American tourists.”101

In certain extent, Sung Wong Toi as a representation of “Chineseness” or “Han-

ness” (Hanxing, 漢性) was an intriguing whimsical in the sight of outsiders, especially

Americans.102 The imagination to China as an ever-lasting civilization: its ideology,

tradition, and certain cultural aspects triggered the occident world to wonder the

Chinese civilization, not only scholars such as Marcel Granet (1884-1940), Herrlee G.

Creel (1905-1994) and certain academic societies: American Council of Learned

100 “Sunghuangtai yizhi beiji jiemu dianli longzhong juxing. 宋皇臺遺址碑記揭幕禮隆重舉行 [The Unveiling Ceremony of Sung Wong Toi Memorial Tablet Held With Grandeur,” Overseas Chinese Daily News 華僑日報, December 29, 1959. 101 Mark, “The Politics of American Tourism,” p. 168. 102 The terminology “Han-ness” was suggested by Leo K. Shin from his book, see Leo K. Shin, The Making of the Chinese State: Ethnicity and Expansion on the Ming Borderlands (Cambridge; New York: Cambridge University Press, 2006), p. 3-5.

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This document is downloaded from Outstanding Academic Papers by Students (OAPS), Run Run Shaw Library, City University of Hong Kong. Societies, Far Eastern Association, American Oriental Society, etc. The efflorescence

of sinology in the Western Bloc (especially the US) put their focuses on Chinese

tradition, whereas Confucianism is paramount among the aspects.103 Sung Wong Toi

at this point incarnated its importance as a representation of Confucian values that

foreigners expected to appreciate. From the notes of speech delivered by Chiu Lut-sau,

the President of Chiu Clansmen’s General Association during the opening ceremony,

stated that Sung Wong Toi represented “humaneness of my royal ancestors… through

the emphasis of Confucianism… which perceived with the notion of benevolent

governance (Huangdao, 王道), loyalty and propriety.”104 The emphasis of Confucian

virtues, on the one hand to consolidate its claim of legitimacy as the heir of Chinese

civilization, while on the other hand giving an identity of Sung Wong Toi in tourist

perspective that the relic enshrined with remarkable Confucian elements which

foreigners recognized the most. Therefore, from appearance to immanence, Sung Wong

Toi Memorial Garden is “completely Chinese” according to foreigners’ criteria of

Cultural China, and the result is somehow appreciable, “its colorful historical

associations…show(s) to the interested tourist that… an object with such legendary and

even romantic interest.”105

The influence of Sung Wong Toi Memory for ROC during this Cultural Cold War

manifested by Sung Wong Toi’s importance in Kowloon history – as the figure head

103 Chun-chieh Huang “Confucian Studies in American Sinological Academia (1950-1980): Research Rationale and Their Problems” in East Asian Confucianisms: Texts in Contexts (2015), Taiwan in Transformation: Retrospect and Prospect (Taiwan: National Taiwan University Press, 2005), pp.392- 426. 104 “The Unveiling Ceremony of Sung Wong Toi Memorial Tablet Held With Grandeur.” 105 Rees, “A Word of Praise.”

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This document is downloaded from Outstanding Academic Papers by Students (OAPS), Run Run Shaw Library, City University of Hong Kong. among its counterparts, which Sung Wong Toi Memory’s narrative became the

mainstream narrative of the studying of Sung Wong Toi. In the previous part, we have

discussed Sung Wong Toi Memory’s narrative was “the sentiment to a fallen nation,”

the fervency of studying Sung history in Hong Kong during the first six decades of the

Twentieth Century was strongly tied with Sung Wong Toi.106 As details stated Sung

Wong Toi was a true historical site, Sung Wong Toi was now a prove of truth instead

of a singly myth – an actual history of a fallen dynasty – triggered scholars to discover

Sung history in Hong Kong with a unified theme – the final days of the two emperors

and their livelihood. Taking Commemorative Volume as the example, Jian and Jiao’s

academic debates on the escaping route of the two emperors, Lo Hisang-lin (羅香林,

1906-1978)’s research on their sea routes showed the study about the two emperors

played a dominant role in academic field of Sung History in Hong Kong.107 Turning

back to the issue of “Two China,” these academic works related to the late Sung were

powerful evidences to ROC’s legitimacy over China due to an intentional depiction of

the sentiment to a fallen nation rendered by Sung Wong Toi. This was the combination

of the previous two Sung Wong Toi Memory dynamic and further emerging the Cold

War dynamic: the entire narrative of Sung Wong Toi Memory based on a fallen regime

being conquered, overthrown or persecuted by barbaric regime (Mongols, the Republic

106 See Part 2. 107 Jiao and Lo’s works were published individually but later included in Commemorative Volume. See Tsung-I Jiao, Jiulong yu Sungji shiliao 九龍與宋季史料 [Historical Sources of Kowloon and the Late Sung] (Hong Kong: Wan You Tushu 萬有圖書, 1959); Hisang Lin Lo, 1842 nian yiqian zhi xianggang ji qi duiwai jiaotong: Xianggang qian dai shi 1842 年以前之香港及其對外交通: 香港前代史 [Hong Kong and its External Transportation Before 1842: A History of the Previous Dynasties] (Hong Kong: Zhongguo xue she 中國學社, 1959).

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This document is downloaded from Outstanding Academic Papers by Students (OAPS), Run Run Shaw Library, City University of Hong Kong. and now Communism respectively), while “national spirit” and “national soul,”

suggested by Jian, were incarnated through Sung Wong Toi and further portrayed to

public audiences.108

Emphasis of national spirit and national soul was an echo to the US and Britain’s

strategy during cultural Cold War against Communism, in which they estimated that

the influence of nationalism would “overwhelmed” communism.109 As a symbol of

legitimate regime, Sung Wong Toi was ascended to the central point among historical

sites in Hong Kong due to its direct relation with the figure head of a regime, its

narrative for a fallen regime like ROC. This “Sunglization” of Kowloon history,

became a feature among academia, that hoisted to international level through academic

communication. Around the 50s and 60s, numerous of academic lectures, conferences,

journals about Sung history were taken place in Hong Kong. For instance, Professor

James T. C. Liu of Princeton University delivered a lecture about Southern Sung

Dynasty in the New Asia College in 1968.110 This tendency on popularizing Sung

history in Hong Kong academia encouraged the scholars in Hong Kong, which some

amount of them were scholars loyal to the ROC, or recent comers due to persecution of

Cultural Revolution since 1966, even foreign scholars, to “fully annotated” “this

tragedy” through studying the history of Southern Sung, which fully incarnated the

influence of Sung Wong Toi Memory – the sentiment to a fallen nation – a nostalgia to

108 Jian on his title of a lecture on Sung Wong Toi stated that Sung Wong Toi is a symbol of national spirit. See Jian, “Sonshuangtai shi minzu jingshen de xiangzheng.” 109 CP (49) 180, 23 Aug. 1949, CAB 129/36, PRO. 110 “Lecture on Sung Dynasty,” South China Morning Post, May 7, 1968.

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This document is downloaded from Outstanding Academic Papers by Students (OAPS), Run Run Shaw Library, City University of Hong Kong. their loyal regime and resentment to the “invaders”.111 Just as the news report in 1958

stated, “(Sung Wong Toi) became the object of the endless pity of after-generations.”112

However, how could Sung Wong Toi Memory achieve to the US’s aims to

dissolve communism in PRC? This relies on the entire “historical link” of Hong Kong

history – a historical narrative narrated by the Memory of Sung Wong Toi. A take on

local history by Li Shi-yi in 1952 provided an important outlook of this “historical link.”

Through this talk, Li talked about Hong Kong history through chronological order,

stated that Southern Sung was the first and most influential dynasty ruling Hong

Kong.113 Li also used a double entendre term – “barren rock” – to describe the entire

local history of Hong Kong, which could also refer to the sacred rock of Sung Wong

Toi, showing that Sung Wong Toi is the most authorized paragon of Hong Kong history.

Continuity of Chinese history in Hong Kong provided legitimacy to ROC due to its

tendency of relying archaeological sites to provoke academic fervency.114 From later

the discovery of Lee Cheng Uk Han Tomb, gathered up with Sung Wong Toi

contributed the actual existence of Chinese history in Hong Kong, together with The

Revive China Society in Hong Kong, these gave a sense that Hong Kong witnessed the

111 Besides the story of Sung Wong Toi and the history of Southern Sung, scholars also focused on Chinese poetries and paintings, which collected and published through Journal of Oriental Studies in Hong Kong University. See “Last Days of Sung Dynasty: Tale of Tragic Fugitives on Kowloon And Lantao, Loyalty In Adversity,” South China Morning Post, Aug. 2, 1958. 112 Ibid. 113 This talk was delivered in 1952, the Lee Cheng Uk Han Tomb was undiscovered until 1955, therefore the talk did not mention Hong Kong in Han Dynasty. 114 Qichang Huo 霍啟昌, Xianggang yu jindai zhongguo: HuoQichang xianggang shilun 香港與現代中國: 霍啟昌香港史論 [Hong Kong and Modern China: Historical Theory of Huo Qichang] (Hong Kong: Hong Kong: The Commercial Press (Hong Kong) Ltd., 2019), pp. 253-255.

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This document is downloaded from Outstanding Academic Papers by Students (OAPS), Run Run Shaw Library, City University of Hong Kong. change of Chinese history, rise and decline of dynasties, which, the ROC was included.

This historical linkage in favor of ROC was further enhanced with their cooperation

with the Free World: academic exchange as mentioned, along with agencies found by

the Free World such as New Asia College, The Asian Foundation, Hong Kong Rotary

Club, showing that Hong Kong was “developed and preserved as a center of ‘Free

China’ culture from destruction by CCP.”115

In order to facilitate the public to recognize and support specific US policies and

general free-world ideals and to intensify mainland population’s dissatisfaction and

misdoubt towards Communism, popularization of “Free China” under ROC narrative

relied on public education. “To foster culture… the most effective way was through

education… now that we have so many exhibitions, concerts, lectures, dramas going

on around us,” thus turning Hong Kong “as an object lesson to China.”116 Promotion

of “cultural China,” under the support of the free world, was abundant across the 50s

and 60s Hong Kong: namely more than 9,569 exhibitions about Chinese culture were

mentioned by a single newspaper, South China Morning Post across these two

decades.117 Exhibitions aimed to present the magnificence of Chinese culture to the

common public, which implied the message of “free creation” and “tradition,” that

Chinese sometimes regarded it as “legitimacy,” were highly emphasized among

115 Educational Exchange: Estimated Budget, FY1958, July 1958 11, 1956, 511.46G3/7-1156, RG59, Box 2505, NA. About how the US influenced in academic exchange and cultural warfare, see Ye, Zai zhongguo de yingzi xia: Meiguo dui Xianggang de waijiao zhengce, pp.140-147. 116 “H.K. Rotary Club: Talk On Local History Given By Mr. Li Shi-yi, Educational System,” South China Morning Post, Jul. 30, 1952. 117 The number of exhibitions should be more, as there we only did a rough estimation on the huge number of exhibitions that could be traced by news reports.

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This document is downloaded from Outstanding Academic Papers by Students (OAPS), Run Run Shaw Library, City University of Hong Kong. exhibitions, while also highlighted cultural exchange with free world. An exhibition in

1965 about Chinese paintings and pottery at the City Hall Exhibition Hall stated that

the artworks showed “the attitude of greater freedom within the framework of Chinese

painting” and “reflect(s) an interest in techniques of Western painting.”118 Together

with “Sunglization” of Hong Kong history, most of the exhibitions included artifacts

and artworks from Sung Dynasties, and numerous of lectures related to Sung were

delivered, like an Exhibition in 1961 highlighted some items “date back to the Sung

Dynasty.”119

The exceptional remarks of “Sung Dynasty” is noteworthy. Now Sung Dynasty

was famous with its abundant art creations and phenomenal cultural development, Sung

Dynasty becomes a signature of Cultural China, or more specifically, Cultural China in

Hong Kong. The reason behind is Sung Wong Toi, which testified the reality of Sung

emperors’ evacuation in Hong Kong. If we trace back to Pierre Nora’s theory, “modern

memory is archival…which, the concreteness of recording, the visibility of the image...

we attempt to preserve…all of the past…all of the present too,” the multifarious

exhibits dated back to Sung Dynasty are whereupon an echo of remembrance to Sung

Wong Toi Memory.120 The reason behind is the position of Sung Wong Toi, which,

had already ascended to the paramount memorial element when the public called upon

the remembrance of Cultural China’s ancient past. As we could easily noticed that none

of the exhibitions had any direct coalesce with Sung Wong Toi itself, but abundant of

118 “Paintings and Pottery Interest In Western Technique Reflected,” South China Morning Post, Apr. 19, 1965. 119 “Exhibition of Antiques,” South China Morning Post, Oct. 31, 1961. 120 Nora, Realms of Memory, p.8.

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This document is downloaded from Outstanding Academic Papers by Students (OAPS), Run Run Shaw Library, City University of Hong Kong. Sung artifacts where displayed across the exhibitions. This signified that Sung Wong

Toi is no longer, as aforesaid in introduction of the thesis, a single object or collection,

rather, a representation of continuity related to Cultural China. That is, talking about

“what was Sung Dynasty in Hong Kong,” Sung Wong Toi Memory dominated the

question, while objects, artifacts, exhibits are peripheral on explaining “how was it.”

This memorial narrative existed universally that no matter the scholarly works by Chen,

Jian and our contemporaries, or historical articles in newspapers, and even television

programs. 121 Conversely, the exhibitions were the outcome of Sung Wong Toi

Memory’s influence.

Trend of exhibition contents reflects the influence of Sung Wong Toi Memory that

expanded from a singly commemoration to the fallen regime based on a demolished

rock and to a wide-ranged appreciation, imagination and, most importantly, nostalgia

towards “traditional” Chinese culture. Narrative of Sung Wong Toi Memory, the

sentiment to a fallen nation, was further elaborated under the effort of ROC scholars

and free world organizations, revitalized a fervency on Sung history and culture among

Hong Kong’s both academic and public sphere. It is noteworthy to specify Sung Wong

Toi’s position among the tide of Chinese culture exhibitions – albeit it was hardly

mentioned among the exhibitions – Sung Wong Toi was the most convincing living

historical site in Hong Kong. We could make a boldly envisaging on the absence of

121 For example, Chiu and Chung’s Kowloon City or other local gazettes of Kowloon, Sung Wong Toi and its related history must be the first few chapters for introduction. Historical articles about Sung Dynasty, no matter when they were published, coalesces with Sung Wong Toi is an inevitable norm, one of the examples could refers to R.B.R. Gorely, “What Glories and What Past?” in South China Morning Post, Jan 03, 1980.

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This document is downloaded from Outstanding Academic Papers by Students (OAPS), Run Run Shaw Library, City University of Hong Kong. Sung Wong Toi in exhibitions is because Sung Wong Toi had already become a

diagnosed historical site to proverbial public: academic researches done by Chen, Jian

and other colleagues played an important role on figuring out the original and details

of Sung Wong Toi, as mentioned before, and media paraphrased the academic work in

public favor.122 The active participation of local communities on the relocation of Sung

Wong Toi is the most convincing example of Sung Wong Toi’s popularity in Hong

Kong. Therefore, in the issue of “Two China,” what the public had to know was not

“how Sung Wong Toi is” but “how magnificent was the Sung Dynasty in this ‘barren

rock’ borrowed by the British before, that induced people to commemorate the fallen

nation by Sung Wong Toi?” Exhibitions, lectures, concerts and publish of

Commemorative Volume were the details to flourish public’s imagination of China’s

magnificent past, thus nostalgia to a cultural China – now perished by communism in

the mainland – could be remarkably induced, ultimately reached the goal of advocating

resentment, misdoubt and animosity towards CCP, in contrast with “freedom” and

relatively “democratic” past of the ROC.123 This contrary between ROC’s “respect to

traditional culture” and PRC’s “brutality and savagery to their own culture” would

122 This claim was also supported by President Chiu during the interview. 123 Here, the sense of ROC’s past was included even though ROC still existed, but under historical sense, the Republican era had been ended, the sense of “ROC history” referred to the 1911 Revolution and the ideal of Sun Yat-sen, which also included in the “historical link” of Hong Kong history due to Hong Kong’s tight relation with Xingzhonghui. Like a commemoration to Sun Yat-sen in 1966 stated, “(Sun Yat-sen’s) enthusiasm in overthrowing the Ching Dynasty to liberate the Chinese people had never diminished. Dr. Sun was the first person to set up a democratic country in Asia,” given that ROC had been included with “fight for freedom” notion among “historical link,” and ROC claimed to be the heir of this “national spirit.” See “Sun Yat-sen’s Work Recalled,” South China Morning Post, Mar. 14, 1966.

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This document is downloaded from Outstanding Academic Papers by Students (OAPS), Run Run Shaw Library, City University of Hong Kong. proceed and reached its apogee during the decade of Cultural Revolution since 1966,

proving ROC was the most decipherably legitimate “China” to rule over.

From the public spectrum, the impact of Sung Wong Toi was incarnated through

international cooperation among the free world. The external circle of this memorial

entity included not only Chinese population but foreigners for appreciation, though they

might not familiar with Chinese culture, but Sung Wong Toi and its related topics of

Kowloon “Sunglization” demonstrated what “Cultural China” actually was.

Interpretation of “Cultural China” under foreign powers and scholars through

exhibition, academic conference and tourism matched up Sung Wong Toi and its

related Chinese culture with notions of the free world – freedom of expression,

openness and adoption to foreign culture. Continuous promotion of Sung culture

(which generalized as “Chinese culture” sometimes) procced in the 60s through public

media and continuously shaped public imagination towards Cultural China and the little

“Sung Dynasty” erected at Sung Wong Toi.

Sung Wong Toi Memory from the Garden to the Commemorative Volume

After discussed the relationship between the memorial garden and cultural activities

during the Cold War period, also the memory that generated based on the memorial

garden through tourism, another perspective of Sung Wong Toi Memory during Cold

War period could be examined through connotation of the memorial tablet erected in

memorial garden, and its tightly related publication: Commemorative Volume. The

tablet’s composer, Jian, who also the editor of the Commemorative Volume, linked the

two together into one memorial narration.

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This document is downloaded from Outstanding Academic Papers by Students (OAPS), Run Run Shaw Library, City University of Hong Kong. The establishment of the tablet in the memorial garden served two functions in

regards of revitalizing Sung Wong Toi Memory. What all in first is “seeing is believing,”

the tablet was rebuilt in purpose to perpetuate material linkage between memory and

community. As a lieu de mémoire, an original site – referring to “space” – is

fundamental for memory, that a melancholic nostalgia of memory in a real

environment. 124 To reconstruction the system of a lieu de mémoire, evidence of

existence to testify a living memory is paramount – and undeniable – to its continuity.

The content craft in the memorial tablet not only giving an existence of a living memory

– unlike a dubious myth with a stone before the arrival of Qing loyalists – it also

provided substantial details to make the memory reliable:

Sung Wong Toi, or Terrace of the Sung Emperor, was originally situated on the

western shore of Kowloon Bay. The small mound there was known as the sacred

hill, and on its summit there was a great rock. During the Yuan Dynasty of there

characters “Sung Wong Toi” were engraved horizontally upon the western face of

this rock. Later a further seven characters were added vertically, recording that

repairs had been carried out in 1807 A.D., in the Ting Mau Year of the Ching

Emperor Ka Hing.

The re-flourishment of the details of Sung Wong Toi after the devastating end of

Sacred Hill is crucial. The tablet not only reiterated the historical accuracy and

124 Stephen Legg, “Contesting and Surviving Memory: Space, Nation, and Nostalgia in Les Lieux de Mémoire,” Environment and Planning D: Society and Space no.23 (2005): pp. 481–482.

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This document is downloaded from Outstanding Academic Papers by Students (OAPS), Run Run Shaw Library, City University of Hong Kong. authenticity of Sung Wong Toi itself, but also enhanced its function as a lieu de

mémoire by the comparison of details:

A Comparison of Details Before and After the Arrival of Jian Youwen125

Details Chen Botao’s memory Jian Youwen’s reinterpretation When After the fall of Sung After the fall of Sung Once renewed in 1807 Once renewed in 1807 A Protective Act was passed in A Protective Act was passed in 1899 to 1899 to protect the site protect the site Destroyed in 1943 Re-established in 1959 Where Kowloon Bay, with concrete The Sacred Hill which forced to removed due details showing the Sung to urban development, but it was preserved by Emperors stationed here before efforts of stakeholders Who Loyalists of Sung Dynasty Scholars, Neighborhood Community, Clansmen Association, Colonial Government What A rock crafted with three Memorial tablet with three characters “Sung characters “Sung Wong Toi,” and Wong Toi” from the original rock, which a place for Qing loyalists once the place for Qing loyalists. Why Commemorating Sung Dynasty Commemorating Sung Dynasty and and imperialist China imperialist China, the perished Sacred Hill and the rock. How Established a terrace Established a tablet Qing loyalists gathered and Annual ceremony by the Clansmen chanted Publishing a scholarly collection Gathering poetries and paintings into a compilation

125 The details were gathered from the English version of the memorial tablet (see attachment) and the Sung Wong Toi: A Commemorative Volume.

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This document is downloaded from Outstanding Academic Papers by Students (OAPS), Run Run Shaw Library, City University of Hong Kong. The renovation of Sung Wong Toi Memory’s detail was seemingly a unilateral

replenishment of the history of Sung Wong Toi, but as a whole the synopsis served a

significant purpose in preserving the site as a lieu de mémoire. First is legitimization of

historical continuity for the site in order to make the relocation veritable due to

inevitable historical development. The Sacred Hill and the stone were no longer exist,

meaning the only evidences of proving the actual history of Sung Wong Toi lies on the

shoulder of the nascent memorial garden and the tablet, taking the content of the

memorial tablet as reference, a very detailed chronological development of Sung Wong

Toi was recorded and signified at the beginning of the memorial tablet. Sorting out the

“storyline” of Sung Wong Toi is paramount to details of a historical site, which

“historicity” embedded in seamless historical development is what makes a historical

site “historical,” a long-enduring and not as an interim site. 126 Here is what the

Commemorative Volume served for, an authentic, scholarly archival documentation to

dedicate the nascent memorial garden, the new lieu de mémoire as the vehicle of long-

existing Sung Wong Toi Memory, as the next section would covered.

The second effect is far more pivotal under our lenses on discovering historical

memory of Sung Wong Toi – the alteration and transformation of its contents –

according to Pierre Nora’s assumption.127 The enlargement of the community – in

which people sharing the same memory of Sung Wong Toi – is noteworthy. According

to the tablet, it is visible that Jian intentionally dwarfed the strives of Chen Botao (which

126 Similar to the historical sites in France, the impulse of preservation was motivated by historical events like the French Revolution, see Debora de Moraes Rodrigues, “The Impulse to Preserve: A Theory of Historic Preservation,” (Master Thesis: University of Pennsylvania, 1998), pp.35-36. 127 Nora, Realms of Memory, pp.14-17.

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This document is downloaded from Outstanding Academic Papers by Students (OAPS), Run Run Shaw Library, City University of Hong Kong. mentioned once on the tablet), while on the other hand aggrandized the efforts of

different communities – the scholars, the colonial government, and Chiu Clansmen’s

General Association – were highlighted at the very end of the tablet.

It is noteworthy to clarify that Jian is not the pioneer of applying this narrative to

Sung Wong Toi. In his travel records, Huang Pei-jia lamented the fall of the Southern

Sung, in echoes to Mukden Incident on 18th September, 1931.128 Huang himself is not

a Qing loyalist nor a supporter of ROC, even the Chiu Clansmen’s General Association

regarded the reconstruction of Sung Wong Toi as “an act to prove themselves a member

of this nation” nowadays.129 This universal narrative is apropos for Jian to reinterpret

Qing loyalists’ memory into the ROC one, while covered by veil of “universal

nationalism,” which Hon regarded Jian as the one who “disentangle(s) Chen’s historical

interpretation from his Qing loyalty, thereby reshaping the memory of the Sung

Emperor’s Terrace for the politics of the Cold War.”130 Commemorative Volume under

this sense, followed the message conveyed by the tablet (or we could say Jian), further

elucidated Sung Wong Toi was not a coterie of lamentation to individuals who lost their

reign over China, but to all self-identified Chinese who embraced freedom, democracy,

as well as the magnificent Chinese tradition.

The ambiguous combination was somehow befogging, establishment of Sung

Wong Toi Memorial Garden, however, managed to bound the ostensibly ambivalent

128 In his record, Huang’s original text is 「如此偷安，無怪南宋之亡，比歷朝為慘」. See Pei-jia Huang 黃佩佳, Xinjie fengtu mingsheng daguan 新界風土名勝大觀 [An Overview of Scenery and Sites in the New Territories], ed. Sze Shum 沈思 (Hong Kong: The Commercial Press (Hong Kong) Ltd, 2016), pp.95-103. 129 Interview with Chiu Clansmen’s General Association. 130 Nora, Realms of Memory, p.3; Hon, “A Rock, a Text, and a Tablet,” p.156.

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This document is downloaded from Outstanding Academic Papers by Students (OAPS), Run Run Shaw Library, City University of Hong Kong. tradition and “western” values into a notion of progressivism under interpretation of the

Commemorative Volume. As Odd Arne Westad argued that Chinese civilization is not

as rigid and conservative as we judged, but a dynamic of seeking change dominated the

melody of Chinese history since the defeat of 1842.131 This insight was adopted by Jian

in the Commemorative Volume beforehand, by assimilating the rise of Ming Dynasty

and the Republic in 1911, Jian predestined that “isn’t that… a historical symbol

showing justice’s certain victory against barbarism, to enshrine our perpetual national

spirit and souls?”132 Jian here alienated imperialistic past of Sung nor Ming nor Qing

dynasties, rather depicting the process of dynastic circles and the eventual rise of the

Republic, a progressivism of balancing tradition and reform (also revolution).

Establishment of the memorial garden in the sight of Jian and other ROC scholars, was

not only preservation but also inheritance and progressivism of showing how pursuits

of freedom and democracy (ironically it was under colonial rule) could turned

beneficial to Chinese tradition, instead of confrontation as common knowledge

believed.

The purpose of these textual arrangement is to put the Qing literati and other

communities in common, paradoxically “an anticipatory strategy adopted by dominant

groups which are threatened with marginalization or exclusion from an emerging

nationally – imagined community.” 133 More involvement of stakeholders could

131 Odd Arne Westad, Restless Empire: China and the World Since 1750 (Taiwan: Walkers Culture Enterprises, Ltd., 2013), pp. 34-43. 132 Jian, Commemorative Volume, xi. 133 Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism (London: Verso, 2006), p.101.

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This document is downloaded from Outstanding Academic Papers by Students (OAPS), Run Run Shaw Library, City University of Hong Kong. assuredly facilitated the preservation of lieu de mémoire, as the tablet mentioned, is

critical to perpetuate it in terms of a historical site, while it also preserved the collective

memory by increasing its popularity. As memory is triggered by human’s sentimental

experience, recognition in a society would diffuse (also reinterpret) the memory, “a

phenomenon of past, being emotion and magic, accommodates only those facts that suit

it,” henceforth to coin as a shared identity and self-recognition of the entire

community.134 The assimilation of Qing loyalists, the ROC scholars and the colonial

government was enshrined through the Commemorative Volume that we are going to

discuss in the next section. Keeping in mind that memory to a community is conceived

through a sanctified foundation, this alignment was indeed, demonstrated how

“Cultural China” was deified among ongoing Cultural Cold War, while reciprocally,

Sung Wong Toi was the reason why Cultural China was that appreciable among public

imagination.

After discussing the material site of Cold War Sung Wong Toi memorial structure,

and its relation to the literary site. In the next part, we would focus more on the literal

site that being even more influential in Cold War Hong Kong.

134 Nora, Realms of Memory, pp. 611-613.

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This document is downloaded from Outstanding Academic Papers by Students (OAPS), Run Run Shaw Library, City University of Hong Kong. The Sung Wong Toi Commemorative Volume

Understanding ROC scholars’ transformation and its inheritance from Qing loyalists’

memory is pivotal as the publish of Commemorative Volume aroused the second wave

of Sung Wong Toi’s study and its relation to cultural Cold War. A new interpretation

of Sung Wong Toi Memory, differentiated from Chen’s interpretation about sentiment

to a fallen nation (Wangguo gan 亡國感). Sung Wong Toi under reinterpretation in

Commemorative Volume, albeit take similar but illustrated by another way.

Publication of the Commemorative Volume

To begin with, we have to understand the background of Commemorative Volume. It is

a compilation of scholarly work – similar to The Autumn Chants – but more academic

elements were included within. The Commemorative Volume was suggested by both

Chiu Clansmen’s General Association and Jian Youwen (who invited by the former),

in cooperation with the colonial government after the relocation of Sung Wong Toi,

Commemorative Volume was published in 1961 to record academic conference and

debates about Sung Wong Toi and its history.135

The nature of Commemorative Volume, as its named, is a compilation of collective

memory shared among a community which involved numerous stakeholders: ROC

scholars (as composers), Chiu Clansmen’s General Association (which patronaged the

publishing work) and even government officials (as coordinators) like Sir David Akers-

135 Tze-ki Hon and Ho Koon-wan. History Night 2019 (ep.4). RTHK Talk Show; [2019/09/17]. Hong Kong: RTHK, 2019.

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This document is downloaded from Outstanding Academic Papers by Students (OAPS), Run Run Shaw Library, City University of Hong Kong. Jones (1927-2019). 136 Unlike the tablet, which erected in the public space for the

common public, the Commemorative Volume is mainly for the diffusion of Sung Wong

Toi Memory in elite circle. In echoes with Autumn Chants, Commemorative Volume

reiterated the authenticity of Sung Wong Toi by textual and archaeological scholarly

works, provided more flourished details on the origin of the Terrace, for instance, Jian

and Jiao Tsung-I’s masterpieces on tracing the route of the Sung Emperors in Hong

Kong. Moreover, the Volume also included some poetries from Autumn Chants, which

further signified their identicality with Qing loyalists in some extent, poetries, articles

and couplets were also composed by ROC scholars in echo with Autumn Chants.

According to the Preface written by Jian, he first regarded Sung Wong Toi as

“truly great memorial of our first fallen nation, representing our never-perish national

spirit and eternal national soul,” thus the Commemorative Volume aimed “to eulogize

the late Sung loyalists’ everlasting, worth-praising martyrdom, and to carry forward the

virtues of patriotism and nationalism.”137 These intended to stress that Sung Wong Toi

was not a single rock for commemoration but as a representation of “national soul” and

“national spirit,” which were the “Spirit of the Chinese People”138 (Chunqiu dayi, 春

秋大義, literally “Spring and Autumn righteousness and virtuousness), thus Sung

136 According to the interview with Chiu Clansmen’s General Association, the ROC scholars were invited by Sir David Akers-Jones, who was a good friend with Chiu Lut-sau 趙聿修 (1905-1974), president of the association at that time. 137 Youwen Jian 簡又文, Sunghuangtai jinian ji 宋皇臺紀念集 [Sung Wong Toi: A CommemorativeVolume] (Hong Kong: Chiu Clansmen’s General Association, 1960), p.9 (preface). The original text is “「宋皇臺」此一拳石，豈非我民族精神不滅，華夏國魂永生…以表彰宋季忠義節烈之不朽功德，及發揚愛國家保種族之春秋大義。」 138 The translation is adopted from Ku Hong-beng (辜鴻銘, 1857-1928)’s work, Chunqiu Dayi, which named Spirit of the Chinese People in English Translation.

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This document is downloaded from Outstanding Academic Papers by Students (OAPS), Run Run Shaw Library, City University of Hong Kong. Wong Toi is a symbol of inheritance of Chinese culture and its virtue, whereas “the

brutal barbarians will be perished.”139

The contrast between the “cultured” and “barbaric” became the implied message

of the Commemorative Volume, and being examined through the context.

Commemorative Volume was divided into five major parts: Images (tu-xiang, 圖象),

Inheritance (zhi-cheng, 志乘) , Authentication (kao-zhen, 考證), Literature (wen-yi,

文藝) and Records (ji-lu, 紀錄). Judging from the contents of the Commemorative

Volume, we could examine the inheritance and transformation of Sung Wong Toi

Memory into a Cold War Dynamic by Jian’s word –

Along with nationalistic and academic consideration, this Volume would also

emphasis on appreciable literature and arts… to trigger and arouse sublime,

enthusiasm and the emotion of commemorating the past while encouraging the

present.140

“Present” is the key word of the quote, regarding the previous part, we have

covered the debate of Two China during the 50s and 60s as a continuation of Chinese

Civil War. The present of Chinese culture (or if we retrieve from the previous part, the

ROC), was similar to the situation of late Sung regarded by Jian: “a trifling coastal

place.”141 This assimilation is not only referring to late Sung and the ROC regime, but

also Hong Kong – the “East Berlin” which was facing a nascent, powerful communist

139 Jian, Sunghuangtai jinian ji,ix. 140 Ibid. 141 Ibid.

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This document is downloaded from Outstanding Academic Papers by Students (OAPS), Run Run Shaw Library, City University of Hong Kong. regime in the north. Jian here aligned Hong Kong and the ROC together with the late

Sung, that considered both Hong Kong and the ROC are the heir of Chinese culture and

the last fortress of “Cultural China.” This alignment was further enhanced by the

cooperation with Chiu Clansmen’s General Association. The first two parts of

Commemorative Volume, Images and Inheritance, included portrays of Sung Emperors

and genealogy of Sung royal family, that directly linked Chiu Clansmen’s General

Association’s members and Sung royal family together. The inheritance thus no longer

a singly cultural inheritance but with genealogical relationships with the perished nation.

With the heir of Sung emperors, Sung Wong Toi and the Commemorative Volume

were given legitimacy and authenticity on claiming ROC and Hong Kong as the last

place of preserving Chinese culture (we must remember how Chinese people emphasize

“mandate” and “legitimacy” due to imperialistic hereditary, though it no longer exists

after 1911). Chiu Clansmen’s General Association further put the spirit of inheritance

and its related Chinese virtue in to practice: commemorative ceremonies held annually

at Sung Wong Toi, and consider worshipping their royal ancestors was the primary

mission of the association.142 The practice of the association enshrined the spirit of

“careful attention to perform the funeral rites to parents, and … long gone with the

ceremonies of sacrifice” (Shengzhongzhuiyuan, 慎終追遠), the most paramount

Chinese virtue – filial piety, in contrast to communist China’s “Chairman Mao is dearer

to us than our parents,” another pair of comparison of cultivated “Cultural China” and

barbaric “communist China.”

142 Interview with Chiu Clansmen’s General Association.

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This document is downloaded from Outstanding Academic Papers by Students (OAPS), Run Run Shaw Library, City University of Hong Kong. A direct comparison of “Cultural China” and “Communist China” was mentioned

by ROC scholars in the Volume. Zai Nai Zin (謝扶雅, 1892-1991), when talking about

his feeling on the establishment of Sung Wong Toi Garden, has claimed, “The academic

essence of Sung, shall be long-living as the Chinese national spirit. Now the mainland

was shrouded with red atmosphere, we the scholars have the responsibility to solve the

trouble of our nation.”143 Sung Wong Toi in Cold War Memory, in comparison of

“Cultural China” and “Communist China” is not unilaterally resentment towards PRC

nor nostalgia to the magnificent cultural past, but rather, considering themselves as the

saviors of Chinese civilization. According to the context of the Volume, we could reveal

lots of “Chineseness” implied within, that as Jian mentioned, to demonstrate

continuation of national soul and spirit. The first and forth part, Images and Literature

are pivotal in case. The former included portrays of Sung royal family members,

famous Sung loyalists’ calligraphies, Picture of The Autumn Chants, and paintings of

Sung Wong Toi; the latter is a grant compilation of literary works composed by literati

across dynasties till today, with diverse format of creations like Chinese poems (si, 詩),

fu (賦), ci (詞), articles, and The Autumn Chants. In simple division, we could consider

the former as “external Chineseness” – a performing, de facto signature of Chineseness:

Chinese-styled buildings, outlook of the emperors, Sung Wong Toi with Chinese

decorations, a representation of apparent Chinese culture. The latter revealed the

immanent spectrum of Chinese culture, appraisal, imagination, nostalgia towards the

fallen nation and its magnificent culture through very “Chinese” cultural media – si, ci,

143 Nai Zin Zai 謝扶雅, “Sunghuangtai Gongyuan luocheng ganyian 宋皇臺公園落成感言[A Testimonial on The Completion of Sung Wong Toi Garden],” in Jian, Sunghuangtai jinian ji, p.208.

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This document is downloaded from Outstanding Academic Papers by Students (OAPS), Run Run Shaw Library, City University of Hong Kong. fu, articles. Here we have to reiterate Pierre Nora’s theory on memory, “even an

apparently purely material site, like an archive, becomes a lieu de mémoire only if the

imagination invests it with a symbolic aura.” 144 These Chineseness are imaginary

according to the sense of Nora’s theory – poetries, paintings, calligraphies, portrays,

are all imaginary creations based on certain historical background but interpreted by

composers that relies on their personal experiences and under influences of social

atmosphere. The intriguing point in the case of Sung Wong Toi Memory, that is, the

original lieu had been perished during Japanese Occupation, the original site now no

longer exists in the material world, thus these imaginations transformed into details of

Sung Wong Toi Memory (say, the Picture of Autumn Chants and certain photos are

now the only evidences of the original outlook of Sung Wong Toi), whereupon under

ROC scholars’ interpretation, it further enhances Sung Wong Toi Memory’s narrative

in Cold War favor.

Interpretation implied with narratives from the interpreters. The narrative from the

Commemorative Volume on turning Sung Wong Toi into a lieu de mémoire is to create

a story of recovering what has previously loss, along with making Sung Wong Toi

equivalent to Sung Dynasty and its culture. Authentications, archaeological analysis

among Commemorative Volume hardly drew a specific line between studying of Sung

or Sung Wong Toi itself. Among the part Authentication, the topics derive from Sung

Wong Toi itself but to discover the route of Sung Emperors’ evacuation to Guangdong,

origin of Marquis Temple, or the history of Kowloon. Although these academic

researches were not focused to Sung Wong Toi, it equalized Sung Wong Toi, Kowloon

144 Nora, Realms of Memory, p.18.

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This document is downloaded from Outstanding Academic Papers by Students (OAPS), Run Run Shaw Library, City University of Hong Kong. and Sung Dynasty into one notion. Sung Wong Toi is a historical site evince the

historical past of late Sung, while academic researches on these related topics

surrounding Sung Wong Toi flourished the entire storyline of Sung Wong Toi itself.

However, we the readers hardly find out what is the differences between Sung Wong

Toi research and study on Sung Dynasty, as the Commemorative Volume intended to

put an equal sign on these two spectrums – an academic trend of “Sunglization” of

Hong Kong history as mentioned above – just like Jian lamented, “when I was

researching about the relic of Sung Wong Toi, I always lament… (that) we have never

expected Sung Dynasty still exists in a tiny little coastal place in this world six hundred

years later.”145

The flow of Commemorative Volume implied a memory of reconstruction of Sung

Wong Toi, in notion of Sung Wong Toi Memory under Cold War dynamic, a recovery

of a long-lost, magnificent, cultured China that once perished by barbarians. We once

again make a comparison with the story of Exodus at the beginning of this part, another

similar story which depicted the same plot about the Israelis. According to Jan Assmann,

similar to the narrative of Exodus that “starts with trauma and ends with triumph,” the

story of Sung Wong Toi takes the same narrative.146 While unlike Exodus written in a

post-traumatic situation, the story of Sung Wong Toi was written by Jian and ROC

scholars in a continuing storyline, implying that Jian and other ROC scholars are part

of the story, telling the story in a more academic way. We could examine the narrative

about lost and restoration of Sung Wong Toi through Assmann’s analyze on Exodus:

145 Jian, Sunghuangtai jinian ji, p.144. 146 Assmann, “Myth and History of the Exodus: Triumph and Trauma,” p.32.

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This document is downloaded from Outstanding Academic Papers by Students (OAPS), Run Run Shaw Library, City University of Hong Kong.

A new beginning and a renewal of the promise can only succeed under the condition

of integrating the apparently meaningless, catastrophic recent past into a broader

view of sacred history—that is, by means of a feat of memory. 147

The Commemorative Volume took up the part of “a feat of memory” based on a

“catastrophic recent past” – the demolishment and enforced relocation of Sung Wong

Toi relic, in a larger sense, complying with the ROC scholars’ imagination and

interpretation under Cold War atmosphere, Commemorative Volume could also refer to

a resentment towards CCP and nostalgia to the Republican era due to ROC’s

“catastrophic recent past” – defeat in Chinese Civil War. This could explain the

exuberant lamentations, sorrowful emotions and obscure resentments expressed

through literary creations or simple sentence throughout Commemorative Volume.

The narrative of Exodus, in Assmann’s summarization, is “Exodus—Covenant—

Conquest—Kingdom(s)—Catastrophe,” which we could assimilate it in story of Sung

Wong Toi: “Fall of Sung — Sung Wong Toi — First Revival of Memory of Sung Wong

Toi — The Autumn Chants — Destruction of the Rock,” and “Relocation of Sung Wong

Toi and the Publish of Commemorative Volume” as the resolution of the entire story.148

According to this rationale, publication of Commemorative Volume was in purpose to

finalize public memory of Sung Wong Toi, this eventually established a narrated,

unchanged history founded by a changing memory. As Pierre Nora, once again, claimed,

147 Ibid. 148 Ibid.

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This document is downloaded from Outstanding Academic Papers by Students (OAPS), Run Run Shaw Library, City University of Hong Kong. “transition from memory to history requires every social group to redefine its identity,”

through Commemorative Volume, Sung Wong Toi was eventually a history of Cold

War defined by “Cultural China” supporters like ROC scholars and individuals who

were against Communist China – a comprehensive incarnation of “memory dictates and

history writes.”149.

Inheritance of Sung Wong Toi Memory in the Volume

From Commemorative Volume, we could discover Jian’s intentional inclusion of Qing

loyalists’ works: Autumn Chants and Qing Loyalists’ poems made up a huge portion in

the Forth Part, Literature, and repeatedly referencing Chen’s academic work on

authenticating Sung Wong Toi’s details (though in practical sense, Chen’s is the

foreman on studying Sung Wong Toi), are evincing that the Qing Loyalists were a part

of the story.

It is noteworthy to talk about the transformation of memorial system from Chen

Botao’s Qing Loyalist Memory into Cold War Memory is not a direct adoption but a

re-organization of memory by Jian due to contradictive nature of these two memorial

systems. In the most fundamental conceptions on these two memorial systems, the

collective memory, that inevitably xenophobic, Qing loyalists’ enemy is the

Republic. 150 Like Zheng considered the Republic as a foreign “enemy state” that

shattered traditional Chinese value and culture, legacies of Confucianism and long-

149 Nora, Realms of Memory, pp.10, 17. 150 As Anderson argues, communities are inevitably exclusive in order to differentiate one community to the others, so as memory, a collective memory of a specific community would also show exclusion and even hostility towards other communities. See Anderson, Imagined Communities, pp.141-152.

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This document is downloaded from Outstanding Academic Papers by Students (OAPS), Run Run Shaw Library, City University of Hong Kong. lasting imperialism. Under this sense, Qing loyalists’ Memory of Sung Wong Toi

contradicts with the ROC scholars’ that would bring disadvantage to ROC in proving

their legitimacy over China. Dilemma of the ROC scholars on using Sung Wong Toi

as an evidence to prove their legitimacy became more visible when they realized the

necessity of recognizing Qing loyalists’ memory in order to complete the narrative of

the Sung Wong Toi story.

The solution lies within the Commemorative Volume. According to Hon’s

differentiation, these two Memorial systems that Chen’s memory is a Confucian, moral

and imperialist memory whereas Jian reinserted “native/foreign dichotomy” to separate

“Chinese” Cultural China and “non-Chinese” Communist China.151 This difference

was eventually transformed into a unified narrative of Sung Wong Toi Cold War

Memory. Jian first precluded contradictions between the two memorial systems by

shadowing Qing loyalists’ unquenchable emotional expression on the resentment

towards ROC while rather emphasizing their virtuousness and loyalty in similar to Sung

loyalists according to the original story of Sung Wong Toi. Jian himself considered

Qing Dynasty as the “second time of national decline,” and the establishment of ROC

was “(to) liberate and recover the old great purpose” (Guangfu jiuye, 光復舊業),

therefore the preface in which nationalism was the melody, Jian had no words about

Qing loyalists in purpose of avoiding possible contradiction.152 On the other hand,

enormous portion of referencing and appreciation of Qing loyalists’ literary works were

151 Hon, “A Rock, a Text, and a Tablet,” p.158. 152 Jian, Sunghuangtai jinian ji, pp. ix-xii.

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This document is downloaded from Outstanding Academic Papers by Students (OAPS), Run Run Shaw Library, City University of Hong Kong. visibly omnipresent across Commemorative Volume. 153 When commenting the

purpose of the forth part, Jian explained, “we allow the literary creations … shall freely

express personal emotions/ideas on commemorating Sung Wong Toi, a meaningful

resonance towards our national history, which carry forward the spirit of national

loyalty.” 154 Judging from his explanation, Jian restructured the Qing loyalists’

memorial system, on the one hand eulogized their “Chinese” virtues: loyalty and

righteousness, while on the other hand faded their strong resentment towards ROC, the

“foreign hostile regime” according to their understanding, and further demoted this

resentment into simple sorrowful emotion towards a fallen nation.

After Jian’s reconstruction on Qing loyalists’ memorial system, Jian adopted their

interpreted “Chinese virtue” as Cold War memory’s narrative (or we could say, Jian’s

inclusion of Chen’s work was another incarnation of Chinese virtue), an inheritance

and transcendence of Chinese culture in contrast to brutal, uncivilized, barbaric

Communist China, which echoes back to Hon’s articulation on Cold War memory’s as

reinserting native/foreign dichotomy between ROC and PRC. As a whole,

Commemorative Volume contributed to a completion of Sung Wong Toi memory with

Cold War dynamic, from inheritance, adoption, transcendence and reinterpretation on

details, narratives, and previous memorial system, Commemorative Volume aroused a

carnival of “Cultural China” in the early 60s, which the rightist newspapers reported its

153 For example, an entire collection of Autumn Chants in part two and four. See Jian, Sunghuangtai jinian ji, pp. 233- 246. 154 The original text is “整集刊布文藝作品…自由以文章或韻語抒發其紀念「宋皇臺」之思想及情緒，以期對于國族歷史此一回大事作有意義的共鳴，並以使…忠于民族的精神發揚。」 See Jian, Sunghuangtai jinian ji, p. x.

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This document is downloaded from Outstanding Academic Papers by Students (OAPS), Run Run Shaw Library, City University of Hong Kong. publication with a lofty tone – an undeniable proof of Sung Wong Toi memory’s

strategic value in cultural Cold War.155

To talk about “how” Jian made use of assimilation to “balance” the position of

Chen Botao and other stakeholders, we have to returned to the basic theory of memory.

The two modes of cultural memory, according to Jan Assmann, would be divided into

“the mode of potentiality of the archives” and “the mode of actuality.”156

The first is about documents, pictures, poetries, records, etc. which were abundant in

Autumn Chants, the latter is based on reinterpretation of new connotation compelled by

necessity of current language context. 157 Ko Chia-cian pointed out the use of the

archival memory by Jian is a reassertion of old Sung Wong Toi Memory, while new

interpretation based on the old memory is cradled by “the mode of actuality” among

the ROC scholars: the actuality of Cold War.158 The link between these two modes is

the narrative of Sung Wong Toi memory, melancholic nostalgia of memory in a real

environment, or in Chinese literati’s concept: sentiment to a fallen nation The

memory narrated by sentiment to a fallen nation unified the two hostile communities

into one. The Qing loyalists who considered the ROC as “enemy” said by Zheng

Xiaoxu 鄭孝胥 (1860-1938) was seemingly impossible to ally with the ROC scholars,

but the astonishingly similar end of the two regimes made the alliance possible – yet it

155 For instance, Overseas Chinese Daily News on 14th April, title “Sung Wong Toi: A Commemorative Volume, Printed by Chiu Clansmen’s General Association, Has Published,” urging Chinese recent settlers (“brothers”) in Hong Kong (Lugang kunzhong, 旅港昆仲) to buy. 156 Jan Assmann and John Czapicka, “Collective Memory and Cultural Identity,” New German Critique no.65 (1995): pp.125-133. 157 Ibid, pp.131-133. 158 Ko, “Adherents' History in Stone,” p.310.

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This document is downloaded from Outstanding Academic Papers by Students (OAPS), Run Run Shaw Library, City University of Hong Kong. is inappropriate to regard it as an “alliance” due to the unilaterality of the narrative itself

– to legitimize the existence of Sung Wong Toi as a lieu de mémoire for the new comers

to Hong Kong after Chinese Civil War. The equivalence on contributing to the

memorialization of Sung Wong Toi was advertently expounded to enshrine the

“alliance” of the literati who shared the same fate. In 1961, Jian mentioned Sung Wong

Toi as a “symbol of national spirit” – indicated it as a universal collective memory

among the literati and the public.159

ROC scholars like Jian, unlike the Qing loyalists, had two stages of sentiment to

a fallen nation: the first during the devastating World War, and after the Civil War. The

former lamented the historical background of Sung Wong Toi as a whole – the fall of

Sung Dynasty – to assimilate with what ROC had encountered during World War II,

was largely relied on identicality between Southern Sung and ROC established by the

historical site (Sung Wong Toi). In this stage, ROC scholars’ historical memory about

Sung Wong Toi were “a place commemorating a fallen nation, in common to what this

country may encounter in the near future.” Although this imaginary similarity proved

unrealistic judging from the result of the World War, it triggered the ROC scholars and

literati’s sentiment to a fallen nation and released their despair through poetries about

Sung Wong Toi, one of the example is Chen Shu-ren 陳樹人(1883-1948) –

The rock standstill near the river,

Witnesses the dust and troubles through hundreds of years.

People, rivers and mountains, jointed with silence,

159 Jian, “Sonhuangtai shi minzu jingshen de xiangzheng.”

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This document is downloaded from Outstanding Academic Papers by Students (OAPS), Run Run Shaw Library, City University of Hong Kong. Gloaming nightfall shined through the terrace. 160

The poem illustrated a trend of lyrical plot through landscape, the latter period of

this “sentiment to a fallen nation” in ROC scholars’ consensus was more abstract and

sentimental, which truly – according to Pierre Nora’s idea – applied their sentiment to

a fallen nation into the site, whereupon a lieu de mémoire was created under their

narrative. After Chinese Civil War, the ROC government forced to retreat to Taiwan

and most of the literati evacuated to Hong Kong. Forlornness accompanied with their

sentiment to a fallen nation, was historically coincident with the relocation of Sung

Wong Toi: in common that they had irresistibly enforced to leave their rooted place and

their glorious past had compressed into a relatively shattered piece of their history (or

could even said, a humiliation). Henceforth, Sung Wong Toi became a part of collective

memory of the ROC scholars, in the outcome the Commemorative Volume was the

compilation of these sentiment and memory from the ROC scholars toward their recent

yielding past, in which “national spirit” and “national soul” was emphasized by Jian as

the beginning of ROC since 1911.161

Nevertheless, it is not the end of the destination of Sung Wong Toi Memory after

altering into a commemoration of the fallen ROC regime in mainland, instead it is only

the beginning of the transformation to “Cold War Memory”: a dynamic stressed on

“Cultural China” vs. “Communist China” based on the sentiment towards the ROC.

The most fundamental question of “legitimacy,” or in Chinese understanding: mandate,

160 The original text is 臨江片石尚崔巍，七百年間認劫灰。人共河山沉默裏，夕陽西下宋王臺。 About the poetries about Sung Wong Toi during the late 1930s and early 1940s, see Liu, et.al, Jiulong chen qu fengwu zhi, p. 58-63. 161 Hon, “A Rock, a Text, and a Tablet,” p.157.

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This document is downloaded from Outstanding Academic Papers by Students (OAPS), Run Run Shaw Library, City University of Hong Kong. was once again the major weapon in the cultural war between “Free world” and

“Communism” in Hong Kong during the upcoming Cold War – which the previous

parts had covered.

Sung Wong Toi as a Collective Memory through Commemorative Volume

Once again, we have to underline popularity of Sung Wong Toi Memory during the

1940s and 50s. As we have covered, we have ostensibly observed very little

participation of the common public in constructing Sung Wong Toi Memory – but as

we see in the parts, it is not as it stated. It is noteworthy that the success of transforming

Qing loyalists’ memory into ROC ones by Jian is heavily relied on the support of

common public – without local support, like the Kowloon City District Kai-Fong

Welfare Association who suggested the plan of relocation to the Urban Council, and

Chiu Clansmen’s General Association’s patronage on Commemorative Volume, Sung

Wong Toi Memory may fade along with the perished terrace. Jian strategy – aligning

sentiment of the fallen nation, the recent-perished terrace and the preservation of

“national spirit” successfully gained popularity to perpetual the dynamic of Sung Wong

Toi Memory during the Cold War period, which he planted the root among

Commemorative Volume and the memorial tablet. At the very first, these local

communities were not as idealistic and emotional as ROC scholars did on the issue of

relocating Sung Wong Toi, for instance, Chiu Lut-sau’s original thought on building

the memorial garden was “to preserve the historical site which could also contribute to

local affairs.”162

162 Interview with Chiu Clansmen’s General Association.

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This document is downloaded from Outstanding Academic Papers by Students (OAPS), Run Run Shaw Library, City University of Hong Kong. The change of attitude among local communities was aligned with the global

development of Cold War – together with ambiguousness and capriciousness of Hong

Kong Colonial Government and its related reconciliating policy: tourism and emphasis

on public education. The Cold War Memory of Sung Wong Toi, would be in a practical

sense, a collective memory in a larger social sphere among Hong Kong, surrounded by

the continuous debate on mandate of “The Two China.” Commemorative Volume

played significant role on continuing the narrative of Sung Wong Toi Memory and

reinterpreted in cater to Cold War atmosphere and its deriving cultural warfare.

Accumulating all the discussion about Sung Wong Toi Memory before Cold War,

we could observe a continuous flourishment of details about Sung Wong Toi

(archaeological excavation, textual research and literal authentication) under a unified

narrative (sentiment to a fallen nation), and further became a product of imagined

memory (poetries and other literature). In the upcoming decades of the era of Cold War,

Sung Wong Toi Memory broke through the rigid determination of its original criteria

as a lieu de mémoire. It is, which easily neglected and isolated, due to global bipolarity

and globalization. Cold War Memory of Sung Wong Toi was no longer a coterie

lamentation towards a fallen regime, or a simple place for leisure in the eye of common

public but a sacred place of commemoration and fortress in cultural war.

In the next part, we would further narrow down the perspective on studying Cold

War Sung Wong Toi’s influence through different media, that made Sung Wong Toi

from textual memory into a memory with visual and ideological impression of “Cultural

China.”

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This document is downloaded from Outstanding Academic Papers by Students (OAPS), Run Run Shaw Library, City University of Hong Kong. Part III

Impact of Cold War Sung Wong Toi

Impact of Sung Wong Toi during Cold War period was effective through both direct

and indirect mean. In direct sense, Sung Wong Toi in Cold War constructed a social

recognition under the veil of Cold War, contributed to construction of a common

memory among a diverse range of stakeholders. For the indirect spectrum, Sung Wong

Toi further influence the cultural Cold War by interpretation and incarnations through

different stakeholders. These shall include not singly government documents but also a

wide range of media to examine the impact of Cold War Sung Wong Toi.

Along with the publish of Commemorative Volume and other academic

publications, impact of Cold War Sung Wong Toi also influenced intangibly. In

cooperation with Cultural Cold war synergy from the UK and US, Sung Wong Toi

memory in Cold War dynamic was introduced internationally: exhibitions, tourism and

academic exchanges played an important role within. In this very last part, we would

first focus on stakeholders during the relocation of Sung Wong Toi relics and process

of publication of Commemorative Volume. After that, we would examine Sung Wong

Toi memory’s influence from local to international circle.

The impact of Sung Wong Toi eventually constructed public’s imagination

towards its beyond depiction of Cultural China and its ultimate anti-communist

ideology. While on the other hand we have to examine its effectiveness, that we cannot

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This document is downloaded from Outstanding Academic Papers by Students (OAPS), Run Run Shaw Library, City University of Hong Kong. deny Sung Wong Toi’s underperforming popularity after the frenzy between 50s and

60s, which procced until recent decade.

Media and Sung Wong Toi Memory

Its effectiveness could be first revealed from newspapers. Although there was an

explicit gap between the leftist and rightist newspapers on reporting Sung Wong Toi,

scholars retrieving newspapers as a source of studying Sung Wong Toi neglected such

an important difference. Reports related to Sung Wong Toi, exhibitions, tourists and

academic conferences were overwhelmingly reported by rightest newspapers (South

China Morning Post and Overseas Chinese Daily News were eminent examples),

foreign media or some other regional media had several touches on these related issues:

for instance, The Chinese Press (中國社), International News Press (國際新聞社), Yue

Wah Press (越華社) were also attempted the unveiling ceremony of Sung Wong Toi

memorial tablets.163 In contrast, leftist newspapers seldom reported news related to

Sung Wong Toi. Some of the rough comparison could be found from the essay by Yiu

To-Sang and Wong Chin-Leung, stated that Sung Wong Toi was hardly mentioned by

leftist newspapers except of reporting accidents took place nearby.164 In a converse

perspective, leftist newspaper made rare use of Sung Wong Toi in order to criticize

colonial government. For example, the news report of Tai Kung Po, dated 14th August,

1956, titled “An Ancient Rock without the Terrace,” implying criticism towards the

163 Jian, Sunghuangtai jinianji, p.297. 164 Yiu To-Sang and Wong Chin-Leung “A Study on Hou Wong Temple in Kowloon City with Reference to Song Wong Toi,” pp.42-44.

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This document is downloaded from Outstanding Academic Papers by Students (OAPS), Run Run Shaw Library, City University of Hong Kong. colonial government for their under-effort on preserving Sung Wong Toi.165 On the

content of reporting the unveiling ceremony of Sung Wong Toi memorial tablets on

28th December, 1959, Overseas Chinese Daily News reported the ceremony with half-

page, together with a summary of the speech of guests, while the report of Tai Kung Po

reported the ceremony with only two lines.166

According to this comparison, it is obvious that the impact of Cold War Sung

Wong Toi was successful in terms of differentiating “Cultural China” and “Communist

China.” Judging from the report of Overseas Chinese Daily News and Tai Kung Po, the

wordings implied their “two China” ideology towards Sung Wong Toi. For rightist

newspaper, as a “symbol of national spirit” (see part 2), while the leftist newspaper not

only tend to neglect Sung Wong Toi but intended to dwarf its position among wordings:

on the same report of Tai Kung Po, it used the word 「王」(King) instead of

authenticated word 「皇」(emperor) as the name of Sung Wong Toi, and a more detailed

news report about the unveiling ceremony on 29th December, 1959, the newspaper

regarded Sung Wong Toi was singly a “historical site” which is not as sacred as their

rightist counterpart praised.167 These gave us a clear picture that Sung Wong Toi had

turned into a cultural weapon against CCP which the leftist newspaper had to depreciate

165 “Zhi jian gushi bujian tai 只見古石不見台[An Ancient Rock without the Terrace]” Tai Kung Po, Auguest 14, 1956. 166 See “The Unveiling Ceremony of Sung Wong Toi Memorial Tablet Held With Grandeur,” Overseas Chinese Daily News 華僑日報, December 29, 1959; “Sunghuangtai beiji jinre xin jiemuli 宋王臺石碑記今日行揭幕禮. Sung Wong Toi Memorial Tablet’s Unveiling Ceremony is Going to Hold Today.”Tai Kung Po 大公報, December 28, 1959. 167 “Liubainian guji Sunghuangtai beishi zuo jiemu 六百餘年古蹟宋王臺碑石昨揭幕 A 600 Years Old Historical Site: Sung Wong Toi Memorial Tablet Unveiled Yesterday.” Tai Kung Po 大公報, December 29, 1959.

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This document is downloaded from Outstanding Academic Papers by Students (OAPS), Run Run Shaw Library, City University of Hong Kong. its “national value” in response. In favor of ROC, Sung Wong Toi’s impact as a lieu de

mémoire through promotion to the public gained local supports and grand depiction by

the media as a cultural sacred place of Cultural China thus clearly shown by rightist

newspapers’ engagement and the leftist counterparts’ disengagement.

Impact to the Public: Public Creations

How this distinctive divergent influenced public imagination towards Sung Wong Toi?

Public creation is a noteworthy indicator to illustrate the effectiveness of Sung Wong

Toi memory’s impact. On 20th June, 1964, the Chinese Opera Sung Wong Toi was

performed at Hong Kong City Hall and lasted for a week. Although current Chinese

Opera data lacks of the information about this Chinese Opera, rightist newspaper like

Kung Sheung Yat Po and Overseas Chinese Daily News (and conversely, not a single

leftist newspaper reported the show) reported the grandeur continuously as the shows

went on, in which tickets were speedily sold out at the previous day of the session.168

Commentaries regarded such unprecedented popularity of Sung Wong Toi was because

of its “heroic, emotional, triggering” story, which the media unilaterally appreciated its

nature of historical genre that “(the plot was) based on new historical authentication

and researches, giving a new favor to the audience… and a sense of familiarity”.169

168 “Sunghuangtai gou haoxi niantian zao gao baopeng 「宋皇臺」夠好戲兩天早告爆棚 [Sung Wong Toi is A Good Show: Two Sessions Have Been Full]. Kung Sheung Yat Po 工商日報, June, 23, 1964. 169 Ibid; “Sunghuangtai yangyang hao zuotian yi gao baopeng 宋皇臺樣樣好昨天依舊爆棚 [Sung Wong Toi is Comprehensively Excellent, Fully Crowded Yesterday.” Kung Sheung Yat Po, June 22, 1964; “Lishiju Sunghuangtai minre qi ai daihueitang shangyian 歷史劇宋皇臺明日起在大會堂上

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This document is downloaded from Outstanding Academic Papers by Students (OAPS), Run Run Shaw Library, City University of Hong Kong. New researches of Sung Wong Toi referred to the study of Sung Wong Toi in

Commemorative Volume, which means the impact of Cold War Sung Wong Toi had

already successfully transferred from the internal circle of the memorial entity (scholars,

clansmen, and social elites), to the common public with favorable appreciation and

supports. As the authentication and researches were interpretations of Cold War Sung

Wong Toi memory, the Chinese Opera Sung Wong Toi could be regarded as an

incarnation of Cold War Sung Wong Toi which coined with literary re-creation to show

to the public, the success of Sung Wong Toi thus was ultimately regraded to

combination of freshness and familiarity based on a new interpretation – the Cold War

interpretation on historical memory that had been rooted in community. In addition to

its great success to attract the public, the troupe decided to “bring this opera to the US

within a short time, to perform in front of thousands of overseas Chinese,” which further

giving us the sense that Sung Wong Toi had already been a collaborative topic across

Hong Kong and overseas Chinese in the Free World.170

Sung Wong Toi in Cold War under Global Influence

Sung Wong Toi and its memory were powerful weapons to cultural Cold War in Hong

Kong. Retrieving the previous parts of this section, we could limn an entire picture

about Sung Wong Toi and its function to cultural Cold War.

演 [Historical Opera Sung Wong Toi Starts On Show From Tomorrow At City Hall]. Overseas Chinese Daily News, June 19, 1964. 170 “Sunghuangtai jintian zuihou 宋皇臺今天最後 [Sung Wong Toi: Today is the Last Day On Show].” Kung Sheung Yat Po, June 26, 1964.

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This document is downloaded from Outstanding Academic Papers by Students (OAPS), Run Run Shaw Library, City University of Hong Kong. Memory systems developed by Qing loyalists and ROC supports in last decades

endowed a sentiment of fallen nation and interpretation of nationalism to Sung Wong

Toi, along with academic ardor on studying Hong Kong history. “Sunglization” of

Hong Kong’s history, became the mainstream of Hong Kong academia which further

accelerated by certain archaeological excavations in the 50s and 60s. Academic

fervency enhanced the influence of Sung Wong Toi and its memory, its attraction to

recent comers: scholars escaped from Chinese Civil War (and later the Cultural

Revolution) indelibly procced the “Chinese Civil War” against PRC in cultural

perspective – the debate of “Two China” – would enshrined in the Commemorative

Volume.

This cultural warfare was, in cater with the global atmosphere and Hong Kong’s

unique position derived from global bipolarity. Britain’s hypersensitiveness after CCP

took over China and the US’s aggression towards communism compelled Hong Kong

became a neutral buffer zone for both free world and communist world to encounter

each other, entailing that Hong Kong destined to be an intercrossing point of interests,

conflicts and ideological warfare of nations. Sung Wong Toi Memory, taking it as an

opportunity, ascended to be a sacred symbol of “cultural China.” Britain, in economic

and diplomatic consideration, developed Hong Kong into a tourist hot spot, which

further popularized Sung Wong Toi from Chinese cultural circle to international one.

Preservation of Sung Wong Toi, as we covered, was not a mundane reconciling policy

for gaining local support but also with tourist-oriented elements. The US outcropped

the potential of Hong Kong tourism as a way to dissolve both PRC and Sino-Soviet

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This document is downloaded from Outstanding Academic Papers by Students (OAPS), Run Run Shaw Library, City University of Hong Kong. relation through anti-communist propaganda, which the debate of “Two China” was

pivotal to deny CCP’s legitimacy over mainland.

Cooperation between Britain, the US and ROC by taking Sung Wong Toi as the

weapon in cultural warfare against PRC was evident through their clearly-divided,

cooperative relationship on tourism and cultural exchange: Britain as “host,” ROC as

“interpreter of Chinese culture,” and the US as “sponsor and agency.” This triangular

relationship is difficult to define which is more important than the others. However,

international participation in Sung Wong Toi memorial structure entailed that Cold War

Sung Wong Toi, unlike its previous Qing memorial system, was more inclusive that

narrow nationalism (loyalty to Qing) had turned into nationalism in nation (“Cultural

China”), or even implied with Free World ideology.

Doubts, Limitations and Decline of Cold War Sung Wong Toi Memory

With such satisfactory popularity: public support, academic fervency, international

appreciation and government patronage, the impact of Cold War Sung Wong Toi served

as the function of a figure head of Cultural China was effective and successful judging

from its related public creations and newspapers. However, the visible decline of

popularity of Cold War Sung Wong Toi took place in the 70s could not be neglected.

The colonial government’s policy decision was tightly related to the decline. After

Sung Wong Toi memorial tablet was established in to memorial garden, and the

publication of Commemorative Volume, colonial government seldom regarded Sung

Wong Toi as a daily issue hereafter. Even in terms of tourism, colonial government

took little attention to cultural or historical tourism but the commercial one – annual

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This document is downloaded from Outstanding Academic Papers by Students (OAPS), Run Run Shaw Library, City University of Hong Kong. reports of the Tourist Association in the 60s were unilaterally portrayed Hong Kong as

a place for consumption, shopping and vocations. 171 A letter to the Editor from a

foreign visitor in 1969 indicated the degree of neglection of Sung Wong Toi by the

colonial government, “I find it surprising that… [Sung Wong Toi] is not more

prominently featured in the tourist guides (I failed to find it marked on the Tourist

Association map)…,” which he regarded the colonial government had not pay

“modicum of attention” to this “few genuinely ancient monuments.”172 This neglection

was further confirmed by current President of Chiu Clansmen’s General Association,

“the colonial government did literally nothing on promoting Sung Wong Toi as a tourist

site, nor the Kai Tak Airport would boost tourism to Sung Wong Toi,” President Chiu

continued, “the relocation of Sung Wong Toi actually destroyed the entire landscape,,

and controlled by property developers,” he also added that a genuine official promotion

of Sung Wong Toi was by SAR government until recent years.173

Neglection of promoting Sung Wong Toi as a tourist site stunted Sung Wong Toi

as a symbol of Cultural China in influencing the tourists. To make Sung Wong Toi a

Cold War weapon against communism (or more specified, PRC), foreign attention was

pivotal, while when Sung Wong Toi hardly succeed on evolving into an international

memory but a local memory, Cold War Sung Wong Toi was difficult to expand its

influence to non-Chinese circle – as we have seen Chinese Opera Sung Wong Toi

171 See Hong Kong Tourist Association, Annual Report 1967/8, pp.10-12. Although Advertisements of Tourist Association depicted Hong Kong as a modern metropolis with traditional Chinese favor, the stress on “Chinese-style” was a de facto advertising instead of the “reason” why tourist should visit Hong Kong. 172 Rees, “A Word of Praise.” 173 Interview with Chiu Clansmen’s General Association.

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This document is downloaded from Outstanding Academic Papers by Students (OAPS), Run Run Shaw Library, City University of Hong Kong. decided for a global perform but only targeted overseas Chinese – Sung Wong Toi’s

influence was limited to Chinese population that foreign attention was so negligible.

This ultimately caused Cold War Sung Wong Toi was hardly remembered in global

society except scholars or highly educated individuals who paid attention to Cold War

history of Hong Kong.

As a local memory, the impact of Cold War Sung Wong Toi was also limited since

the late 60s. The nature of Cold War Sung Wong Toi in local sense, was an ideological

confrontation between ROC and PRC. Although current sources are not indicating any

relations, it is assumed that the Riot of 1967 caused the colonial government to

appallingly neglect Sung Wong Toi due to their inordinate hypersensitiveness on

further provoking ideological controversial which might force Britain to give up its

colony before 1997.174 In addition, Détente from late 1960s to the 70s released the

tension between free world and communist world, confrontation was gradually replaced

with reconciliation, compromising and limited protocols, the threat of nuclear weapons,

ideological hostility were temporarily paused. The change of Sino-American

relationship also caused American’s ideological warfare in Hong Kong mitigated and

eventually vanished after normalization of Sino-American relationship in 1972,

signifying Asian Cold War was practically over.175 As international confrontations

174 Wai Lun Wong, et.al. “1967 and British Hong Kong Government,” in 1967: An Introspection on International Vision, ed. Xu-hui Shen (Hong Kong: Cosmos Books Ltd., 2015), pp. 78-137. 175 Ye, Under the Shadow of China, pp. 208-213; Donald S. Zagoria, “The End of the Cold War in Asia: Its Impact on China.” Proceedings of the Academy of Political Science 38, no. 2 (1991): 1-11. doi:10.2307/1173874.

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This document is downloaded from Outstanding Academic Papers by Students (OAPS), Run Run Shaw Library, City University of Hong Kong. alleviated, Cold War Sung Wong Toi as a weapon in cultural warfare in Hong Kong

was no longer available under current global atmosphere.

As a whole, Cold War Sung Wong Toi was portrayed through tourism, academic

conferences, public media and decision making of the colonial government under the

veil of Cold War. Its effectiveness accompanied to global situation, even though Cold

War Sung Wong Toi became unprecedently famous during 50s and 60s due to a series

of academic publication, government cooperation and local communities’ active

participation, alleviation of Cold War tension in the late 60s, together with colonial

government’s neglection (might be influenced by the former) resulted the decline of

impact of Cold War Sung Wong Toi. As a lieu de mémoire, Sung Wong Toi’s

interpretation with Cold War dynamic gained periodical success to coin local memory

in relation to nationalism, culture and nostalgia, while the efforts were eventually

vanished because Cold War Sung Wong Toi only served for the warfare of Cold War

which had basically ended in the 70s.

Summarizing the previous parts, Sung Wong Toi in Cold War could be regarded

as a tactical decision made by colonial government in use of local supports and

sentiment to the fallen nation after World War II and Chinese Civil War, we have to

understand that, although the British Hong Kong government had very limited

knowledge on such sentiment or culture of nostalgia, their reconciling policies,

relatively democratic attitude were merely in cater to their colonial governmentality of

showing a distanced respect to the local population. Although Cold War Sung Wong

Toi Memory was a local memory in Cold War, international influence, especially the

US played an important role on introducing it to the free world, though from current

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This document is downloaded from Outstanding Academic Papers by Students (OAPS), Run Run Shaw Library, City University of Hong Kong. sources we have found, the foreign recipients were limited to scholars and some

culturally interested visitors. For local communities, the clansmen and ROC scholars,

cooperation with colonial government to create a common memory of Cold War Sung

Wong Toi was a must – this was clearly shown when the colonial government turned a

blind eye towards Sung Wong Toi, the power of local communities were far not enough

to preserve Cold War Sung Wong Toi as the dominant memorial system among this

lieu de mémoire (the intentional limitation of local communities’ participation after

1967 Riot might be the cause of such powerlessness of local communities in the 70s).

The Chiu clansmen, in nature of “paying respect to their ancestors,” were gradually

moved their venue of annual filial ceremony to Shekou when the mausoleum of

Emperor Xiang Xing was discovered in 1960s. “Sung Wong Toi is a memorial site, and

that’s it.” claimed by President Chiu, “if we have a mausoleum of our ancestor, how

come we don’t commemorate him at his tomb?”176 When ROC scholars passed away

in the 70s (for instance, Jian in 1978), Cold War Sung Wong Toi thus faded away and

eventually awaited for another resurrection of Sung Wong Toi Memory in the 21st

Century.

The success of Sung Wong Toi as lieu de mémoire in cater to cultural warfare, the

transformation from previous memorial system into Cold War memorial system was a

both tactical and natural response to different stakeholders. Judging historical memory

of Sung Wong Toi in Cold War, ROC scholars with their sentiment to the fallen nation

after 1949 intensified the undermining attitude among Hong Kong population – the

mainland was reigned by a new powerful regime, the current colonial government had

176 Interview with Chiu Clansmen’s General Association.

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This document is downloaded from Outstanding Academic Papers by Students (OAPS), Run Run Shaw Library, City University of Hong Kong. to face a hostile regime in a “indefensible” land, the resemblance to Southern Sung

triggered historical imagination, also nostalgia to the “cultivated, civilized” Chinese

Culture accelerated establishment of Cold War Sung Wong Toi memory.177 But once

situation has been settled – when “recovering mainland” was practically impossible,

the US changed its hostile attitude to cooperative one towards PRC, and aftermath of

the catastrophic sundering caused by the 1967 Riot, Cold War Sung Wong Toi was no

longer suitable for any stakeholder’s interest, or the current situation showed no

resemblance to the historical past, historical memory of Sung Wong Toi was faded from

common memory.

177 Ye, Under the Shadow of China, pp.139-153; Mark, Hong Kong and the Cold War, pp. 83-107.

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This document is downloaded from Outstanding Academic Papers by Students (OAPS), Run Run Shaw Library, City University of Hong Kong. Conclusion: Sung Wong Toi’s Past and Future

As Pierre Nora once again noticed that, it was this very rupture with the past that leads

to a self-conscious quest of memory. One becomes especially conscious of changes that

had taken place when they find that lieu de mémoire no longer correspond to the

changed reality.178 When even 1949 Civil War had become a part of history – a 20-

something-years-ago history – and the current situation seemed the division of PRC

and ROC would perpetuate in the near future, comparison of Cultural China and

Communist China were somehow not as important as before as the ultimate goal of this

comparison was to evoke Chinese nationalism in order to overthrow communism in

mainland.179 Therefore, Cold War Sung Wong Toi Memory was eventually vanished

and replaced by other memory that related more to the contradiction between present

and the past, say, the issue of returning Hong Kong to China.

Although the memory of Sung Wong Toi no longer suits for Cold War cultural

warfare, its legacy remains until today, newspapers like South China Morning Post was

still put an eye on Sung Wong Toi, which continuously recalling people’s memory of

Sung Wong Toi by periodical remembrance like a special column “25 Years Ago” in

1980.180 In April 2014, the Shatin to Central Link’s excavation of an ancient well in

Sung Dynasty triggers the fervency of Sung Wong Toi once again, participation of local

communities is more active than before along with the rise of localism in Hong Kong,

178 Realms of Memory, pp.1-5. 179 CP (49) 180, 23 Aug. 1949, CAB 129/36, PRO. 180 “25 Years Ago,” South China Morning Post, December 8, 1980.

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This document is downloaded from Outstanding Academic Papers by Students (OAPS), Run Run Shaw Library, City University of Hong Kong. like Chiu Clansmen’s General Association’s active approach to the SAR government

for changing the station’s name to Sung Wong Toi. 181 With new archaeological

excavation and fervency of localism, a new revival of historical memory of Sung Wong

Toi has become an eminent topic with a new veil of local identity.

The legacy of Cold War Sung Wong Toi memory enshrined through people’s

imagination towards the past and its contrary of the reality. When Hong Kong localism

raised significantly to the new generation, revitalization of Red Fear, “Chinazi” since

the explosive controversy in 2019, a new Cold War dynamic was being reexamined as

the new common memory towards the historical past and imagination of Sung Wong

Toi. Under this sense of localism, Sung Wong Toi, as a little “Sung Dynasty” in Hong

Kong and a representation of Cultural China, became a new model of resistant towards

non-local influence in the upcoming “roaring 20s” in this unstable 21st century.

181 Interview with Chiu Clansmen’s General Association.

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This document is downloaded from Outstanding Academic Papers by Students (OAPS), Run Run Shaw Library, City University of Hong Kong. Bibliography

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Interview Note

Mr. Chiu Wai Shing and Mr. Chiu Chak Sum, Chiu Clansmen’s General Association

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