The Population of Austria

«I World Population Year

THE POPU OF AUSTRIA Austrian Academy of Sciences Institute of Demography

1974 World Population Year

The Population of Austria

By Peter Findl and Heimold Helczmanovszki

Vienna, 1977 Austrian Academy of Sciences Institute of Demography Printed by Austrian Central Statistical Office Vienna 1977 Preface

On the occasion of the World Population Year 197^ the United Nations invited all countries to prepare monographs giving for each country, following a common plan, information on past, present and future trends of population. In response to this invitation more than fifty countries, among those Austria with the pre= sent publication, contributed to the series of monographs which was coordinated by the Committee for International Coordination of National Research in Demography (C.I.C.R.E.D.)» under the chairmanship of Jean Bourgeois- Pichat, on behalf of the United Nations.

The editorship for the monograph,of Austria was undertaken by the Institute of Demography which was founded in 1976. The individual chapters of the monograph were prepared by the authors in the Austrian Central Statistical Office.

Lothar Bosse Director Institute of Demography Austrian Academy of Sciences

TABLE OP CONTENTS

Chapter Page

I. POPULATION GROWTH 19 . 1. Population Growth Since the Fifteenth Century 19 2. The Influence of Foreigners on the Natural Movement of the Population in Recent Times 30

II. COMPONENTS OF POPULATION GROWTH' 3if 1. Fertility 1.1. Number of Births and Birth Rate. 35 1.2. Fertility Rates - General, and according to Age and Marital Status of the Mother 37 1.3. Effects of Fertility Development on Reproduction 44 1.4. Contribution of the Sex Ratio .. 45 1.5- Legitimate Births by Parity 46 1.6. Fertility Comparisons between Urban and Rural Areas ' 47 1.7. Socio-Economic Differences in. Fertility 49 2. Mortality 52 2.1. Number of Deaths and Death Rate. 52 2.2. Age and Sex Specific Mortality . 53 2.3. The Development'of Expectation of Life 60 2.4. Causes of Death 62 2.5. Socio-Economic Differences in Infant Mortality 64 TABLE OP CONTENTS - continued

Chapter Page

2.6. Intereuropean Comparison of Mor- tality 68" 2.6.1. General Comparison of Mortal- ity ' 68 2.6.2. Comparison of Mortality according to Cause of Death .. 69 2.6.3. Comparison of Infant Mortal- ity 76 3. External Migration 78

III. POPULATION COMPOSITION 82 1. Sex 83 2. Age 90 3. Marital Status 99 3.1. The Structure and Historical De- velopment of the Population Com- position by Marital Status 99 3.2. Marital Status and Degree of Ur- banization 103 . 3-3. Marital Status and Educational Attainment 105 4. Families 107 4.1. Definition and Classification .. 107 4.2. The Population according to its Family Membership 109 4.3. Family Types Ill 4.4. Families according to the Number of Children 114 4.5. Families according to Household Types, 1971 •• 116 Table OF CONTENTS - continued

Chapter Page

5- Households • Il6 5.1. Private Households according to the Household Size Il8 5.2. One-Person Households 119 5.3- Households and Population according to Household Types 122 6. Religion 124 7. Language Groups 127 8. Nationality 130 9. Education 13I1 9.1. Educational Attainment by Age and Sex 136 9.2. Education by Size Class of Com- ' munities 144 9.3. Age-Specific School Attendance . 1¿|6

IV. REGIONAL POPULATION DEVELOPMENT AND DISTRIBUTION 148 1. Population Development of the Provinces 148 1.1. Long Term Trends in Population Development and Distribution according to Provinces 148 1.2. Internal Migration 1966 to 1971 . 157 2. Population Development in Urban and Rural Areas 162 2.1. Population and Population Devel- opment according'to Size Classes of Communities 'i . 162 2.2. Population and Population Devel- opment according to Urban Regions. 167 TABLE OP CONTENTS - continued

Chapter' Page

3- Population Density 172

V. THE LABOUR FORCE 174 1. Participation in Economic Life 17^1 1.1. Livelihood^ General Activity Rate 174 1.2. Age and Sex Specific Labour Force Participation 177 1.3- Labour Force Participation by Marital Status and Number of Children l8l 1.4. Labour Force Participation by Educational Attainment ...... 133 2. Structure of Economically Active Population 185 2.1. Economically Active Persons by Occupational Status 185 2.2. Economically Active Persons by Industry 187

VI. POPULATION PROJECTION 189 1. General Remarks 189 2. Model of the Natural Population Devel- opment 1971 - 2001 190 3. Projection of Labour Force 1971 - 2001. 203 ¿I. Projection of Households 1971 - 2001. 20/

VII. ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT, LAW, POPULA- TION POLICY " ' 210 1. Economic Development • 210 2. Legal Order 219 3. Population Policy 230 LIST OF TABLES

Table Page CHAPTER I

1 Population of Austria, 1527 - 1975 20 2 Components of Population Growth in Austria, 1869 - 1971 24 3 Births, Deaths,, and Natural In= crease in Austria Since 1871/75-•• 26" 4 Natural Movement of Alien Popula= tion Since 1970 31

CHAPTER II

5 Live Births, Birth Rate, General Fertility Rate, and Population Size in Austria Since I880 38 6 General and Age Specific Fertility Rates... 41 7 Total Fertility Rate, 1900, 1937, 1951 - 1975 43 8 Reproduction Rates in Austria, 1900, 1937, 1951 - 1975 45 9 Percentage Distribution of Legit= imate Births (Live Births and Stillbirths) by Birth Order 47 10 Urban - Rural Variations in General Fertility Rate 48 11 Completed Fertility of Currently Married Women by Socio-Economic Group, and by Labour Force Sta= tus, 1971 50 LIST OF TABELS - continued

Table Page

12 Deaths, Death Rate, and Infant Death Rate in Austria Since 1871.. 5^ 13 Age and Sex Specific Death Rates... 56 Ik Percentage Change of Age and Sex Specific Death Rates, and Ratio of Male to Female Mortality by Age... 5-7 15 Expectation of Life, 1865/75 and 1970/72 in Austria 6l 16 Socio-Economic Differentials in Infant Mortality, Illegitimacy Ratio, and Premature Births, 1968. 65 17 Intereuropean Comparison of Mor= tality, 1971 70 18 Mortality According to Cause in the European Countries, 1971: Cardio= vascular Diseases; Malignant Neo= plasms All Sites 72 19 Mortality According to Cause in the European Countries, 1971: Ma= lignant Neoplasms of Trachea, Bron= chus and Lung; Cirrhosis of Liver. 73 20 Mortality According to Cause in the European Countries, 1971: In= fective and Parasitic Diseases; Motor Vehicle Accidents 74 21 Mortality According to Cause in the European Countries, 1971: Sui= cide; Symptoms and Ill-defined Conditions 75 22 International Comparison of Infant Death Rates, 1973 77 TABLE OP CONTENTS - concluded

Chapter . Pape

APPENDIX A: THE SOURCES OF POPULATION DATA

APPENDIX B : TABLES 235

BIBLIOGRAPHY 2 ¿41

LIST OF TABLES - continued

Table ' Page CHAPTER III

23 Population' by Sex . . 85 24 Sex Ratio by Age 86 25 Per Cent of Population 65 Years Old and Over in the European Countries, 197-1 94 26 Population by Broad Age Groups, Dependency Ratios 96 27 Population by Marital Status 101 28 Cumulative Divorce Rate by Marriage Cohorts Since 1959 104 29 Distribution by.Marital Status of Women 15 Years Old and Over by Size Class of Communities,'1971. .. 105 30 Per Cent Single and Divorced by Educational Attainment, for Women 50 to under 55 Years Old, 1971 106 31 Percentage Distribution by Family Type of Population and Families, 1961 and 1971 Ill 32 Distribution of the Families by Age of Mother (Wife) and by Family Type, I971 112 33 Percentage Distribution of Families by Number of Children, 1971 115 34 Percentage Distribution by Type of Family and Household.of Families in Private Households, 1971 117 35 Private Households by Size 118 36 Persons in OnerPerson Households by Age and Sex 120 LIST OF TABELS - continued

Table Page

37 Percentage Distribution by Household Type of Households and Population. 123 38 Persons in Private Multi-Person Households by Relationship to Head of Household.. 124 39 Population by Religious Denomina= tion . 125 40 Language Groups, 1971 129 41 Aliens by Nationality, 1971 '. . 132 42 Percentage Distribution of Persons 15 Years Old and Over by Education= al Attainment 135 43 Percentage Distribution of Popula= tion by Educational Attainment and Age, 1971 137 44 Percentage Distribution by Educa= tional Attainment of Population 15 Years Old and Over, by Size Class of Communities and Sex, 1971 145 45 School Attendance by Type of School and Age, 1971 146

CHAPTER IV

46 Growth Rates of the Population by Provinces, 1869 - 1971 149 47 Percentage Distribution of Popula= tion, Austria by Province, 1869 - 1971 151 LIST OF TABELS - continued

Table Page

48 Components of Population Growth, Austria and the Provinces,, 187O - 1971 '. 159 49 Internal Net Migration between Pro= vinces, 1966 - 1971 - . 161 50 Communities and Population by Size Class of Community, 1971 163 51 Per Cent Change of the Population by Size Class of Community, 1951 ~ I96I - 1971 165 52 Per Cent Change of Population. In= side and Outside of Urban Regions (KLEIN), 1951 - I96I - I97I I67 53 Components of Population Change by Type of Location (GISSER) and Size Class of Community, 1961 -'1971... 168 54 Population Density by Provinces, 1971 173

CHAPTER V

55 Percentage Distribution of the Population of Austria by Source of Livelihood, 1900 - 1971 • 175 56 Labour Force Participation Rates, 1934 - 1975 •• . . 176 57 Labour Force Participation Rates by Age, Sex, and Marital Status, . 1961 and 1971 178 58 Labour Force Participation Rates of Married Women by Selected Age Groups, and the Number of Chil= • LIST OF TABELS - concluded

Table Page

. dren Under 15(14) Years Old, 1961 and 1971 (Per Cent) 183 59 Labour Force Participation Rates by Educational Attainment, Age, and Sex, 1971 184 60 Labour Force by Occupational Status, 193/1 - 1971 186 61 Percentage Distribution of the Labour Force by Industry, 1934 - 1971 ".. 187

CHAPTER VI

62 Projected Population Movement 199 63 Projected Population Composition.. 202 64 Projected Labour Force by Age and Sex 206 65 Projected Households 208

TABLES OF APPENDIX B

1 Legitimate and Illegitimate Fer= tility Rate, Illegitimacy Ratio and Proportion of Married Women 235 2 Austrian Life Table 1970/72 236-237 3 Percentage Distribution of Popula= tion by Age and Sex, I88O - 1975.. 238 4 Proportions of Marital Status by Age and Sex, I88O - I971 239 5 Private Households by Type, 1971-• 240 LIST OF FIGURES

Figure Page

1 The Population of Austria, 1527 - 1975 21 2 Average Annual Growth Rate, 1527 - 1975 22 3 The Natural Movement of the Pop = ulation Since 1880 30 4 Indices of Age Specific Fertil= ity Rates 40 5 Probabilities of Death, 1970/72 55 6 Deaths According to Selected Causes Since 1921 63 7 Per Cent of Death from Speci= fied Causes by Age and Sex, 1975 64 8 Age Structure, 1971 91 9 Comparision of the Age Pyramids 1910, 1934, 1951, 1971 93 10 Per Cent of Broad Age Groups, 1880 - 1971 95 11 Dependency Ratios, 1880 - 1971. 98 12 ' Educational Attainment by Age and Sex, 1971 i4l 13 Births and Deaths, 1971 - 2000. . 198 14 Dependency Ratios, 1971 - 2000. 201

CHAPTER I

POPULATION GROWTH

In the following chapter a description of pop= ulation growth and its splitting into the com= ponents of net migration and natural increase will be given. As the latter is represented as- the result of the movements of birth and mor= tality rates, the reassignment of net migration to the volume of immigration and emigration is very limited if not impossible due to the lack of adequate migration statistics. At the end of this chapter special consideration will be given to the influence of foreigners on the birth rates, which shows increasing importance in the last years. In Chapter II, the indivi= dual components of population growth will be considered separately and more thoroughly.

1 . POPULATION GROWTH SINCE THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY

The description given in the following is di= vided into periods, beginning with the six= teenth century and going through the years 1869, 1913, 1951 and ending with the year 1975. These figures can be based more on pragmatic considerations than on a homogeneous population growth within the individual periods. At the beginning of the. sixteenth century, a basic population estimate was conducted for the firs.t- time: in 175^ the first census took place.; .in Table 1 Population of Austria1', 1527 - 1975

Change over Index Average preceding annual Popula- number Year growth rate tion 1527=100 1869»loo (per thousand ) Number Per cent

1527 1,500.000 100 1618 1,900.000. 1)00.000 26,7 127 2,6 1700 2,100.000 200.000 10,5 ll)0 1,2 1T51* 2,728.000 628.OOO 29,9 182 >),9 1780 2,970.000 21)2.000 8,9 198 3,3 1790 3,01)6.000 76.000 2,6 203 2,5 1800 . 3,061).000 18.000 0,6 201) 0,6 1816 3,060.000 - U.000 - 0,1 20U - 0,1 1830 3,1)76.500 1) 16.5OO 13,6 232 9,2 181)0 3,61)9.700 173.200 5,0 2l)3 >),9 1850 3,879.700 230.000 6,3 259 6,1 1857 1),075.500 I95.8OO 5,0 272 7,1

1869 l),li98.9B5 1)23.1)85 10,1) 300 100 • 8,3 188O li,963. ll)2 1)61). 157 10,3 331 110. 9,0 • 1890 5,1)17.352 l)5l).210 9,2 361 120 8,8 1900 6,003.778 586.1)26 10,8 1)00 133 10,3

1910 6,61)8.310 61)1». 532 10,7 1)1)3 11)8 10,2 1923 6,53l*.Tli2 - 113.568 - 1,7 1)36 11)5 - 1,1* 1931) 6,760.233 225.I491 3,5 1)51 150 3,1 1951 6,933.905 173.672 2,6 1)62 151) 1,5 1961 7,073.807 139.902 2,0 1)72 157 2,0 1971 7,456.1)03 382.596 5,!< 1)97 166 5,2 1975 7,519.900 63.1)97 0,9 501 167 2,1

1) Today's territorial borders.

Source: 1527-1857:• Kurt Klein (1973}; 1869-1975= Austrian Central Statistical Office. Results of estimations, censuses and current calculations.

1869 the census took a more modern aspect, giving useful data in quality and quantity; 1913 was followed by a period of irregularity due to the two World Wars and the Economic De= pression; in 1951 the first census was taken following the Second World War, and the latest available data are given for 1975. A summary of the population growth is given in Table 1 and Figure 1. 21 Figure 1 The Population of Austria. 1527 - 1975

Million 8

— —'

1 1 I I I 1 I 1 1 I 1 1500 1560 1600 1650 1700 1750 1B00 1850 1900 1950 ?oon

1. 1. Beginning of the Sixteenth Century to the Middle of the Eighteenth Century

The earliest basic estimates of the population within the territory of today's republic was .undertaken by KLEIN (1973) and yielded some 1,5 million persons for-the year 1527. Up to the beginning of the Thirty Year War (I6l8), the population increased steadily to 1,9 mil= lion. Although Austria was much less affected by the wars in the following decade than other countries of the German Reich, it was never= theless subjected to a depreciation in the in= crease of the population due to epidemics (pest) and the Protestant expulsion during the Counter Reformation. Thus,the population growth re= raained relatively negligible until the turn of the century (in 1700: 2,1 million). After an= other period of epidemics and wars, the period 22 1684 - 1754 was again a phase of growth. The first completed census which was conducted during the reign of Maria Theresia in 1754 showed a population level of 2,7 million. This signified an increase of 0,6 million or approx= imately 30 per cent within half a century.

Figure 2

Average Annual Growth Rate, 1527 - 1975

Per thousand 12

-2 >- r 1500 1560 1600 1650 1700 1750 1800 1850 1900 1950 2000

1.2. 1754 - 1869

During this period, the purpose of a census was to.serve military aims and due to this limited scope, the census techniques were not fully developed. Between 1754 and 1869, the population in the territory of today's Austria grew from 2,7 million to 4,5 million. This growth came to a temporary halt during the years 1790 to I815 which were the years of the wars with France, the following economic depresssions and epi= demies and also the crisis years of 1846 to 23 9j the climax of which was reached in the Revolution of 1848.

The regional differences of this growth are notable : during the entire period, the Alpine " regions had the weakest population increase, whereas the population of the remaining agri= cultural regions had the strongest growth until I8l5, whereas the industrial developing.regions showed a more increasing growth afterwards. The existing differences in the population growth of Alpine and outer Alpine'regions1 are in close connection with the differentiating agricul= tural. system; in the outer Alpine regions di = vision of inheritances and intense cultivation was practised which led to an economic basis for a fast population growth. In the Alpine regions the heritage system was confined to a direct inheritance and less possibilities for intensive cultivation which led to a lower birth rate (owing to a high rate of single per= sons), and apart from that there was an in= crease of emigration (KLEIN 1971a: 48)..

1.3. 1869 up to World War I

In 1869 'the first census was taken, which as regards quality, would be accepted in the modern interpretation of this term. From then on the birth "and death rates for the present territory of Austria can be traced without a gap, and the population growth can be analysed in the two components natural movement of the population and migration. Between I869 and 1910 the population size in the area of today's 24 republic grew from 4,5 million to 6,65 million which equals an increase of 48 per cent. The average annual growth rate fluctuated between 3,8 and 10,3 per thousand. Thus, this period shows the strongest longer prevailing growth of the history of Austria's population, which indeed had already started in 1850. The increase of the population in the second half of the. 19th cen = tury v;as twice as high as in its first. Compared, to the European average (55 per cent), and the German Reichs rate of 68 per cent, Austria's growth of. 48 per cent "(1869 - 1910) was rather modest (WINKLER, 1931).

Table 2 Components of Population Growth in Austria ', 1869 - 1971

Change (in thousands) Percentage change Intereensal period Total Natural Net Total Natural Net increase increase migration increase increase migration

1869 - 1880 1.61», 1 223,5 2¡4O,6 10,3 5,0 5,3 1880 - 1890 1(51»,3 257,1 ' 197,2 9,2 5,2 l»,0 1890 - 1900 586,3 It 13.1 173,2 10,8 7,6 3,2 1900 - 1910 61. It,6 502,6 1¡i2,0 10,7 8,1» 2,3 1910 - 1923 - 113,6 - 128,6 15,0 - 1,7 - 1,9 0,2 1923 -19311 225,5 258,9 - 33,1» 3,5 h,0 - 0,5 1931» - 1951 173,7 •20,6 153,1 2,6 0,3 2,3 1951 - 1961 139,9 268,9 - 129,0 2,0 3,9 - 1,9 1961 - 1971 382,6 3l»o,8 ¡(1,8 5,1» •»,8 0,6

1869 - 1910 211.9,3 1396,3 753,0 1»7,8 31,0 16;8

1910 - 1951 285,6 150,9 131»,7 >>.3 2,3 2,0 1951 - 1971 522 j 5 609,7 - 87,2 7,5 8,8 - 1,3

l) Today's territorial borders.

Source: Austrian Central Statistical Office. Results of censuses and vital statistics.

Table 2 demonstrates the quantitative con= tribution of the influences of natural in= crease and net migration on the population de= 25 velopment. This shows that the growth from 1869 to 19IO was two thirds due to an excess of births over deaths, and for the considerable part of one third, it was due to a surplus of net migration. In this period the number of immigrants exceeded the number of emigrants by three quarters of a million, putting Austria into a position of being a distinct immi= gration country. The development within this period shows a reverse trend of natural in= crease and net migration. While the migration surplus was at its peak in the first decade and then continually decreased, the birth ex= cess showed a strong upward trend, i.e. not only in absolute numbers but also in relation to 'the population size. The growth of the birth excess reached its peak in 1901/05 with a value of 8,4 per thousand which was more than double that of I871/75. See Table 3.

This 'high natural growth is not the result of increased fertility - on the contrary, the birth rate decreased between 1871/75 and 1901/05 by 12 per cent - but of the rapid retrogression of mortality; the death rate shrank by 29 per cent which was much higher than that of the birth rate. In this period the birth and death rates had a growing gap between each otherwhich meant a rising rate of excess births (see Table 3 and Figure 1).

After 19-1/05 a downward trend of natural growth set in, the cause of which was an accelerated decline in fertility and a less diminishing rate of mortality. The birth rate sank by l8 per cent until 1911/13, v;hereas the death rate sank by only 14 per cent. 26

Table 3 Birth«, Deaths, and Natural Increase in Austria11 Since 1871/75 (Average Numbers and Rates per Thousand)

Rate of~ Natural Period' Births Birth Deaths Death natural' rate rate

18T1 - 1875 l6oljli7 3l4,5 it 1(208 31,0 16239 3,5 1876 - 1880 165180 3l(,0 139959 ' 2B,8 25221 5,2 1881 - 1885 166763 32,9 11(2868 28,1 23895 1(,8 1886 - 1890 169707 32,0 11(2187 26,8 27520 5,2 1891 - 1895 176328 31,7 11(1688 25,5 31(61(0 6,2 1896 - 1900 181(507 31,5 136523 23,3 U798l( 8,2 1901 - 1905 187071 30,3 135226 21,9 5181(5 8,1( 1906 - 1910 I8ol»l)6 27,8 13178!+ 2Q,3 1(8662 7,5 1911 - 1913 167608 2I4,9 126587 18,8 1(1021 6,1 1921 - 1925 11(5393 22,2 103377 . 15,8 1(2016 6,1( 1926 - 1930 117^05 17,7 96312 I1»,5 21093 3,2 1931 - 1935 9701(5 11(,1( 90936 13,5 6109 0,9 1936 - 1938 891(76 13,2 91289 13,5 - 1813 - 0,3 19^6 - 1950 1169 It 1 . 16,8 88655 12,7 28286 U, 1 1951 - 1955 10l*2Ul 15,0 81(930 12,2 19311 2,8 1956 - i960 120923 17,3 ' 87935 12,6 32988 U,7 1961 - 1965 132678 18,5 9Û292 12,6 1(238_6 5,9 196é - 1970 123155 16,8 96085 13,1 27070 3,7 1971 - 1975 1OO351! 13,14 95158 12,7 5196 0,7

1) Today's territorial borders.

Source: Austrian Central Statistical Office

7.4. World War I to 1951

The First World War caused a national ,catas= •trophe costing the lives of some 190.000 and bringing about an extremely high deficit of births with an annual average of 42.000 in the years 1915 to 1919. This was due to a high birth shortage following the abscence of the men who were in military service, and an in= creased mortality rate among the civilian population. Thus, in the census interval be= tween 1910 and 1923, Austria's population de= creased by 1,7 per cent (114.000 persons) 27 despite a slightly increased balance of mi= gration. The war and the following Revolution of 1918 (which led to the dissolution' of the Austrp-Hungarian Empire and the establishment of the s-uccessor states Austria, Hungary., Czechoslovakia and Yugoslavia) could only interrupt but not end the continuity of the natural movement of the population. However, a profound turning point of the population his= tory was brought about by a reduction of the ; traditional immigration flow into the area of the new republic. In spite of a strong post-war influx of refugees, only a low net immigration of 15.OOO persons, d.ue to an almost as strong emigration, was noted from 1910 to 1923. After 1923 until pre-World War II, Austria even suf= fered a negative net migration.

As already mentioned, the trend of natural move= ment continued during the years between the warsj an increase which had already been.indi= cated before World War I: the birth rate sank' heavier than the death rate thus bringing about a decline in the excess of births over deaths. This development led to an excess of deaths over births in the years of the Economic Depression " 1935 to 1938 (annual average 2.300 or 0,3 per thousand).

The comparison of the censuses in 1923 and 1934 shows a low net out-migration (0,5 per cent)1. However, owing to the high excess of births in the beginning of this, period, the population nevertheless showed an increase of 3,5 per cent (see Table 2). 28 In World War II, Austria suffered a loss of about 247.000 war deaths and 24.000 civilian deaths giving a total of 271.000 which re= presented 4 per cent of the population in 1939. Apart from the year 1945, this war showed no birth loss but on the contrary could record a heavy increase in birth excesses due to the Nazi economic and demographic policy following Austria's annexation by the German Rerch. After the high excess of deaths over births in 1945, there followed a period of a "backlog demand" for births which brought about considerable natural increase.

Between 1934 and 1951 the post-war influx .of . refugees made the balance of migration sharply positive by 153.000 persons and within this period - including a slight excess of births over deaths (balance of the deficit of the thirties and of the surplus of the war and post-war years) - jointly produced a population growth of 2,6 per cent.

A general view characterizes the period between 1914 and 1951 as being strongly affected by military, economic and political crises, thereby causing demographical irregularities. However, despite this, the basic trends are unmistakeable. Firstly, the continuous and "quasi rural exodus" migration into Austria was cut off by World War I. Secondly, the so-called "double scissors movement" of demographic curves, gen= erally observed in north-west European areas, also appeared in Austria . In the first phase (in Austria, till 19OI/O5), the scissors open in the form of a growing gap between fertility 29 and mortality. In the second phase, the scissors- are closing - birth and death.rates reconverge - due to a strong decline of the birth rate with a relatively constant decline of the death rate (in Austria, this second phase may be ter= minated by 1938). This pattern of population development corresponds with, the pattern of economic development, i.e. from being an agri= cultural state to an industrial state, and is characterized by the term "demographic tran= sition".

7.5. 7957 to 1975

In the first decade of this period, relatively high excesses of births over deaths occurred which were halved in their effectiveness due to a significant net out-migrâtion (129.000 persons) which lowered population growth from 4 to 2 per cent. In the following census inter= val (1961 to 1971), even higher excesses of births appeared, which were accompanied by a positive balance of migration due to increas= ing employment of foreign workers, and gave a 5,4 per cent population growth.

The curve of the rate of natural increase which had an ascent of about'3 per thousand in the early fifties to more than 6 per thousand between 1961 and 1964 and which was followed by a descent to -0,3 per thousand in 1975, is the result of a considerable fluctuation in fertility. In comparison to this, the ,in= fluence of mortality fell back, whereby the death rate lowered the excess of births by a 30 slight increase since the first half of the fif = ties. This reversion of the trend of the death rate was mainly caused by a change in the age structure and not by a real increase in mor = tality.

Due to the high decline of births in the last years, 1975 was the first year since the end of the war which had a birth deficit, even if only neg= ligible (-2.3OO persons or -0,3 per thousand). This excess of deaths over births has occurred for the first time since the "medical revolution" of the nineteenth century in a period of ,rel= ative wealth and without signs of irregular military or political events.

The Natural Movement of Population Since 1880 Figure 3 Per thousand inhabitants A* ru 1 1 n-S ess of births o ver i eathB 1 1 \- *S 0 dea hso wb rttiB \ IB - Li\ ebir1hs - s f H[ w k ,- \ Deaths') 1 i ' '••• --V ••'" ! I s* V. .... — ...... \Jrriaf es Me

0 L 1880 85 90 95 1900 05 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 45 50 56 60 66 70 1975

*) Excluding military deaths

2. THE INFLUENCE OF FOREIGNERS. ON THE NATURAL MOVEMENT OF THE POPULATION IN RECENT TIMES

The growing number and importance of foreign employees made it necessary to take a quan= titative record of their influence on birth 31 development. Accordingly,- live births and deaths have been tabulated according to their nationality since 1970. As Table 4 shows, the birth excess of foreigners has multiplied since 1970 due to a doubled birth rate and an only slightly increased death rate.-

Table k Natural'Movement of Alien Population Since 1970

Nat ive Alien Residents Resi- dents

Year Live births Deaths Natural increase

Per Per Per Number Number. Number Number cent cent cent

1970 3.630 3,2 1 .445 1,5 2.185 16,2 11.297 1971 • U.U82 11,1 1.593 1,6 2.889 25,9 8.287 1972 5.3^9 5,1. 1.622 1,7 3.727 ^2,8 it.983

1973 6.910. •7 ,0 1.650 1,8 5.260 99,8 13 1971* 8.202 8,h 1.681 1,8 6.521 . - 3.^15

1975 7-920 8 1.661 1,7 6.259 . - 8.5^3

1) The percentages relate to the total of the natural movement of the alien and native population and there= fore represent the alien quota of live births, deaths and natural increase.

Source: Austrian Central Statistical Office

The fact that the excess of births over deaths was already quite substantial in 1970 lies in the favourable age structure of the foreign population. The census of 1971 showed that 45 per cent of the foreign resident population belonged to the age group of 15 to 35 which has 32 a high fertility and low mortality rate. Only 27 per cent of the total resident population belong to this' age group.

The fact of increasing excesses of births over deaths may be explained By changes within the age structure due to the rising immigration of foreign workers and their families from Yugoslavia and Turkey, who have an essentially more favourable age structure: 64 per cent of the Yugoslavian resident population belong to the age group 15 to under 35, while the share of the Federal Republic of Germany, which repre= sents a quarter of the foreigners resident, is equal to the share of the domestic population.

This favourable development of the surplus of births to aliens can partly compensate the re= verse trend of domestic births whose excess of births over deaths have acceleratingly decreas= ed and were at zero in 1973, and in 1974 turned into a birth deficit (see Table 4). Thus, the small excess of births over deaths of the total population in 1973 and 1974 was exclusively pro= duced by foreigners. However, in 1975 the highly increased birth deficit of the domestic popu= lation (-8.500' persons) could not be completely compensated by the foreigners. Due to the re= cession of the economy, many foreign workers returned to their homeland thereby reducing - when only slightly - the number of births of the foreigners. However, the quota of foreign births on the t'otal of live births did not change. 33 In conclusion, it should be pointed out that the phenomenon of the. strong influence of for= eigners on the natural movement of the popula= tion is in no way new to Austria. For example, the foreigners who lived in Austria immediately after the Second World War (especially refugees from the east European states and the so-called "displaced persons"), helped to create almost half of the total natural increase in the year 1946, i.e. 13,5 per cent of the live births (HELCZMANOVSZKI, 1975a). CHAPTER II

COMPONENTS OF POPULATION GROWTH

The following presentation of the components of population growth,fertility, mortality and international migration in the territory of the present republic is confined to the last hundred years as official statistics containing sufficient data are only available for this period. The consideration was applied during the time of increasing industrialization in the last quarter of the past century in which birth rates sank with less rapidity than death rates. However, besides the resulting natural increase of the population, a significant gain on the positive net migration was noted. At the end of the period under consideration, Austria's pop= ulation development was determined almost wholly on the natural movement of the popu= lation, and particularly on the development of births. This occurred after a stabilization of mortality on a lower level, and the emergence of an almost balanced net migration. 35 1. FERTILITY

1.1. Number of Births and Birth Rate

In the last decades of the past century, the number of births in Austria steadily increased. However, at the turn of the century a reverse trend came into effect: after a maximum of al= most 192.000 live births in 1902 within the territory of the present republic, the number of births decreased rapidly and steadily until 1937j being only interrupted by the birth shortages during World War I. 1937 represented t'-he lowest level of recorded population de = velepment in Austria within the last hundred years with 86.000•births, whereby the number of births were less than half the average of the years 19O1/O51.

Contrary to the number of births, the birth rate (number of live births per 1.000 population) had already decreased since the seventies of the past century.. Thus, the growth of the number of births in the last quarter.of the nineteenth century was only the result'of a population growth and not' of a development in fertility. This was determined by a decline in mortality and the significant migration surplus of that time in the territory of the present republic. In 1903» the birth rate sank for the first time below the 30 per thousand limit; after 1906/10 it declined rapidly and in 1937 it reached a minimum of 12,8 per thousand. Thus, between 36 1901/05 and 1937, the birth-rate sank by 58 per cent and the number of births by 5^ per cent, whereby the difference•of the rates of decline indicated an increase in the population of almost 10 per cent.

The low number of births due to the Economic Depression of the thirties was increased in a baby boom after Austria's annexation by the German Reich in 1938. This baby boom was follow= ed by a birth shortage in 19^5; thus, the birth shortage of World War II was relatively negli= gible in comparison to the years during: • World War I. After a "catching up".period for a higher number of births which was substan= tially carried out by 19^9, the first half of the fifties brought a low level of fertility with somewhat over 100.000 births per year and a birth rate of approximately 15 live births per thousand inhabitants.

From 1955 onwards, there was a relatively strong increase in the number of births till in 1963 it again reached a climax of 135-000 which neared the results of the middle of the twenties, and appeared to conclude the his= torical trend of the secular birth rate decline. A similar birth wave occurred in many other developed countries at the end of the fifties . and beginning of the sixties.

However, since 1964 we observe a continuous decline in the number of births and since 1969 a more intense increase of the same, which in I975 led to the lowest number of births (9^.000) since the Second World War (lower numbers were only reached in the period between 1934 and 1937). 37 The change of the birth rate follows a similar pattern to the number of births (see Table 5). Between 195^ and 1963 the birth rate.rose from 15,0 to 18,8, whereby this growth, owing to a 3 per cent population growth, only amounted to two thirds of the rise in the number of births. Following this, the birth rate sank again, this time somewhat stronger than the number of. births; 1975 with 12,5 per thousand it even fell under the exceedingly low level of 1937- Thus, between 1963 and 1975, the birth rate has de= creased by exactly one third.

Internationally, Austria is considered as being among the countries with the lowest birth rates. In 1974 Austria's birth rate (12,9 per thousand) lay lower than in other countries with the ex= ception of the Federal Republic of Germany (10,1), the- German Democratic Republic (10,6), Luxembourg (11,5) and Belgium (12,6). Switzer= land showed the same position as Austria.

1.2. Fertility Rates - General, and according to Age and Marital Status of the Mother

The analysis of fertility behaviour can be fa= cilitated by calculating general fertility rates. The latter relates the yearly live births to the number of women in childbearing age and can to a great extent eliminate the changes of the sex ratio and female age structure. The changes in the fertility rate run to a great extent parallel with that of the birth rate (see Table 5). Between 1900 and 1937, the fertility 38 rate decreased by the same percentage as the birth rate, i.e. by approximately 60 per cent. This means that the proportion of women in childbearing age among the total population (here between 15 and U5) did not particularly vary between the years 1900 and 1937 (from 23 to 2k per cent). Thus, the birth decline of this period is wholly a result of a decline in fertility.

Table 5 Live Births, Birth Rate, Ceneral Fertility Rate, and Population Size in Austria1' Since 1880

Live births Year Population (in thousands) Per 1000- Per 1000 women 15 to Number population Less than 1(5 years old2)

1871 it. 562 153.502 33,6 1880 165.1+66 33,5 142,1 1900 5.973 187.09!! 31,3 134,3 1910 6.6llt 176.588 26,7 111,1 1920 6.I455 1U6.6UU 22,7 85,6 1937 6.755 86.351 12,8 53,0 19117 6.971 128.953 18,5 1951 6.936 102.76U 14,8 67,5 19511 6.9!io 103.985 15,0 71,2 1957 6.966 118.712 17,0 82,0 1960 7.048 I25.9lt5 17,9 88,5 1961 7.087 131.563 18,6 ' 92,5 1962 7.130 133.253 18,7 ' 92,2 1963 7.172 13!).8O9 18,8 91,9 196U 7.215 133.8U1 18,5 90,6 1965 7.255 129.92I1 17,9 88,2 1966 7.290 128.577 17,6 88,0 1967 7.323 127.l|0lt 17,It 88,0 1968 7.360 126.115 17,2 87,9 1969 7.393 121.377 16,5 85,2 1970 7.426 112.301 15,2 79,2 1971 7.h 56 IO8.5IO lit,6 76,4 1972 7-1+95 104.033 13,9 73,0 1973 7.525 98.01)1 13,0 66,7 197 it 7-533 97. U30 12,9 65,8 1975 7.520 93.757 12,5 63,1

1) Today's territorial borders.

2) General fertility rate-

Source: Austrian Central Statistical Office 39 In 1951, the fertility rate (67,5) improved its position on the low level of 1937 (53,0) whereas the birth rate rose by only 2 per cent (1951: 14,8, 1937: 12,8). This was due to the fact that the share of potential mothers in the total population had decreased to 22 per cent (1951). The following year-s of the baby boom also showed a strong increase in the fertility rate until 1961» and between 1961 and 1963 it reached a peak of some 92 per thousand. Subsequently, the birth rate declined by a low percentage till 1968 (87,9), after which it then showed a stronger decrease resulting in a rate of 63,1 in 1975, which lies between the low level attained in 1951 and the earlier absolute minimum of 1937»

In a comparison of the growth of the birth and general fertility rate, the latter shows a higher increase between 1951 and 1963 (36 per cent as against 27 per cent), which stems from the lower proportion of potential mothers (22 per cent to 20 per cent). This implies that the rise of births would have been much stronger had the quota of women exposed to the risk of fertility remained on the same level as 1951. The subsequent birth rate decline was also re= garded as a decline in fertility. Between 1963 and 1975, the drop of the fertility rate by 31 per cent was only insignificantly lower than that of the birth rate as the proportion of 15 to less than 45 year old women was somewhat more reduced. However, changes in t'ro general fertility rate do not necessarily relate to changes of fertility behaviour'but could be caused by a change in the age structure between 40 women in their main childbearing years and age 1 ) groups with a lower fertility . In fact such changes have occurred, e.g. the decrease in the percentage of women aged between 25 and 30 in the years 1951 to 1963 went from 19,3 to 13,3 per cent. Thus, it is recommendable to take age-specific fertility rates into account which eliminate the influence of differences in population size between the individual age groups. Table 6 and Figure 4 show an initial increase of age-specific fertility rates with a subsequent decrease in all age groups (1951 to 1975)- The decline occurred earlier in higher age groups than among the under 25 year olds whose rates rose until 1968 (HELCZMANOVSZKI, 1974a).

Figure 4 Indices of Age Specific Fertility Rates1 ' (1951 - 100) Age group ( from. . . to less than „Years)

••.15-20

«•^232!^

25-30

v 40-45

40 I 1 i 1 1—|—; i—i i I 1 1 i—i—I—n 1 : 1 1 1 1—i—r 1951 1955 I960 1965 1970 1975

^ Live births of mothers of specified age groups per thousand women of the same age groups.

1) Eventually, more children were' torn by the 20 to less than 30 year old women than by the remaining women in the reproductive age ( 1 5 to under 20, 30 to under 1+5). 41 Generally, there appeared to be a-distinct connection between the extent of changes in fertility and age: the higher the age group, the lower 'the relative increase of fertility rates in the period of birth growth and the

Table 6 General and Age Specific Fertility Rates

A/;e specific fertility rates'

General fertility rate 15 to 20 to 25 to 30 to 35 to ¡40 tO ess than less than less than less than less chaii less than 23 25 30 35 lio

1937 53,0 13,3 67,3 87,5 7I1,0 '•7,5 19,3 1951 67,5 33,9 11I4,2 112,0 83,7 lili ,6 15,9 1952 68,9 3U.U 118,3 115,8 8it,6 lil». i 15,5 1953 69,9 33,5 r23,'i 118.it 83,7 Us,6 15,1

1951» 71,2 31,3 121),9 120,2 814,1 Jilj ,!• 15,5 1955 TM 30,7 131,3 128,7 89,5 l>9,9 15,3 1956 79,6 32,1 11)2,6 139,2 95,6 55,2 15,9 1957 82,0 35,3 iii6,i) 1*15,7 96,It 56,7 15,5 1958 83,3 ' 1*0,9 150,0 1l45,9 97,0 - 5M lli.li 1959 86,9 Ii6,8 15i4.lt 150,8 97,7 5li,l4 15,6 i960 88,5 lit,8 171,0 11.7,8 9^,7 53,1 17,6

1961 92,5 52,1 167,8 ¡62,3 102,9 51« ,1 19,'• 1962 92,2 53,7 l6l4,l| i6it,a 10I4,1| 53,2 18,7 1963 91,9 55,1 i61i,2 165,5 106,3 52,8 17,2 ig6U 90,6 5><,9 161,9 162,2 10lt,lt 52,0 17,2

1965 88,2 56,6 158,6 15"),5 100,0 50,3 15,5 1966 88,0 63,9 160,1 Ilt6,6 97,0 It8,8 Il4.fi 1967 88,0 61i,3 I6lt,6 ilii.O 9'i,3 ''7,0 13,5 1968 87,9 ' 65,2 169,0 132,9 91,2> 145,8 12,7 1969 85,2 6k, 7 167,3 123,3 86,2 1,1. ,7 11,9 1970 79,2 61,2 158,7 111,It 77,9 Uo,'l 11,!t 1971 76,1» 58,9 156,6 105,6 71,9 39,8 11,7 1972 73,0 58,2 151,0 1Olt,o 61t,l) 36,8 11,1 1973 66,7 5>',2 132,8 97,8 58,3 33,2 9,8 1971» 65,8 52,6 133,9 ' 100,1 5'., 5 31,'i 9,6 1975 63,1 ''7,9 130,7 100,2 51,9 28,5 8,3

Live births per 1.000 «omen 15 to less than U5 years old. Live births or mothers of the specified a^e ftroup per 1.000 woi.-.en of the age group. '

Source: Austrian Central Statistical Office 42 higher the relative decrease of fertility rates in the period of decline. Consequently, the per= centage of hig\er age groups on the total briths was reduced, i.e. a tendency towards "younger mothers". This trend is also valid in long term consideration: thus, fertility of the young ma= ternal ages (under 25) is presently higher than at the turning of the century due to the lower age at marriage and the high percentage of mar= ried women (GISSER, 1975: 21).

An age-standardized measure of fertility rep= resents the total fertility rate which eliminates all effects of changes in the age composition on fertility 1). It can also be interpreted as the total number of births per woman which a hypothetical cohort of women would bear, if they reproduce according to a given set of age-specific fertility rates of one calendar year throughout the reproductive years (and under the assumption of survival up to the cessation of the reproduction period). In I95I, the total fertility rate was 2,0 live births; I963: 2,8 and 1975: 1,8 (see Table 7). The direction and extent of these changes sub= stantially correspond to those of the general, fertility rates. Therefore^ the effects of the changing age composition on the total fertil= ity were mutually compensated.

The secular fertility decline included both legitimate and illegitimate births. The legitimate fertility rate has decreased to a value of one third of its original peak since the turn of

1 ) Calculated as the sum of the age-specific fertility rates of the single age years. 43 Table 7 Total Fertility Rate, 1900, 1937, 1951 - 197511

1900 U,1 1958 2,5 1967 2,6 1937 1,5 1959 2,6 1968 2,6 1951 2,0 1960 2,6 1969 2,5 1952 2,1 1961 2,8 1970 2,3 1953 2,1 1962 2,8 1971 2,1 195^ 2,1 1963 2,8 1972 2,1 1955 2,2 1961+ 2,8 1973 1,9 1956 2,U 1965 2,7 19lh 1,9 1957 2,5 1966 2,7 1975 1,8

1) Today's territorial borders with the exception of 1900: then "Alpine provinces".

Source: Austrian Central Statistical Office the century However, the percentage of married women in the childbearing population rose from 42 in 1900 to 61 in 1975! The illegitimate fertility rate which was still very high at the turn of the century, has since sank to some 40 ' per cent of the value of 1900. In the last fifties and sixties it has remained remarkably constant (see Table 1 in Appendix B).'This leads to the observation that the growth and the de= cline of births during the post-war period were in effect the result of changes in the fertility of married women and not of unmarried women. From the respective illegitimacy ratio and total fertility rate, it can be assumed that in 1900 an average per woman of 3,2 children were le= gitimately born and 0,9 illegitimately, as against 44 the data of 1911, where 1,91 were legitimately born and 0,29 illegitimately (GISSER, 1975: 21, 22).

1.3. Effects of Fertility Development on Reproduction

In the last decades, the question has been fre= quently raised in Austria, if and to what ex= tent the fertility level is sufficient in order to ensure a stability of the population size. A reply for this can be found in the gross and net reproduction rates (GRR and NRR ) whose development is shown in Table 8. In the thirties, the level of reproduction was tempo= rarily in a state which over an extended period would only have led to a 72 per cent replace= ment of the mother generation. In 19515 the reproduction level again reached a minimum which would have led to a decrease of 9 per cent. The net reproduction rate then rose to 1,3 in 1961 and remained at this position until 1964, after which it sank again and in 1973 fell once again under 1,0, so that in 1975 repro= auction was found to be 13 per cent below the level necessary for the replacement of the mother generation.

1) The GRR is the number of female children which a female just horn may expect-to bear .during her repro= ductive liie, calculated from the age-specific fertility- rates of the given calendar year if the possibility of death before the end of the reproductive period is ignored; the ÎIRR takes into account this possibility of death according to the mortality of the given period and tells us the ratio of numbers in successive female generations. 45 Tatle 8 Reproduction Rates in Austria1) 1900, 1937, 1951 - 1975

Gross Net Year (GRR) (NRR)

1900 2,010 1,360 1937 0,750 0,720 • 1951 0,981 0,907 1952 0,998 0,922 1953 ^.,0^k ' . 0,937 ' 195^ 1,025 0,9^7 1955 1 ,.O8O 0,997^ 1956 1,170 1,081 1957 1,200 1,109 '1958 1,228 1,135 • 1959 1,258 1,163 i960 1,285 1,187 1961 1,35^ 1,300 1962 1,361 1,306 • 1963 1,375 1,320 196I+ 1,352 1,296 . 1965 1,306 1,21*3 • 1966 • 1,297 1,21J3 • 1967 1,273 1 ,220 1968 1,253 1,201 1969 1,218 1,167 ' 1970 1,120 1.07U 1971 1,088 1,073 1972 1 ,oU6 1,003 19T3 0,9^3 0,916 197^ 0,93*+ 0,907 1975 0,896 0,870

Today's territorial' "borders.

Source: Austrian Central Statistical Office

1.4. Contribution of the Sex Ratio

The numerical relation between the sexes- can influence the chance of finding a partner for marriage, and thus the development of fertil= ity. In Austria the question is particularly 46 to be raised as to how the disturbance in the sex ratio (1951: 866 male per 1000 female persons) caused by war losses (430.000 - 440.000 war deaths in both World Wars) effected the development of fertility.. It can be seen that the effect could only have been tran= sitory* The birth cohorts 1915 to 1920 which were 30 to 34 years old in 1951 had a sex ratio of 745 men per 1.000 women in the latter year. However, an irregularity of this kind can in its effect on the number of births be tempo= rarily compensated by other influences, e.g. a backlog demand. In the last years, fertility development is totally unaffected' by the war combatant generations as they have since reached their 45th year. A demographically caused diffi= . culty in finding a marriage partner of reproduc= tive age - despite a continuous surplus of women in Austria (see Chapter III.l) -does not exist- as the sex ratio of 15 to 45 year olds have been stabilized, e.g. in 1971, there were 1.013 men per 1.000 women in the age group 20 to undergo, whereas in 196I there were only 941 men and in 1951 only 820 men.

1.5. Legitimate Births by Parity

A breakdown of legitimate births by parity between 1951 and 1975 shows that the growth of the birth rate from 1954 to 1963 was exceedingly affected by an increase in the number of children of higher birth order and much less affected by first-born children. The subsequent birth decline again affected the number of children of higher birth order more than first-born children (Table 9). 47 Table 9- Percentage Distribution of Legitimate Births (Live Births and Stillbirths) by Birth Order

Order of birth 1951 1963 1975

First child 39,9 3^,5 39,9 Second child 29,5 29,2 • 33,2 Third child 1U,3 16,9 Fourth and higher 16,3 19,^ 12,8

Total, per cent 100,0 100,0 100,0 Total, number 86.176 120.709 8I.7U1

Source: Austrian Central Statistical Office

Between 1951 and 1963, the number of first -briths increased by 21 per cent, of second births by 39 per cent, of third births by 65 per cent and of fourth and further births by'67 per cent, while between 1963 and 1975 the corresponding decreases amounted to 21, 23, 4 3 and 56 per cent.

1.6. Fertility Comparisons between Urban and Rural Areas

Fertility varies greatly between urban and rural areas as shown by the general fertility rates in Table 10. With the increasing size of the community or city, the fertility rates constantly decrease. 48 Table 10 Urban - Rural Variations in General Fertility Rate

General fertility rate 1) Typ of community 1951 1961 1971

2) Rural 73,7 96,6 72,9 3) Urban U8,6 65,7 55,3 h) Vienna 26,7 . i+7,0 ^5,5 Austria 55,6 76,2 61,5

1) Live births per 1.000 women 11+ to k-9 years old. 2) Communities up to 5*000 inhabitants. 3) Communities with 5.001 to 250.000 inhabitants. k) 1,6 million inhabitants. Source: Austrian Central Statistical Office

The differentiation of development in the last two decades shows a tendency towards a reduc= tion of fertility differences between large and small communities. This occurs mainly due to an increase in the fertility level of Vienna which showed a trend approaching the level of the remaining urban communities of Austria. Between 1951 and 1971, fertility, in rural areas, decreased, and increased in urban and large city areas. This means that the decline in the number of births in rural communities is not only due to the emigration of the population and the consequent changes of age structure, but also to a différent fertility behaviour of the inhabitants (HELCZMANOVSZKI, 1974b). 49 1.7. Socio-Economie Differences in Fertility

The rapid industrialization of Austria in this century and the resulting decline of agricul= tural employment from 42,6 per cent in 1923 to 14,7 per cent of the total labour force in 1971, as well as the increase of the service sector, produced significant changes in fertil= ity, as fertility was traditionally higher among the agricultural population than among other occupational groups. However, not only the regrouping of female occupation between economic sectors and the general regrouping of socio-economic groups is informative for fer= tility research, but the comparison of active and inactive economic status is also revealing. The secular birth decrease of this century is in theoretical discussions often related to the increase of that kind of female employment which results in a spatial separation of household and place of employment. On the other hand, the existence and direction of such a consequence is questioned.

.1 Starting from a simple socio-economic breakdown in groups of blue collar workers, white collar workers, non-agricultural and agricultural self-employed or employers, and considering the occupational position of the head of the household ás an indicator of the social status of the family, the data of 1971 containing the average number of children ever born of married women in the age group 35 to under 55 (Table 11) witness, significant differences in fertility in this respect: as expected, farmers wives of whom almost all are occupied, have the largest number 50 of children; thus, they have an average of 3,5 live births up until their 45th year of age. They are followed by the group of blue collar workers (approximately 2,5), the non-agricul= tural self-employed or employers (2,1) and the white collar workers who have the lowest fertile ity with l',8 live births.

Completed Fertility of Currently Married Women by Socio-Economic Group, and by Labour Force Status (Microcensus June 1971)

Average number of children ever born per married woman Socio-economic ßroup Age of woman (head of household) (from ... to less Labour force status of woman than ..- years) Hot in labour force

Farmer (incl. 35 - 1*5 3,1*2 x" 3,1*2 family worker) 1*5 - 55 3,1*5 x" 3,1*5 Self-employed and 2,27 2,62 2,1*2 employer, non-farm 35 - 1*5 1,91* 2,30 (incl. family worker) 1(5 - 55 2,09

35 - 1*5 1,1*1 2,31 1,98 White collar worker 1*5 - 55 1,39 2,08 1-.83 35 - 1(5 2,16 2,92 2,61 Blue collar worker 1*5-55 2,11 2,73 2,1*6 35 - 1*5 1,90 2,62 2,32 Non-farm, total 1*5 - 55 1,80 2,35 2,12 35 - 1*5 2,29 2,62 2,1*6 Total 1*5 - 55 2,27 2,35 2,31

1) Farmers'wives always were classified as being in labour force.

Source: Austrian Central Statistical Office

The differentiations of non-agricultural groups according to female economic activity or non-activity show a substantially lower fertility of economically active women which is'extremely significant among white collar worker families. This is 51 followed by families of blue collar workers .and families of self-employed or employers who show the least differences. This empirical . result can be interpreted by the pattern of the rational limitation of the .number of children, in favour of a continuous economic activity or an easier return of the woman into the labour force. On the. contrary, a high level of fertil= ity due to the lack of birth control can hamper the economic activity of the woman. The dif= ferentiations according to female employment are weakest in the group of self-employed and employers, as the women in this group are more flexible to participate in employment.

The income of the head of the household seems to be of less importance than the above mentioned factors, as a varying direction and strength of influence is shown according to the socio-economic status of the male and the economic activity status of the woman. Gen= erally, income does not effect a very strong differentiation in fertility. '

The proportion of economically active married women of childbearing ages has noticeably remained constant between the last two censuses of 1961 and 1971 (in comparison to the Federal Republic of Germany where employment increased in all age groups with the exception of,15 to 19 year olds) Further differentiations, between women with and without children in the household interestingly show that the labour force participation rates of childless married women of childbearing ages have increased consider= ably, while the respective women with one or 52 more children had negligible lower rates (further details on this issue can be found in Chapter V.I, especially in Table 57 and 58).

2. MORTALITY

The development of mortality - understood here as the development of statistical life expect= ation which is independent of the age structure of the population - follows the worldwide phenomenon of decreasing secular trends in the last hundred years which is due to economic, social and medical progress. Generally, it is to be recognized by a strong decline up to the middle of the twentieth century, followed by a more negligible decline which increasingly slowed and which at the moment appears to be at a standstill. However, the death rate which is also dependent on age and sex structure, and the number of deaths which is additionally dependent on the size of the population, made a less constant progress in comparison to the above mentioned mortality.

2.1. Number of Deaths and Death Rate

Up until the thirties of this century, the death rate experienced an accelerated decline followed by a slowed downward trend till the early fifties, and within the last twenty years it has experienced a slight increase. Due to the long term population growth in Austria, the decline of the death rate resulted in a weaker decrease in the number of deaths. In a five 53 year average 1871/75, the number of deaths lay at 144.000, the death rate at 31,0 .per thousand (see Table 3). In the following thirty years, the death rate decreased by 29 per cent to 21,9 (I9OI/O5). However, the number of deaths following the strong growth of the population during this period decreased by a mere 6 per cent to I35.OOO.'In 1910, the death rate sank for the first time below the twenty per thousand limit and further diminished bo 13,5 in 1931/35 and 1936/38. Thus, the death rate sank by 38 per cent in a thirty year period between, 1901/05 and 1931/35; the number of deaths also decreased following a diminished population growth ,still by 33 per cent. In the first half of the fifties, the number of deaths and the death rate resulted in the lowest recorded level of 85.OOO, i.e. 12,2 per thousand (1951/ 55)- Since then the death rate (and also the number of deaths) has increased somewhat: to • an average of 12,6 in the following ten years and to 13,1 in the years 1966/70, the latter partly according to the fact that the years- 1969 and 1970 were strongly affected by flu epidemics during which the death rate climbed to 13j4. In the last five years it sank again to an average of 12,7 with a minimal value of 12,3 in 1973. (See table 12).

2.2. Age and Sex Specific Mortality

A consideration of age-specific death rates in five year age groups (see Table 13) shows the well - known picture of a U-shaped dis= tribution; the curve of the probability of 54 Table 12 Deaths, Death Rate, and Infant Death Rate in Austria1) Since 1871

2) Infant death Year Deaths Death rate rate 3)

1871 135.81+7 29,8 289,6 1880 135.76U 27,5 252,0 1900 138.509 23,2 22l+,5 1910 127,21*3 19,2 181+,O 1920 122.775 19,0 156,8 1937 90.035 13,3 91,9 19^7 90.027 12,9 78,3 1951 88.253 12,7 61,3 I95I+ 8U.632 12,2 1+8,3 •1957 89.298 12,8 1+1*,2 I960 89.603 12,7 37,5 1961 85.673 T2.1 32,7 1962 90.851* 12,7 32,8 1963 91.579 12,8 • 31,3 196U 89.081 12,3 29,2 1965 9U.273 t3,0 28,3 1966 91.1+1*0 12,5 28,1 1967 95.1+38 13,0 26,1+ 1968 96.01U 13,1 25,5 1969 98.715 13,1* 25, h 1970 98.819 13,1* 25,9 1971 97.33I+ 13,1 26,1 1972 95-323 • 12,7 25,2 1973 92.768 12,3 23,8 197U 9U.32U - 12,5 23,5 1975 96.01*1 12,8 20,5

1) Today's territorial borders. 2) Deaths per 1.000 population. 3) Deaths under 1'year old per 1.000 live births.

Source: Austrian Central Statistical Office

death according to single age years (Figure 5 with Table 2 in Appendix B) shows the following specifications: a relatively high infant mortality and a mortality minimum of both sexes 55 at the age of eleven is followed by an increase to an intermediate maximum at the end of the teenage years (for males at the age of 20 and for females at the age of 16 to 19). Only after a second minimum (27 to 28 year old men, 20 year old women) does a continuous increase of mortality occur.

Figura 6 Probability of Daath. 1970/72

Probability of death ( logarithmic scale) 0,5

0,1 0,1

0,05 0.06

0,01 0.01

0.005 0.005

0.001 0.001

0,0006 0,0006

0,0002 0.0002 70 75 80 86 90 96 100 Exact age

Since I87O, the decrease in mortality has extended to all age- groups but not to the same extent. The decline of infant and child mor= tality was of great, significance both due to.the- over-proportional reduction in these stages of life and the quantitative results: in 1900, Hi per cent of all deaths were under 10 years of age-(30 per cent were infants) ; this figure decreased to 2,6 per cent (2,0 per cent) in 1975.

1) Austria within its present boundaries excluding Burgenland. 56

Age and Sex Specific Death Rates

Deaths per 1000 population Age group (from ... to less 1950/52 1960/62 1970/72 than ... years) Male Female Male Female Male Female

0-1 68,7 52,7 38,1» 29,9 29,2 22,1 1-5 2,6 2,3 1,5 1,2 1,0 0,8 5-10 0,9 0,7 0,6 0,1. 0,6 0,3 10-15 0,8 0,5 0.5 0,3 0,6' 0,3 15-20 1,6 0,9 1.3 0,5 1,6 0,6 20-25 2,2 ',3 1,9 0,6 2,0 0,6 25-30 2,1 I.1* 2,0 0,8 1.9 0,7 30-35 2,14 1.8 2,1 1,1 2,0 0,9 35-ko " ' 3,1 2,2 2,7 1,6 3,1 1,3 U0-115 "<.3 3,2 3,8 2,5 l»,li 2,1 U5-50 7,2 >>,7 5,6 3,5 6,3 3,'t 50-55 12,2 7,0 10,0 5,1» 9,9 5,1 55-60 18,3 10,1 1T.U 8,3 15,1. 7,5 60-65 27,6 16,6 28,5 13;6 26,6 12,7 65-T0 1(2,6 . 28,6 t2,9 22,8 1.11,0 22,2 To-75 66,7 1.9,6 65,8 1»1,6 69,0 i»o,i» 75-80 103, U .86,1» 100,3 7k,0 10'» ,7 70,9 80 and over 192,1 173,1 187,1 157,2 192,8 157,5

1) Deaths under 1 year old are related to 1.000 live "births.

Source: Austrian Central Statistical Office

Within the last hundred years, infant mortality has dropped to less than a tenth of its original position (Table 12). Between 1871 and I875 an average of 287 infants per 1.000 live births -died before completion of their first year. In 1975-, there were only 21 deaths. However, the reduction has increasingly weakened since 1950. Whereas the infant death rate dropped by 44 per cent (male) and by 43 per cent (female) between 1950/52 and 1960/62-, the decrease caine to only 24 per cent and 26 per cent, respectively, in the following decade. This was mainly due to a stagnation between 57 1968 •and 1971. In the last years the decline has become somewhat stronger, especially • between 197^ and 1975-

Apart from the mortality of infants, the mor= tality of the following age groups also declined by a strong proportion: the probabil= ity of death of 10 year old boys fell from 7,25 per thousand to 0,^9 per. thousand, i.e. by 93 per cent between 1865/75 and 1970/72. Also, during the same period, the reduction of mor= tality of 20 year old women was still con= siderable, whereas *the reduction of the males was somewhat weaker. The decline of mortality in older age groups was the most negligible. This tendency can also be recognized in the past twenty years (see Table 14).

Table 1>< Percentage Change of Age and Sex Specific Death Rates, and Ratio of Male to Female Mortality by Age

Percentage change of death rates Ratio of male to Aße group female mortality Í from ... to less 1950/52 - 1960/62 1960/62 - 1970/72 (female death than ... years) rates = 100) Male Female Male Female 1970/72

0-1 - lilt - 1(3 - 2lt - 26 132 1-5 - U3 - tí - 33 - 31 119 5-10 . - 33 - 39 . - 3 - 23 176 10-15 - 37 - 1.0 + 10 0 183 15-20 - 16 - 1»2 + 21 + 19 265 20-25 - 114 - 55 + 1) - 3 3i-7 25-30 - 7 - 1*3 - 5 - 19 286 30-35 - 11 . - 37 - 5 - 23 232 35-to - Hi - 29 + 16 - 15 235 I1O-I15 - 12 - 23 + 17 - 15 211 I45-50 - 22 - 25 + 12 - 3 185 50-55 - 18 - 22 - 1 - 7 196 55-60 - 5 - 18 - 11 - 9 205 60-65 + 3 - 18 - ' 7 - 7 210 65-70 + 1 - 20 + 2 3 198 70-75 - 1 - Í6 + 5 - 3 171 75-80 - 3 -•- lli + It - It 11)8 80 and over - 3 - 9 + 3 0 123 Source: Austrian Central Statistical Office 58 The slight increase of the crude death rate since the second half of the fifties is bas= ically the result of a regrouping in the age structure, as most of the age-specific death rates have further decreased between 1950/52 and 1970/72 (see Table 13). This means that the increase in the crude death rate can be traced back to the effect of age structure i.e. the increasing number of old people who naturally have a higher probability of death. Thus, on the one hand, the proportion of 70 year olds and over on the total population grew from 6,4 per cent to 8,8 per. cent between 1951 and 1971 (aging of population); on the other hand the birth wave of 1958 - 1968 increased the crude death 'rate insomuch as the reduction of the infant death rate could not result in a decrease in the absolute number of dead infants to the same •extent.

In collaboration" with this momentum and some flu epidemics, a certain amount of consideration must be given to the increase of mortality in many age groups of the male sex between 1960/62 and 1970/72. Here there appears to be a reverse trend towards secular development; this can be enduced from a rise in the death rates of men aged 10 to under 25 years, 35 to under' 50 years, and 65 years and over. The fact that during this period the expectation of life of a newly born boy nevertheless rose by one year is basically due to a decrease in the mortality of infants and small children; the further life expectancy of a five year old boy was already reduced when only insignificantly. In contrast to this, the females experienced a higher decline of mor= 59 tality in almost all age groups although this was greatly weakened when compared with the fifties. In only one age category of the females - teenagers from 15 to under 20 - did mortality show an increase (Table. 14). In general the female expectation of life at birth rose by 1,7 years. An explanation of this phenomenon of retrogressive life expectancy which also exists in other economically well- developed countries, can among others be related to the statistics of causes of death. It can be proved that the increase of teenage mortality is wholly a result of a rise in fatal accidents due to the motoring craze. However-, in older age. groups other, as yet mainly unknown - factors, must be attributed to this increase.

The sex-specific differentiation of mortality was at its lowest level at the turn of the century. If one follows the life table of 1901/05 it can be seen that a newly born girl had a life .-expectation of only two years more than a newly born boy (41,1 against 39,1 years). After completion of the first year of life the average life expectation of males (49,8 years) even lay by a small margin over the female (49,6 year.s). The excess mortality of the male has contin= uously increased since the turn of the century and presently amounts to a little over 7 years. Notable are the age-specific differences of male excess mortality (see Table 14) which among infants presently totals 32 per cent, among 1 to 4 year olds a minimum of 19 per cent and among 20 to 24 year olds a maximum of 247 per cent which means that the probability of death for the 20 to 24 year old male is 60 nearly 3,5 times higher than'that of the -female. With increasing age diminishes the excess mor= tality of males but does not disappear complete=

2.3. The Development of Expectation of Life

The measurement of life expectation does not depend on the age structure of a population, and consequently life expectation serves as an age-standardized index for the mortality of a country. In collaboration with its suitability for international and inter-temporary comparison, it is distinguished with particular vividness- and can express the result of efforts in the combat against mortality in the number of gained years of ones life.

According to the life table of 1970/72, the life expectation of a male new-born amounted to 66,6 years and for a female to 73,7 years. Com= pared to the life table of 1865/75, the life expectancy of a male improved by 36 years and by hi for the female. This was in the first place due to a decline in the mortality of infants and children, and to a smaller extent to the decrease of mortality in the remaining age groups. Nowadays women aged 60 years can expect to live a further 19; a hundred years ago they could only expect a further 12; men of the same age can expect a further 15 years and according to the life table of 1865/75 only 12.

A hundred years ago 5 year old boys had a substantially higher further life expectation 61 Table 15 Expectation of Life in Austria1 ); 1865/75 and 1970/72

Expectation of life (in years)

Exact age Male Female Gain in 1970/72 3ain in 1865/75 , years 1865/75 Í 970/72 years

at "birth 30, It 66,6 36,2 33,1 73,7 1*0,6 1 1*0,7 67,6 26,9 1+2,1 7h,h 32,3 5 ^5,3 63,9 18,6 1+6,5 70,6 2l+,1 10 1+3,2 59,0 15,8 UU.3 65,7 21,U 20 ' 35,9 13,7 37,0 56,0 19,0 30 29,7 1*0,5 10,8 30,5 1*6,3 15,8 Uo 23,3 3-1, h 8,1 2l+,1 36,8 12,7 50 17,3 22,8 5,5 17,6 27,6 10,0 60 11,8 15,2 3,1* 11,7 19,1 7,1* 70 7,3 9,2 1,9 7,1 1.1,6 >+,5 80 >*,1 5,3 1,2 3,9 6,1 2,2

1) 1865/75: Cisleithanian part of the Austro-Hungarian Empire.. Source: Austrian Central Statistical Office

than all lower ages due to the high mortality of infants and children, i.e'. 45 years in com= parison to .the life expectancy of only 30 years for a male newborn. This means that during this period a 5 year old boy could expect to die at the age of 50, whereas a new-born could expect death at the age of 30. Similar can also be said of the female sex. Due to the strong .reduction of infant mortality, children today who have completed their still dangerous first year of life as well as children who have already 62 reached their fifth year of age can expect an average age at death of nearly 69 years for males and of somewhat above 75 years for females.

Since 1950, the increase of the life .expectation of both sexes has steadily slackened. Although the life expectancy of women of all age groups rose between 1959/61 and 1970/72, especially for new-borns, the expectancy of the males rose to aft appreciable extent only for newly •borns; in the remaining ages it stagnated:1 small increases can it only be attributed for almost half of the single age years, whereas a negilible decline can be recorded for the other half. Thus, in 1970/72 . the 65 and 70 year olds have a further life expectancy which is lowered approximately by three months in comparison to the life table of 1959/61.

2.4. Causes of Death

Cardiovascular diseases followed by cancer are for many decades the most frequent causes of death (see Figure 6). Within the last ten years the upward trend of deaths due to cardiovascular diseases has been continuing, whereas deaths from cancer have reached a period of stagnation; deaths due to accidents have increased during this period, especially deaths caused by motor vehicle accidents. On the other hand, the significance of the once dreaded tuberculosis disease has further strongly decreased. 63 Figure 6 Deaths According to Selected Causes Since 1921 Deaths per 100.000 population

400

Cardiovascular diseases( excluding cerebrovascular diseases

300

Malignant neoplasms

100 Tuberculosis

Accidents

1921 1925 1930 1935 1940 1945 1950 19S5 1960 1965 1970 1975

If one examines mortality in separate age groups, it can be seen that accidents and suicides are the most frequent causes of death for teenagers, especially for the male sex. In 1975 three quarters of all male deaths and half of all female deaths in the age of 15 to under 20 were due to accidents. 10 to 20 per cent of all male and female deaths in the age of 20 to under 40 were caused by suicide. Death by cancer is the greatest danger for women in the middle' ages: almost half of all female deaths in the age of 45 to under 55 is due to cancer, whereas death in older ages is more due to cardiovascular diseases. Among the male sex, death by cardio= vascular disease is more frequent than death . by cancer. This can already be said for men in their middle ages. The highest proportion of deaths by cardiovascular disease occurs among men in the 60 to 70 year old age group (ap= proximately30 per cent) (see Figure 7). 64

Figure 7

Per Cent of Death from Specified Causes by Age and Sex, 1975

Male Female

• i * 'i ' i ^ i ' r •" r ' T ' 7' • 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 85 a.o. 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 85 a.o.

Age groups from.. . to less than . . years

2.5. Socio-Economic Differences in Infant Mortality

The infant mortality rate is approximately 40 per cent higher for female blue collar workers than for white collar workers. This important socio-epidemiological fact can be obtained from a special analysis carried out in 1968 by • the Austrian Central Statistical Office (GISSER, 197^) • Children whose mothers were blue collar workers had an infant mortality of 29} 5 per thousand, whereas the respective rate for white collar workers amounted to only 20,7 per thousand (Table 16).

It could be presumed that these considerable class-specific differences are caused by the 65

Table 16 Socio-Economie Differentials in Infant Mortality, Illegitimacy Ratio, and Premature Births, 1968

Occupational status of mother

In labour force Not in Blue White labour Total collar collar Farm Total force worker worker 1)

Infant mortality rate 2) Unstandardized Total 29.5 20,7 25,7 25.1 26,0 25,5 Legitimate 28.6 19, It 25,It 23,9 25,0 2lt,lt Illegitimate 31,3 29,0 28,8 30,1t 52,3 33,5 3) Standardised I 26,0 19,8 '27,0 23,9 27,5 25,5 10 Standardized II 26,1t 19,8 26,9 23,9 28,9 25,5 Excess mortality of illegitimate births, in per cent 5) 9,lt It9,l) 13,It 27.2 109,2 37,3 Excess mortality of premature births °) Total 19,5 • 27.6 H>,7 20,3 18,1 19,0 Legitimate 18,6 28,6 '5,3 20,3 18,1 19,0 Illegitimate 21,T 22,0 10,9 20,3 13,7 18,7

Illegitimacy ratio 32,6 13,1 8,5 12,0 3,6 12,0 Premature ratio Total• 7,6 6,5 5,1* 6,6 5,'" 6,0 Legitimate 6,9 6,0 5,1 6,1 5,2 5,6 Illegitimate 9,0 9,2 8,U 9,0 9,7 9,1

1) Including a small number of self-employed, employers and family workers in non- farm occupations. 2) Deaths under 1 year old per 1.000 live births. 3) Computed under the assumption of the same premature ratio for all occupations. h) Computed under the assumption of both the same premature ratio and illegitimacy ratio for all occupations. 5) {(Illegitimate infant mortality rate/legitimate infant mortality rate) - 1 ) x 100. 6) Ratio of infant mortality rate of live births with a birth weight less than 2.50!.500 gragrm to infant mortality rate of live births with a birth veigth of 2.500 gram and more. 7) Illegitimate live births in per cent of total live "births. 8) Live births with a birth weight of less than 2.500 gram in per cent of total live births. Source: Austrian Central Statistical Qffice 66 illegitimacy ratio of the blue collar workers ' according to the well-known fact that the in= fant mortality is much higher among illegit= imately born children than among legitimately born. This hypothesis is however not definite, as among infants of the'same legitimacy a relation between the lower.class and higher mortality has also occurred although with no= table differential intensity: legitimate children born by blue collar females are liable to a 47 per cent higher death risk as those from white collar females, whereas the difference of ille= gitimate children is merely slight in comparison (8 per cent). This result brings us to the in= teresting point that the infant mortality of white collar females is strongly affected by legitimacy. This is not the case with blue collar females. The death rate of illegitimate children from white collar females is sub= stantially higher than that of legitimate children (by ca. 50 per cent); this excess mor= tality amounts among blue collar females to only' some 10 per cent. These results leadto the'inter= pretation that single mothers from working classes are not regarded as outsiders to the same extent as those from higher social classes. The stress and lack of welfare which a single mother normally experiences is thus lessened, which also partially prevents the negative effects, of these factors on an unborn fetus or even after the birth of a child. However, there is also an alternative argument which pertains to the already mentioned results, and that is

1) One third (!) of all children from female blue collar workers are illegitimately born as against one eight from female white collar workers. 67 that the blue collar females are already within close range of the possible superior limit of infant mortality in our society, and thus, fac= tors of added difficulty are of little effect in comparison to the white collar females who react much more sensibly in this respect.

The fact that the .high infant mortality of blue collar females is not just caused by the living conditions of the child after birth but is also caused during pregnancy is shown in the average lower weight of their newly born infants, whereby it is well known that a low weight at birth leads- 2) on average to a stronger risk of death ' Never= theless, the birth weight as well as the legiti= macy does not represent a decisive intervening variable because the infant mortality rate, standardized for birth weight and.legitimacy is still one third higher among the blue collar females, than among the white.

Apart from these two socio-economic categories of employed mothers,the over-averáge infant mortality rates of the agriculturally working women (25,7 per thousand) and the non-working women (26,0 per thousand) are also to be mentioned. Unfortunately it is not -possible to

2) It is interesting to note that the ratio of premature 'births(ratio of births weighing under 2500 grams) from blue collar females is only among legitimate births higher thai; those of the white collar females, but this is not the case with illegitimate births: here the ratio of premature births of the white collar females is a little higher. This result also leads to the interpre= tationof a stronger stigmatization of the single mother in the "middle classes" 3) Due to standardization, the influence of birth weight and legitimacy on infant mortality is eliminated. 68 subdivide the latter numerically strong category and classify it among social classes.

A simple explanation of these class-specific differences which can also be observed in other countries is virtually impossible. It appears that the total of differential conditions of living in the various social classes is re= .sponsible for this unexplained fact, which apart from materialistic factors such as income, working and living conditions,, nourishment etc., also includes subcultural behaviour, mentality and knowledge, whereby materialistic factors are to a certain extent also culturally formed.

2.6. Intereuropean Comparison of Mortality

2.6.1. General Comparison of Mortality

For the purpose of an international comparison of mortality, three measures can be quoted, each of which can characterize the mortality level of a country: the crude death rate, the age-standardized death rate and the expectation- of life at birth-.

A comparison of the crude death rates for 1971 would lead to the erroneous conclusion that Austria has a very high mortality (second highest for the women, third highest for the men amongst European countries; see Table 17). This result is however due to the-unfavourable age structure of Austria. As can be seen in 69 Chapter III. 2, Austria's population is pres = ently the second oldest in Europe. A comparison on the basis of the age-standardized death rate 1) gives a totally different picture . According to these rates, Austria lies in seventh (male, first quartile) and twelfth (female, near the median) position among 28 European countries (whereby male mortality in Austria is in a comparatively more unfavourable international position in comparison to women). Therefore, Austria remains a country with a higher mor= tality than her neighbours Federal Republic of Germany and especially Switzerland and Italy, but shows a lower mortality than her pther neighbours Czechoslovakia, Hungary and Yugoslavia. Portugal has the highest mortality rate in Europe, Sweden the lowest. Table 17 also shows the life expectancy at birth of most countries: boys born in Yugoslavia can expect to live 65,7 years, in Greece and Sweden 72,0 (Austria 66,6); girls born in Yugoslavia can expect to live 70,7 years, in Sweden 77,6 (Austria 73,7)- However, e.g. Portugal, the country which has certainly the lowest life expectancy in Europe, is not in= eluded in this list. (See table 17).

2.6.2. Comparison of Mortality according to Cause of Death

A comparison of selected causes of death was undertaken on the basis of the age-standardized •death rates. From Table 18 it is evident that Austria's rate of mortality from cardiovascular

1 ) Data sources of this comparison: World Health Statistics Annual 1971, Vol. 1, Geneva 1971*. 70

Table IT Intereuropean Comparison of Mortality, 1971 "

Hank Death rate (per Hank Life according according expectancy Country thousand population) to stand. to crude at birth death rate Standardized2'! Crude death rate (years ) Mai e 1 Portugal 13.6k 11,98 10 2 • Finland 13,1)3 11,09 15 . 3 Luxembourg 13,06 Ik,23 1 66,3 ]( Czechoslovakia 12,68 12,59 7 66,5 5 Hungary 12,38 12,81 5 66,1 6 Poland 12,36 9,5k 23 66,2 7 Austria 12,33 13,67 3 66,6 8 Scotland 12,18 12,60 6 67,6 9 Yugoslavia 11,85 9,31. 25 65,7 10 Germany: Federal Republic 11,81 12,53 6 67,5 ii Northern Ireland 11,75 11,38 12 68,1 12 Belgium 11,73 13,3k k 67,8 13 Malta 11,65 10,38 20 66,6 Ik Romania 11,51 9,93 22 66,k 15 German Democra- tic Republic 11, k5 13,86 2 16 England and Wales 11,01 12,15 9 69',2 17 Ireland 10,83 11,60 11 69,3 16 Bulgaria 10,83 10, 1J 5 19 68,6 19 France 10,63 11,33 13 69,0 20 Italy 10,59 10,5k 18 68,7 21 Spain 10,29 9,kk 2k 69,5 22 Switzerland 9,66 9,97 21 70,2 23 Denmark 9,53 10,91 17 70,6 2k Netherlands 9,53 9,28 26 71,1 25 Norway 9,2k 10,98 16 71,2 26 Iceland 8,91 8,12 28 70,9 27 Sweden 8,82 11,27 Ik 72,0 2B Greece 8,35 8,8k 27 72,0 F e male- 1 Portugal 12,69 10,35 10 2 Malta 12,05 8,69 21 72,7 3 Romania 11,71 9,07 . 15 70,9 k Yugoslavia 11,59 8,11) 2k 70,7 5 Hungary 11,kk 10,99 8 1 72,1 6 Bulgaria 11,13 8,97 17 73,2 7 German Democra- tic Republic 10,97 13,71 1 8 Luxembourg 10,97 11,32 5 73,3 9 Czechoslovakia 10,73 10,36 9 73,6 10 F-inland 10,72 8,91 18 11 Ireland 10,72 9,80 12 7k,1 12 Austria 10,60 12,51 2 73,7 13 Northern Ireland 10,3k 9,77 13 7k,2 Ik Poland 10,32 7,80 26 73,5 15 Belgium 10,28 11,33 k 7k,2 16 Scotland 10,2k' 11,08 7 7k,1 17 Germany: Federal Rebublic 10,23 11,36 3 73,9 18 Spain 9,65 8,33 23 75,1 19 England and Wales 9,38 11,10 6 75,5 20 Italy 9,27 8,85 19 7k,9 21 Switzerland 8,TT 8,6k 22 76,k 22 Greece 8,77 8,02 25 76,1 23 Denmark 8,63 8,8k 20 76,2 2k Netherlands 8,1)9 7,k3 27 76,9 25 France 8,k7 10,21 1 1 76,7 26 Norway 8,25 9,01 16 77,5 27 Iceland 8,12 6,kl 28 76.8 28 Sweden 8,02 9,17 Ik 77,6 1) Belgium: 1970 2) Direct standardization for age; standard population is the total ponulati in of Europe (except USSR)in 1971. ñnnr-fí*: World Health Statistics Annual 1971 Vol. I, WHO (ed. ), Genf 191". diseases lies in eleventh position and thus in the upper part of the middle field among 27 European countries. The highest mortality rate from this cause of death is recorded by Finland 71 (male) and Romania (female). Austria's rate of cancer mortality (malignant neoplasms all sites) is one of the.highest in Europe: Austria lies behind Luxembourg, Scotland and Czechoslovakia in fourth position among male mortality and Denmark is the only country which surpasses Austria in the rate of women who die from-1 this disease. Austria takes a position in the upper middle field in lung cancer. Scotland, England and Wales are the countries with the highest, mortality from lung cancer in Europe (Table 19). Austria takes fourth (male) after Portugal, France and Italy' and eighth position (female) after for instance the Federal Republic of Germany in the rate of deaths due to cirrhosis of liver. The mortality of the Austrian pop= ulation from motor vehicle accidents is the highest in Europe for the males and the second highest (after Belgium) for the females (Table 20). Hungary shows the highest suicide rate for of Europe followed by Czechoslovakia, Finland and Austria (male), and Denmark, the Federal Republic of Germany and Austria (female).

The European mortality according to cancer, cirrhosis of liver, motor vehicle accidentsj and suicide shows Austria also as being in the leading group. Nevertheless, it must be re= strictively noted that in comparison to many other countries, the quality of diagnosis at death in Austria is exceptionally high . Thus, Austria is át a disadvantage because the position of "symptoms and ill-defined conditions" is

1) At the moment 58 per cent of all deaths occur in hospitals where two thirds of all diagnoses are confirmed by an autopsy (POPPER, 1975). 72 Table 18 Mortality According to Cause in the European Countries, 1971 1). Cardiovascular Diseases; Malignant Neoplasms All Sites Malignant neoplasms all (A8O-A88) sites (Al)5-A6O)

Male Female Male Female

P a o Country m- S £ m î-, Tí O .G O JZ o Q) o •p x: 0) +J -p tJ (D a -P tl O 0) -p x: . t o . t o . t o ize d 3 ) ise d 3 ) t e eat h rat e at h rat e • 0) t e eat h rat e

cd d a • as tO TJ XI T3 -C -ö x: C +J üi q a Sí ^1 n k ac e ud e d cd cd •Ë§ •£•§ cd oí c es il Standar c deat h r E CC en CE C, in TJ K en ce a

Austria 525,0 11 7 5>)3,7 11 1 21)8,5 It 2 205,1 2 1 Belfjium 1)83,6 15 10 1)61,9 19 9 21)1,6 6 3 192,0 8 6 Bulgaria 1)78,2 16 16 636,0 3 lit i6lt,5 2li 21 125,0 26 25 Czechoslovakia 57'i,3 6 9 588,0 7 6 260,3 3 6 190,1 9 11 Denmark 1)55,7 20 lit 1)22,5 22 17 215,7 11) 10 215,3 1 3 Finland 682,1) 1 12 618,3 U 13 2l)6,9 5 18 167,1) 17 20 France 356,9 26 23 333,0 27 20 232,0 10 9 159,5 20 12 German Democratic Republic 203, ') 16 11 170,5 16 7 Germany: Federal Republic 1)97,9 12 13 -37,1) ]1) 8 229,3 12 7 202,0 5 2 Greece 272,9 27 20 3>)9,2 25 25 156,6 25 20 113,5 28 26 Hungary 606,9 1) 3 672,3 2 3 231t.ll 9 8 203,2 h 8 Iceland 1)59,2 18 19 33l),l) 26 27 151,6 27 27 193,3 7 19 Ireland 5')O,5 10 8 569,1) 9 10 201,2 18 .16 195,0 6 l>) Italy 1)1)3,7 21 17 !)77,!) 15 16 215,9 13 15 162,1 18 18 Luxembourg 580,2 5 2 553,1) 10 5 283,7 1 1 179,0 15 10 Malta 562,1 7 15 600,6 5 19 165,7 23 21) 136,2 21» 27 Netherlands 1)15,8 22 21 396,8 2ll 23 238,0 7 11) 188,1) 11 17 Norway 1)57,3 19 11 1)20,9 23 15 I7l),7 20 17 159,1 21 16 Poland 1J81I,1 lit 25 1)63,0 18 21) 201,6 17 22 160,5 19 21 Portugal 1)85,0 13 22 538,1) 12 21 167,7 22 25 1U3.ÍI 22 23 Romania 5>>5,2 8 18 708,9 1 12 156,3 26 26 131,5 25 2l) Spain !)ll),l 23 2l) 1)66',3 16 22 173.9 21 23 139,3 23 22 Sweden 1)60,1 17 It 1)38,0 20 11 179,1) 19 13 179,2 il) 9 Switzerland 1)01,0 21) 20 1)26,9 21 18 230,0 11 12 180,8 13 13 England and Wales 5l)l ,1 9 6 1>9'I,8 13 li 238,0 8 5 188,5 10 5 Northern Ireland 633,9 3 5 597,7 6 7 212,9 15 19 1BU.B 12 15 Scotland 636,1 2 1 586,3 8 2 262,1) 2 It 203,1) 3 1) Yugoslavia 382,1) 25 27 li61),5 17 26 1U1,9 28 28 Hi),8 27 28

1) Belßium: 1970 2) Data for the German Dem. Rep. are based-on the abbreviated ICD- list (B list) which doesn't enable this comparison for ABO-ASS. 3) Direct standardi2ation for a^e; standard population is the total population of Europe (except USSR) in 1971; deaths per 100.000 population.

Source: World Health Statistics Annual 1971, Vol.1, WHO (ed.), Genf 197'» 73

Table 19 i Mortality According to Cause in the European Countries, 1971 Malignant Neoplasms of Trachea, Bronchus and Lung; Cirrhosis of Liver Malignant neoplasms of trachea, jronchus and lung (A102) (A51) Male Female Maie Female

a 0) ÛJ 2) •p V ¿! •p a; « 4J aj a]

Austria 65,5 9 •8 10,8 8 7 1*3,2 1* 2 lit ,6 8 11 Belgium 7li,l* 7 5 7,0 19 13 13, 17 15 8,1* 111 12 Bulgaria 62,2 18 16 9,2 9 12 8,3 20 20 ''.7 20 20 Czechoslovakia 82,2 6 1* 9,1 10 11 2i.; 11 11 9,1 13 13 Denmark 57,0 11 10 11*,6 5 U 9,3 19 19- 8,2 15 11* Finland 90,3 3 7 7,3 18 19 6, 21 21 3,1* 23 Prance liO,O 20 19 5,6 26 21 1*8, 2 1 20,5 2 2 German Democratic Republic iU,o 15 11* 7,7 16 11 Germany: Federal Republic 59,1 10 9 8,0 11* 10 32,0 7 6 i!t,7 7 5 Greece M.T 19 18 7,9 ' 15 11* 21,3 12 10 10,5 9 10 Hungary 55, >i 12 12 12.9 7 6 16,6 13 12 9,9 10 9 Iceland 11,1» 27 27 15,0 li 8 2,6 28 28 3,8 21 26 Ireland 50,9 15 111 18,1 3 3 27 2,3 28 28 1 3,0 27 Italy 1*9.6 • 17 15 7, * 17 15 l*l*,i; 3 1* 16,9 5 6 Luxembourg 87,3 1* 3 5,8 su 20 39,0 5 5 16,C 6 3 Malta 51,5 lit 17 5,7 25 27 15,; iu 16 5,5 19 19 Netherlands 87,0 5 6 6,2 22 25 5,; 22 22 3,8 22 22 Norvay 25,0 25 23 6,3 21 17 23 23 3,0 25 21* Poland 1*9,7 16 20 8,1 12 18 13.É 16 18 9,5 12 16 Portugal 19,0 26 26 5,1 27 27 53, 1 3 26,1* 1 1 Romania 35,2 22 22 8,1 13 16 28," 8 8 18,5 3 7 Spain 29,6 23 25 6,1* 20 23 33,1 6 7 16,9 1} 8 Sweden 28,3 21* 21 8,5 11 9 10,2 18 17 5,6 18 18 Switzerland 55,0 13 13 6,1 23 22 2l«,3 9 9 7,0 17 17 England and Wales 91* ,2 2 2 19,8 2 2 3,0 26 25 2.7 27 25 Northern Ireland 67,6 8 11 lit,2 6 5 3,: 25 26 3,0 26 27 Scotland loU,9 1 1 22,3 1 1 1* ,1 2l* 21* 3,6 ' 23 21 Yugoslavia 35,6 21 2ll 7,5 16 23 21," 10 13 9,8 11 15

1) Belgium: 1970 2) A 51 vithout. German Dem. Eep. for which this cause is not published. 3) Direct standardization for age; standard population is the total population of Europe (except USSR) in 1971; deaths per 100.000 population.

Source: World Health Statistics Annual 1972, Vol. I, WHO (ed.), Genf 1971* more frequently employed in many other countries than in Austria (see Table 21) and thus, the mortality for the specific country is 2) underestimated for the other causes of death.

2) For example, the mortality rates according to cause of death of Yugoslavian women would on an average of all causes of death, excluding ''symptoms and ill-defined conditions", be 1*0 per cent higher if the proportion of the cause "symptoms and ill-defined conditions" • would have the same size as in Austria- 74

Table 20: Mortality According to Cause in the European Countries, 1971 Infective and Parasitic Diseases; Motor Vehicle Accidents

Infective and parasitic Motor vehicle accidents dese£is es A1-AitU) (AE 38)

Male Female Male Female

a tu OJ ra t ra t Country en m ra t at e m ra t at e -at e T3 o x: ° - n O Xi o •d o x: o o x: H V d 1 In -P N CJ d ti a d 'ti d U T3 CJ V ? Í" ü Tí o

Austria 20,7 8 8 8,6 ifi 11 59,"l 1 1 15,7 2 1 Belgium Ilt,6 l6 15 9,0 15 15 l|ll,1 5 It 15,9 1 2 Bulgaria 19,9 10 10 10,8 9 10 21,0 20 19 5,6 25 2li Czechoslovakia 15,7 13 15 8,1» 17 19 33,1» 12 11 10,6 11 11 Denmark 6,6 27 25 5,6 27 27 33,8 11 10 1U.8 5 ll Finland 19,0 11 111 10,8 10 17 39,1 .8 8. 15,0 It 5 France 17,5 12 11 10,5 11 8 37,5 9 7 12,9 7 7 German Democratic Republic 15,6 ill 12 8.,3 19 1li 22,6 17 18 6,8 20 19 Germany: Federal Republic 15,6 1U 13 7,9 20 13 lt6.lt 2 2 15,7 3 3 Greece 22,7 7 7 15,2 7 7 18,0 25 25 6,2 23 23 Hungary 33,1 5 5 15,li 6 6 28,7 13 12 8,5 18 18 Iceland 2,9 28 28 10,3 12 20 20,0 23 2lt 7,it 19 20 Ireland 13,3 18 17 9,1 lit \6 28,1 lit 111 10,-1 13 ill Italy 20,2 9 9 11,8 8 9 39,3 7 6 10,0 lU 15 Luxembourg 10,0 21 21 6,8 23 23 M.1 6 13 10,9 10 9 Malta 8,9 22 23 8,3 18 18 7,0 26 26 lt,6 26 26 Netherlands 7,0 25 27- 7,2 21 21* 36,0 10 9 12,6 8 8 riorway 6,8 26 25 6,0 26 26 20.lt 21 21 6,5 22 21 Poland 5M 2 2 20,6 ll It 19,8 2U 23 5,9 21* 25 Portugal 69,9 1 1 37,1 1 1 1*7.1* 3 3 10,5 12 12 Romania 14 1 ,9 k 3 20,8 3 3 Spain 29, 'i 6 6 16,6 5 5: 22,1 18 20 6,6 21 22 Sweden 7,7 23 22 6,It 25 22 21,8 19 17 9,0 16 16 Switzerland 13,7 17 18 10,0 13 12 UU.8 It 5 1li,2 6 6 England and Wales 7,7 23 2¡) 5,0 28 28 20,0 22 22 8,5 17 17 Northern Ireland 12,1» 19 19 6,It 2U 25 27,8 15 15 11,0 9 10 Scotland 10,3 20 20 6,9 22 21 25,1 16 16 9,7 15 13 Yugoslavia M ,9 3 li 26,9 2 2

1) Belgium: 1970 2) AE 138 without Yugoslavia and Romania for which this cause is not published. 3) Direct standardization for age; standard population is the total of Europe (except USSR) in 1971; deaths per 100.000 population. Source: World Health Statistics Annual 1972. Vol. I, WHO^ (ed.), Genf 197U 75 Table 21 Mortality According to Cause in the European Countries. 1971 : Suicide; Symptoms and Ill-Defined Conditions

Symptoms and ill-defined Suicide AE1U7) conditions ÍA136, A137) Male Female Male Female ai 1) 0) 2

Country ra t ra t at e ra t at e ra t "m (O m m at e Tí O £! o Ti o r. o TI .p ii •H -P • V •rt .p (1) •«H -P • tu d •H +Í al u -U 'U u U a) U S -S u u 'tí U u TJ J J J Ti XI o r¡ TI ni TI r. (11 -p c •Ö d c d "C 3 d d •tí tí « d •i§ d 'S 13 in k CQ T) « O -Ö W œ o CG -O m m o CC in . PU | cru d

Austria 32,2 k k 13,7 k li 18,1 16 16 20,6 17 16 Belgium 20,3 12 11 10,7 6 8 7k,3 6 5 83,5 8 6 Bulgaria 17,2 13 13 7,9 11 11 51, "* 10 11 81,li 9 8 Czechoslovakia 36,0 2 2 12,5 5 5 11,5 20 20 19,6 18 18 Denmark 30,0 5 5 17,9 2 2 15,6 18 18 13,2 19 19 Finland 35,9 3 3 9,2 9 9 It ,8 25 25 k y i 25 26 France 22,0 9 9 8,k 1.0 10 90,0 k 3 92,3 5 k German Democratic Republic 18,k 15 15 26,9 15 1k Germany: Federal Republic 26',8 6 7 13',8 1 3 kl ,1 12 12 li 1,2 11 11 Greece k,6 23 22 2,0 23 23 81,2 5 k 132,9 k 3 Hungary k9,3 1 1 20,k 1 1 2,9 26 26 23 25 Iceland 9,7 17 19 2,5 21 22 15,9 17 17 9,8 21 22 Ireland 2k 2k 1,6 2k 2k 8,k 21 21 26,2 16 17 Italy 7Í8 20 20 3,6 18 18 27,8 Ik 1k 38,3 13 13 Luxembourg 21,1 10 10 6,8 13 15 k8,5 11 10 57,5 10 10 Malta 0,6 25 25 0,0 25 25 59,k 8 9 86,7 7 9 Netherlands 10,3 16 16 7,3 12 13 3¡i,i 13 13 29,3 lk 15 Norway 12,1 15 15 k,l 17 17 52,2 9 8 39,6 12 12 Poland 20,5 11 12 ••,3 16 16 io6,6 3 6 ilio,7 3 5 Portugal 15,7 Ik Ik 3,5 19 19 180,0 2 2 258,6 2 2 Romania 2,3 27 27 3,2 27 28 Spain 6',8 21 21 2,3 22 21 72,6 7 7 89,1 6 7 Sweden 26,1 7 6 11,6 6 6 '',1 23 22 ii, i 26 23 Switzerland 26,0 8 8 11,3 7 7 n,6 19 19 11,k 20 20 England and Wales 9,1 18 17 6,3 lk 12 It,7 22 22 8,1 22 21 Northern Ireland k,8 22 23 2,6 20 20 1,9 28 28 3,1 28 27 Scotland 8,8 19 18 5,7- 15 Ik >>,i 23 2k k,2 2'i 2k Yugoslavia 307,7 ! 1 365,0 1 1

1) Belgium: 1970 2) AE 1 UT without German Dem. Rep., Yugoslavia and Romania, for which this cause is not published. 3) Direct standardization for age; standard population is the total population of Europe (except USSR) in 1971; deaths per 100.G00 population. Source: World Health Statistics Annual 1972, Vol. I, WHO (ed.), Genf 197U 76 2.6.3. Comparison of Infant Mortality

From Table 22, two relatively close lying clusters of countries in Europe for the year 1973 can be grouped together. The first is a. group of countries with very low infant mor= tality rates (around 10 per thousand) to which Sweden, Iceland, Finland, Denmark, the Nether= . lands and Norway belong; the second cluster has mortality rates twice that size which in total are however only slightly above the European average of infant mortality (23 to 25 per thousand). These countries are the Federal Republic of Germany, Austria, Malta, Greece, Italy and Bulgaria. The main body of remaining countries divide themselves relatively widely scattered among these two groups. Finally, there are some other countries whose rates do not lie particularly near one another but which have a large over-average infant mortality (33 to 44 per thousand) .These are: Hungary, Romania, Yugoslavia and Portugal. Albania has the highest death rate with 87 per thousand (last registered rate, 1965)• If one includes highly industrialized countries from other continents, Japan would be in the group which has a low mortality, the USA, Canada, Australia and New Zealand would be in the widely scattered middle group. The USSR,, which due to its double continent position is not counted as an European country in this case, has a rate of 28 per thousand which is somewhat higher than the European average. 77

International Comparison of Infant Death Rates, 1973

European Countries 1 Sweden 9,6 2 Iceland 9,6 3 Finland 10,1 h Denmark 11,5 5 Netherlands 11,5 6 Norway 11,8 7 Switzerland 13,2 8 Luxembourg I1»,3 9 France 15,5 10 German Dem- Rep. 16,0 11 Belgium 17,0 12 Ireland 17,8 13 England and Wales 18,1 1U Scotland 19,0 15 northern Ireland 20,9 16 Czechoslovakia 21,2 17 Germany:' Federal Rep. 23,1 18 Austria 23,8

19 Malta 2lt,0 20 Greece 21), 1 21 Italy 25,7 22 Bulgaria 25,9 23 Poland 28,52) 2h Hungary 33,8 25 Romania 38,1 26 Yugoslavia U3,3 27 Portugal lilt ,1+ 28 Albania 86,83)

Selected other Countries

1 Japan 11,3 2 Canada 15,6 3 New Zealand 16,2 1) Australia 16,5 5 USA 17,6 6 USSR 27,8

1) Excluding Spain.-2) For 1972.-3) For 1965. Note: For many countries provisional data only. Source: Population and Vital Statistics Report (UNO), 1975-1976 78 3. EXTERNAL MIGRATION

Over the last century, immigration has predom= inated in the area of today's republic; emi= gration has only appeared in subordinate pro= portions. Sometimes, especially after the last World War, Austria had a function as.a "transit country".

Up to this day, due to the lack of current migration statistics, external migration could only be computed as. the balance of immigration and emigration. This is the difference between the intercensal change of the population size and the natural increase during this period (see Table 2 in Chapter II). Thus, the size of immigration and emigration cannot be concluded, but other data sources such as naturalized citizen statistics, refugee statistics, foreign workers statistics etc., do give an idea towards this end.

Before World War I, the area of today's Austrian republic, in particular Vienna, Upper Styria and other areas with growing industry, had a strong attraction for the contiguous countries, espe= cially for the remaining Austrian half of the Austro-Hungarian monarchy: in 1900 for instance, 26 per cent of the Viennese population originated from Bohemia, Moravia or Silesia and over 12 per cent from the remaining countries of the Austrian half of this empire and from abroad. A positive balance of migration caused a pop= ulation growth amounting to 753.000 persons between 1869 and 1910, which is 16,8 per cent of the population in I869 and a third of the 79 total growth during that period. The highest- .migration surplus was attained in the first decade of this period.In the following three decades, the surplus continuously declined.

The collapse of the monarchy in 1918 and the resulting establishment, of national states in that area, brought about an influx of immi= grants in the newly formed Austrian republic which due to the only slightly weaker emigration, amounted to a negligible migration surplus of 15-000 persons in the census interval 1910 to 1923- Between 1920 and 1923, II1!.000 persons received the Austrian citizenship by an option process, the greatest part originating from the successor states of the monarchy (LENDL, 1959/60). The following decade (till 193*0 was characterized by a migration deficit of approximately 33.000 persons. According to the statistics of the migration office, approximately 70.000 Austrians emigrated to foreign countries outside Europe in the years 1921 to 1934, 43-000 men and 27.000 women. The highest number of emigrants (22.000) came from the small province of Burgenland.

After the Second World War, Austria was both a "transit country" and a "country of destina= tion" for the refugee waves: the census iñ 1951 showed a migration surplus of 153-000 persons since 1934. Up to the end of 1950, approximately one million refugees were directed through Austria.

In the period 1951 to 1961, a negative migration balance of 129.000 persons was recorded, although 80 a small part of the Hungarian refugees of 1956/57 remained in Austria. This was mainly die to the withdrawal of the refugees of World War II who in 1951 were included in the resident pop= ulation. After that, the migration balance changed its position again, principally due to the increased employment of foreign workers, and showed a gain of 42.000 persons between 1961 and I97I. By far the greatest number of foreign workers are Yugoslavian citizens of which 68.000 inclusive of relatives were recorded among the resident population in the census of 1971 and thus were relevant for the migration statistics. In this way it was only possible to record a portion of the actual number of Yugoslavian workers in Austria, as according to the definition of the census, Yugoslavians could only be regarded as being temporarily present when the wife and/or children of married couples had remained in their homeland. The inclusion of this group gives a total of 93.000 Yugoslavians and 16.000 Turks (who rep=' resent the second strongest foreign worker contingent from poorer countries), 96.000 of which are employed. The number of foreign workers has strongly increased since then and the employment statistics recorded I96.OOO Yugoslavian and Turkish labourers for May 1973 (see also Chapter III. 8). At the same time a great, number of Austrians are living abroad who are attracted mostly by the favourable possi= bilities of earning good salaries: in 1973, there were approximately 170.000 in the Federal Republic of Germany, among them 100 .000 employed, ' and 43.OOO in Switzerland. Thus, it can be' concluded that in the event of a long-term 81 international recession, the expected decline in the employment of foreign workers in Austria could be at least partly compensated by the return of Austrians employed abroad.. However, in 1975 there were 174.000 Austrians in the Federal Republic of Germany which is not less than there were in 1973, although Austria like Germany experienced a strong recession and the number of foreign workers in Austria declined by 30.000 (Yugoslavians and Turks, May 1973 to May 1975). CHAPTER

POPULATION COMPOSITION

There is an interaction between the population movement on the one hand and the population structure on the other. For example, the .fertility and mortality of earlier periods were decidedly in= volved in the sex ratio and age structure of the present population. The latter two have again a considerable influence on the development of the number of births and deaths as has been shown above, and which will be further explored in the section on the future development of Austria's population.

Furthermore, the composition of the population according to marital status as well as family and household structure cannot be dealt with in isolation but must be considered in connection with the already mentioned population dynamics. While religion and language mainly influence the cultural habits of the Austrian population, the nationality and educational level must be considered in addition as being important factors in some respects, especially in employ= ment and generative behaviour (see above Chapter I and II) .

This chapter will exclusively deal with the demographic and cultural structure character= istics of the population, especially the 83 biological features of sex and age as well as the social fact of marital status. In the last hundred years, there have been distinct changes in all three features from which only the in= crease of the male deficit, the aging of the population and the decline in the proportion of single persons shall be mentioned here as the-most significant factors. These important demographic variables are followed by sections on the family and household structure of the population, whereby the representation of trends will be confined to recent times. Following short sections on religious denomination, language and nationality, more space will be devoted to the socio-economic significant feature of school education. The structure of the pop= • ulation according to the source of livelihood, labour force participation 'rates and the structure of the labour force will not be dealt with here but will appear in a chapter completely devoted to these themes (Chapter V).

1. SEX

In the census of 12th May 1971, 3,502.000 males and 3,955-000 females were recorded which is 453.000 more female than male persons. The sex ratio of the population (number of men per 1.000 women) amounted to 885. From those factors which determine the sex ratio of the total population, the sex ratio of live births should be mentioned first. Since there are statistical records on hand, this showed a regular surplus of boys which fluctuated within the last century by an 84 average of I.O57 between 1.041 and I.076, the peak values appearing respectively after the World Wars. The fact that there is still no male surplus in the total population can be mainly attributed to the sex-specific differ= enees in normal mortality (mortality with the exception of war deaths). Thus, within the last hundred years,.the death rate of the male sex (1880: 29,0 1975: 13,2) always lay above that of the female sex (I88O: 26,0; 1975: 12,4). Age-specific mortality differences can increase or decrease this result: a high infant mqr= tality causes, by a male excess mortality in infant ages, a swift reduction in the surplus of male live births and thus a lower sexual proportion of the total population. Thus, the infant mortality of 1901/05 amounted to 23 per cent (boys) and 19 per cent (girls). The substantially lower infant mortality of the present leads to the conclusion that the re= auction in the surplus of new-born boys occurs very much slower (in 1975, male infant mor= tality amounted to 23,3 per thousand; female to 17,6 per thousand). On the other hand, as the sex ratio of the population also .depends on the given age structure (provided that sex- specific differences in mortality are existing), the domination of higher age groups in Austria affects the sex ratio in the direction of a surplus of women. A totally decisive influence on the sex ratio was finally exerted by the war deaths of the two World Wars; a more negligible factor was the occasionally existing sex differ= Nence in the balance of migration. 85 Table 23 Population by Sex

Population (in thousands) Females Sex ratio Year (per Difference2' cent) Stati- Total Male Female Actual onary

1880 1), 963.1 2,1)1)9-5 2,513.7 50,6 973 967 6 1910 6,61)8.3 3,281).7 3,363.6 50,6 977 1002 - 25 19311 6,760.2 3,21)8.3 3,512.0 52,0 925 981) - 59 1951 6,933.9 3,217.2 3,726.7 53,6 866 977 -111 1961 7,073.8 3,296.1) 3,777.1) 53,1) 873 963 - 90 1971 7,1)56.1) 3,501.7 3,951).7 53,0 885 955 -70

1) Males per thousand females. Actual: Sex ratio of the census population. Stationary: Sex ratio of the stationary population from the respective life table (187O/8O, I906/IO, 1930/33, 191)9/51, 1959/61, 1970/72). All stationary populations are based on a sex ratio of 1.057 male per thousand female live births. 2) Difference between the-actual and the stationary sex ratio. Source: Austrian Central Statistical Office

In the following, an analysis of the shifting of sex ratio within the past ninety years will be studied within which the factor of (normal) mortality will be dealt with first and fore= most. A comparison of.the sex ratio of the life table population would be the best to be used for that •purpose. The life table population (or stationary population) is to be understood as that hypothetical population which by a constant fertility and mortality (namely, that of the life table) would be shaped in the . course of a hundred years.

Table 23 and 24 show the historical development of sex ratio in Austria,namely, besides that of the actual population that of the stationary population for which the average sex ratio of live births (1.057) is taken as a basis. The changes in the sex ratio of this stationary 86 population reflect the influence of the changed sex and age-specific mortality, whereby the remaining influential factors remain uncon= sidered.

Table 2k Sex Ratio by Age

Äße Census populations Stationary populations ace. to life tables at last birthday i860 1910 193k 1951 1961 1971 1870/BO 906/10 1930/33 19k9/5l 1959/61 1970/72

0-k 982 1.009 1.026 l.okk I.051 1.000 1.012 1.030 1.039 1.0k7 1.0ll9 5-9 1.000 1.009 1.023 1.035 I.Okl 1.0k7 990 1.01k 1.026 1.037 1.0k5 l.OkS 10-lk 995 1.005 1.022 1.033 1.01)7 1.0li9 989 1.016 1.028 1.036 l.Okk 1.01)7 15-19 .01k 1.00k 1.001 1.035 1.037 .032 991 1.020 1.027 1.03k 1.0k2 l.Okk 20-2k .031 1.021 992 1.003 1.051 1.031 985 1.022 1.02k 1.029 1.036 1.037 25-29 976 982 980 761 1.026 1.022 975 1.025 1.021 1.026 1.029 1.030 3O-3k 970 976 96k 7k5 985 1.022 975 1.029 1.018 1.022 1.023 1.02k 35-39 97 k 992 850 780 7k 6 1.012 972 .031 1.012 1.018 .1.017 1.016 ko-kk 978 979 819 BIB 73k 976 967 .026 1.003 •1.013 1.011 I.O06 k5-k9 967 983 821) 8B6 766 739 95k l.Olk 990 1.00k 1.002 993 50-5 k 928 939 860 851 798 718 937 992 972 985 985 97k 55-59 928 920 856 759 8kl) 733 916 966 9k6 953 952 9kk 6o-6k 868 889 873 7k3 771 731 90k 9kl) 91k 909 898 896 65-69 873 866 85k 735 663 723 895 925 876 858 82k 821 7O-7k 898 819 827 718 626 623 89k 90l) 839 801 71)2 723 75-79 885 798 768 703 603 509 883 887 79B 7k 1 657 615 30 and over 8k3 70k 691 670 562 k51 912 B10 711 599 53k k83

Total 973 977 925 866 873 885 967 .002 98k 977 963 955

Source: Austrian Central Statistical Office

In 1880, the sex ratio of 973 men per 1.000 women was still to a large extent balanced. Due to the strong and also sex-specific distinct differential infant mortality, the existing surplus of boys at birth was quickly reduced and the sex ratio of the stationary population was already balanced in the one year old age group. In the successive age groups, mortality vjas only weakly differentiated by sex. The stationary population showed a sex ratio of 967 and thus differentiated itself only slightly from that of the actual population. 87 Following a decrease in the sex-specific mor= tality differences and the decline of infant mortality, there was an increase to 1.002 in the sex ratio of the stationary population in 19IO. Although the sex ratio should have been balanced on the basis of the mortality, namely, with a male surplus in the age groups up to 50 and a female surplus only in the older age groups, the actual population only showed a value of 977, with a female surplus already from the age of 25 upwards. This can be traced back to a (never: theless only small) part on a female surplus in the then positive net migration. The remaining variation is based on the fact that the sex ratio of an actual population cannot, within a few years or decades, completely coincide with the stationary population,' but that the earlier existing female surplus is naturally still maintained.

While the sex ratio was to some extent balanced before the First World War,' the war deaths of this war (approximately 190.000 men) changed - the picture: the sex ratio sank t.o 925 in the census year 193^ which corresponds to a female qouta of 52,0 per cent ; however, other factors also contributed to this disproportion: on the one hand the changed mortality, as despite the continuous strong decline of infant mortality (and the thus effected increase of age-specific sex ratios of child's and adolescent's age) due to the increase of the male excess mortality the sex ratio of the stationary population sank from 1.002 to 984. Apart from that the urn- shaped age structure, which goes back to the war birth shortages and the birth decline after 88 1923, in the same way effected a reduction of the sex ratio. Finally, a migration deficit of the male sex of approximately 6.000 persons higher than that of the female sex, reduced the sex ratio by three-points.

Due to the male war losses (approximately 2Uf..000) of the Second World War, the sex ratio sank to 866 in 1951 (female proportion 53,6 per cent), whereby the highest female surplus of the last century was attained. Changed mor = tality and age structure also led to this result but to a less extent.

Between 1951 and 1971, the hitherto mortality trend progressed: the decreasing infant mor= tality could not•compensate for the negative effect of an increasing male excess mortality and thus there was a further decrease in the sex ratio of the stationary population from 977 in 1951 to 955 in 1971. At the same time a contrary process of aging and dying off of the war combatant generation with its high male deficit took place. This to a certain extent effected the normalization of the sex ratio of the actual population from 866 (195D to 885 (1971).

The historical development of age-specific differences in male excess mortality is espe= cially notable (interaction effect of age and sex mortality) in its effects on sex ratio: between I87O and 1910, the male excess mortality confined itself almost exclusively to the age of infants and children; the sex ratio of high age groups did not differentiate strongly from that of teenagers. In I870/I880, the sex ratio 89 of the stationary population lay at 990 in the age group 5 to less than 10 years and at 883 in the age. group 75 to less than 80 years. Today, the male excess mortality extends to all age groups and is in the age groups of infants and (somewhat) 50 years and over (which are both of higher importance for the sex ratio of the total pop= ulation due to the larger mortality), signif= icantly higher among the latter than among the former (see Table 14 in Chapter II). As a result of this, the "stationary" sex ratio of the age group 5. to less than 10 years which presently amounts to 1.048, differentiates enormously from that of the 75 to less than 80 year olds which only amounts to 6l5.. 90 2. AGE

The population pyramid (see Figure 8) on the basis of the census of 1971 is the result of the population movement of the past hundred years and thus reflects all the significant events of fertility, mortality and migration movements in this period. The short to middle- term events of these movements are striking as they can be interpreted as interruptions on that age structure caused by long-term trends of fertility and mortality. Thus, the basis of the population pyramid was narrowed by the birth decline after the middle sixties; the war birth shortages of 1945 and 1915 to 1919 affected deep cuts and the birth decline during the Economic Depression of the thirthies affected a distinctly recognizable indentation. The population pyramid showed significatly strong bulges as a result of the baby-booms of the years 1959 to'1968 and also during the Second World War (1939 to 1944). Finally, the war losses of the male sex in both World Wars (a and b in Figure 8) who completely covered the age groups of the 43 to 85 year olds (in 1971) caused a strong asymmetry-of the pop = ulation pyramid in these age groups, together with a long-term tendency towards a marked and in= creasing excess mortality of the male population over the female.

With the latter,one of the long-term mortality trends is already mentioned which essentially influenced the age structure of the population; a further one is the secular decline of mortality which affects an increasing number of aged persons under the same conditions. 91

Figure 8 Age Structure, 1971

a War deaths of World War I

b War deaths of World War II

c Birth shortage during and after World War I

d Birth shortage during the Great Depression

e Birth shortage at the end of World War II

Male

1960 - FemaIe

1970 -

60 40 Thousand persons

Nevertheless, the significance of these mor= tality factors on changes in the age structure is much smaller than the influence of the long-term fertility development as the decisive variable. 92 Under the abstraction of the short and middle- term fertility fluctuations and the war losses, the population pyramids of the census years following 19IO which are shown in Figure 9 (numerical: Table 3 in Appendix B) can be roughly classed with the demographic models of the pyramid, bell and urn-shaped types. In 19IO, the population pyramid was still actually pyramid-shaped and had no indentations or bulges caused by short-term influences; it revealed the smooth and continuous development of the demographical movement in the previous decades with a main feature of a high fertility. 1934 showed a distinct approach to the urn shape due to the birth decline since 1923 although the upper part of the age structure still corresponded to the pyramid shape. In 1951, the population pyramid strongly resembled the urn- shaped type while in 1971 it moved in the direction of the bell shape due to the birth wave of the late fifties and sixties. Thus, viithin approximately half a century, a change in the structure of the population pyramid was effected from a pyramid shape to an inter= mediate shape of a bell and urn pattern, whereby the fertility development represented the critical variable due to these changes: on an average of the years 1916 to 1973, the yearly birth rate lay at a value of 117.000 whereas between 1871 and 1915 it still amounted on average to 170.000. This secular decline in the number of births brought•about a strong occupation of the age groups of the over 60 year olds (that was in 1971, the birth cohorts born in the years up to I9II), and thus an aging of the population. 93 Figure 9 Comparison of the Age Pyramids 1910. 1934. 1951,1971

Male Female

300 200 100 0 0 100 200- 300 300 200 100 0 0 100 200 300 Thousand persons Thousand persons

Male

i I i I i I i I I I I I I I I i I i I I I I I 300 200 100 0 0 100 200 300 300 200 100 0 0 100 200 300.

Thousand persons Thousand persons

The phenomenon of aging is measureable e.g. by the percentage- of persons 60 years old and over (see Table 26 and Figure 10).. This percentage which amounted to 935 per cent in l88O and to 9,4 per cent in 1910 lay below that of 1934 94 (12,2 per cent). After the Second World War it increased strongly to 15,6 per cent, 18,4 per cent and 20,2 per cent in 1951, 1961 and 1971, respectively. This meant that in 1971, it had doubled- to a fifth of the population as against a tenth in the period before the First World War.

Per Cent of Population 65 Years Old and Over in the European Countries, 7^)

1. German Democratic Republic 15,7 2, Austria Hi, 2 3. Sweden 13,9 li. France 13,5 5. Germany: Federal Republic 13,1) G. England and Wales -.3,If 7. Belgium 13, li 6. !.' orway 13,0 9- Luxembourg 12,8 10. Scotland 12,1) 11. Denmark 12,1) 12. Hungary 11,7 C'i'jchoulovak.ia 11,7 nlit.. Kvitzerland 11,6 15. Greece 11,2 16. Ireland H,l 17- northern Ireland 10,8 18. Italy 10,8 19- litfLiierlarids 10,3 20. Spain 9,9 21. 3ulgaria 9,9 '¿'¿.F i nland 9,'i 23. Malta 9,2 ?M. Portugal 9,2 25- Romania 8,8 26. Iceland 8,7 27. Polen 8,5 28. Yugoslavia 8,0

Al 1 Countries 11,7

I) 3»lEiun: 1970 .Source: Aur.trian Central Statistical Office

A comparison of the percentages of persous 65 years old and over with other European countries shows that in 1971 Austria, preceded only by the Democratic Republic of Germany, had the second oldest population of Europe (see Table 25). All South European countries had a com= paratively lower proportion of .old people, and 95 of the remaining countries only Poland (second lowest proportion), Iceland, Finland and the Netherlands had a marked low proportion.

Figure 10 Per Cent of Broad Age Groups, 1880 - 1971 Per cent Per cent 100 100

90 90

80 80

70 70

60 Adults( 15 to less than 60 years old) 60

50 50

40 40

30 30

20 20 ::':;':• Children! under 15 years old) ;:7://-V/::::-:\\VA:.\::.::;:.:j 10 10

0 0 1 I I I I 1880 1890 1900 1910 1934 1951 1961 1971

Between 1880 and 1910, the age structure changed only slightly: 10 per cent of the population were 60 years old and over ("aged persons"), 60 per cent were 15 to less than 60 years old ("adults") and 30 per cent were under 15 years of age ("children"). In 193^ both the percentage •of aged persons and adults had risen each by 3 percentage points at the cost of the childrens' share (-6 percentage points). The growth of the percentage of adults (aged 15 to less than 60) did not continue after- the Second World War, as the secular birth decline also affected this group at that time. Consequently, compared 96

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Using the concept of the demographic dependency ratios (potential economic burden of the children and aged persons on the adults, i.e. the population of working ages) and a deline= ation of the working age with 15 and 60 years on the basis of the empirical rates of par=' ticipation. in the labour force.of 1971, the following picture can be seen (see Table 26 and Figure 11): due to the first phase of the birth decline from 1910 onwards and its resulting reduction in the percentage of children and the increase of the percentage of adults, the total dependency ratio sank from 65 in 1-910 to 56 in 1934., as the child dependency ratio diminished from 49 to 37 and the aged dependency ratio only increased from l6 to 19. This decline of. the total dependency ratio was only of a temporary nature. In the next phase due to the following decline of adults, the increase of aged persons and a relatively constant percentage of children, the total dependency ratio rose between 1934 and 1971 by 25 points to 8l - this is the total of the aged dependency ratio which increased by 18 points to 37 and-the child -dependency ratio which increased by 7 points to 44 (the latter was only caused by the decline of the adults). 98 Figure 11 Dependency Ratios, 1880 - 1971 Per cent Per cent inn IUU i\J\J

90 - 90

80 - - 80 / r 70 - Total dependency ratio / - 70

60 - - 60

50 — ,.»..—.•—-—.—-—»«^ Child dependency — 50 ***•», ratio 40 40

30 - - 30

20 - Aged dependency ratio __ -*-" - 20

10 I- - 10

fi ft u III I II u 18BO 1890 1900 1910 1934 1951 1961 1971 Child dependency ratio= Persons aged o-14/Persons aged 15-59, x 100 Aged dependency ratio= Persons aged 60 and over/Persons aged 15-59, xlOO Total dependency ratio= child+aged dependency ratios

Besides the dependency ratios, the aging process of the population is also indicated by the per= centage of the 15 to less than 45 year old women on the total of women or on the total of the population (Table 26). In the census years 1880, 1910 and 1931!, 46 per cent of the female population were in the reproductive age; after the Second World War, this percentage strongly decreased and presently lies at 36 per cent (1971). The percentage of women in their reproductive years on the total population which is important for the conclusion from the change of the birth rate to fertility changes, had decreased since 193^ from 23,9 per cent to 19,2 per cent (197D, whereby in 193^ it was higher than in 1910 and 188O. 99 3. MARITAL STATUS

The historical development of the past hundred years can be summarized as follows: there was a strong decline in the proportion of the single population which was caused by" an in= crease in the propensity to marry and a de= crease in the age at first marriage; at the same time the proportion of the widowed and divorced population increased strongly. Moreover, a cross-section analysis on the basis of the census data of 1971 resulted in a direct correlation between the degree of urbanization and the share of the divorced, and also a direct correlation between education and the pro= portion of both the single and the divorced population.

3. 1. The Structure and Historical Development of the Population Composition by Marital Status

The structure of the marital status of a pop= ulation depends both on the directly influencing movement rates of the frequency of first marriages (of single persons), remarriages, divorces and the marital status-specific mor= tality, as well as on the age and sex structure of a population.

When considering the population structure according to marital status, it is necessary that one does not apply relative figures on the total population but only on that specific population group in which the possibility of 100 a change in the marital status would .occur, e.g. the population aged 15 years and over. Since l88O, the so-formed proportion of single persons sank by more than a half (see Table 27): in l88O, 47 per cent of the 15 year olds and over were still single; in 1971> this proportion only lay at 22 per cent; this -means that from the women of a marriageable age 78 per cent had already been married once. The decline in the proportion of single, persons ensued contin= uously and.in the intercensal period 1934 to 1951 this increased to a great extent.

From a change in the percentage of single persons, a change in the propensity to marry simply cannot be concluded to the same extent, as the former is also affected by the age structure. (Age-specific marital status rates see Table 4 in Appendix B). A suitable indicator is the proportion of persons who were ever married (currently married, v/idowed or divorced) in such an age group in which most of the people who ever married have already got married, and on the other hand, the mortality differences according to marital status could not exercise any appreciable influence. The so-calculated proportion of women in the age of 45 to 54 who were ever married shows a steady increase with a rate of 75,3 per cent in I88O to 88,8 per cent in 1971 (Table 27). Here it is necessary to consider that for these »cohorts the pro = pensity to marry is underestimated for the period following the First World War, as the considerable disturbance of the sex ratio due to war losses (e.g. 1971: 739(ages 45 to 49) and 71'8 (ages 50 to 54)) prevented its realiza= 101 tion; thus, the younger age group of 40 to 44 year old women which has already a normal sex ratio in J.971 has a larger proportion of ever- married persons (approximately 90 per cent) tha-n all other higher age groups.

Table 27 Population by Marital Status 1)

Single Married Widoued Divorced Census PEM year In per cent of In per cent of In per cent of In per cem of

Pop. 15+ Pop. ,5+ EM Pop 15+ EM Pop. |,5+ EM

Males 2) 1880 65,B 51,7 30,8 ••3,5 90,1 3,3 1. 6 9,9 0,1 0,1 - 2) 2) 1910 03,6 ltT.8 32,8 1.7,1 90,2 3,6 5,12) 9,8 - - - 3) 1931» 5^,5 39,1; 140,14 53,7 88,9 3,3 U,5 7,U 1,73) 2,33) 3 ,8 1951 147,8 30,3 1.7,2 63,0 90,14 3,3 1. ,1, 6,3 1,7 2,3 3 ,3 1961 146,5 29,1 1.8,6 614,5 90,9 3,0 I. ,0 5,6 1,8 2,1| 3 ,li 1971 I46J 27,14 118,5 66,1 91,0 2,8 3 ,8 5,3 2,0 2,7 3 ,7

Females

1880 62,1 146,9 30,1 12,2 79,1» 7,7 10 ,8 2O,52) 0,1 0,1 - 75 ,3 2) 2) 1910 59,3 142,14 32,1 145,5 79,0 8,5 12 ,12' 21,0 - - - 81 ,1 3) 1931» 50,1 35,6 37,5 '48,3 75,1 10, ll 13 ,5 21,0 1,93) 2,53) 3 ,9 83 ,1 1951 1.2,7 27,5 »•1,5 52,5 72,14 13,14 17 ,0 23,14 2,1» 3,0 1»,2 85 ,8 1961 hO ,3 21. ,9 1.2,5 53,5 71,3 Il4,l4 18 ,1 2l4,l 2,8 3,5 1»,7 87 ,8 1971 39,5 21,9 1.2,9 55,1> 70,9 Il4,5 18 ,7 2>4,0 3,1 14,0 5,1 88 ,8

1) Explanation of symbols: Pop. = total population , 15+ = persons aged 15 and over EM = ever-married persons PEM = proportion ever-married in the age groups of U5—59 and 50-5I1 (unweighted-average) 2) Inclusive divorced and seperated persons. 3) Inclusive seperated persons. Source: Austrian Central Statistical Office ,

An indicator of further interest is that age in which the age-specific proportion of single persons only amounted to somewhat 50 per. cent. Thus, it is that age in which the half of a generation already got married. In I88O, this age lay at 29,6 years for the female population, whereas in 1971 it was only at 21,9. Neverthe= less, due -to the different size of proportions of never-married persons between these censuses, 102 there is a distorting effect on this indicator regarding the strength of its explanation for the age at marriage. The elimination of this distorting effect still shows a reduction.of that age, from 26,2 years in l88O to 20,9 in

Concerning the decrease in marriage age, one comes to the same result through the following period analysis and the above displayed cohort analysis : the median age at first marriage sank from 27,5 (men) and 25,2 (women) in 1928 to 24,4 (men) and 21,7 years (women) in 1911, and thus for females stronger than for males.

The proportion of widowed among females aged 15 years and over has increased steadily since I88O (10,8 per cent) and amounted to 18,7 per cent in 1971. Nevertheless, this change is partly due to an increased marriage rate, as the proportion of widows among ever-married women has only increased from 20,5 per cent in 1880 to 24,0 per cent in 1971. This remaining effect can be regarded as the result of war losses in both wars, the increased male excess mortality and the general decline of mortality.

The proportion of divorced females increased likewise both in relation to the women 15 years old and over and the ever-married women. While the divorced and separated only had a numerical negligible significance during the period of

1) Here with the calculation of that age in which the proportion of ever-married women is the same as half of the proportion of ever-married women in the age group of 55 to 59 year olds. 103 the monarchy (l88O: 1 per thousand of 15 year olds and over), meanwhile they amounted to 2,5 per cent (1934) and 4,0 per cent (1971). Due to the rise in the marriage rate, the increase is somewhat lower since 1934 in relation to those women who were ever married (from 3,9 per cent to 5,1 per cent). The yearly rate of divorces- points to a slow climb of divorce frequency since the early sixties. The divorce rate of marriage cohorts (recorded since the marriage cohort of 1959) clearly shows a steady increase of divorce frequency up to the marriage cohort of 1968: while 6,19 per cent of marriages carried out in 1959 were divorced again within five years, 8,36 per cent were divorced "from the marriage cohort of 1968 within the same period of five years. On the other hand, the marriage cohorts from 1969 onwards.seem to have slightly less frequent divorces insofar as the smaller number, of years since marriage allow such a conclusion (Table 28).

3. 2. Marital Status and Degree of Urbanization

Differences in the population structure according to'marital status spring from a differentiation between urban and rural areas: the proportion of divorced persons increases strongly with the increasing degree of urbanization and in 1971 was five times as high in Vienna than in communities with less than 1000 inhabitants (8,9 per cent against 1,7 per cent with monoto= nous increasing intermediate values). There are also differences in the proportion of single persons which are however not so marked or 104

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Table 29 Distribution by Marital Status of Women 15 Years Old and Over by Size Class of Communities, 1971

Single Married Widowed Divorced Sise class of per thousand . corra unity women 15 years (inhabitants) old and over Per thousand ever-married women

Austria 219 709 2><0 51

Up to. 1.000 2ltT 763 220 17 1.001 - " 2.000 235 ' 755 226 19 2.001 - 3.000 231 T5'i 221 2'i 3.001 - 5-000 225 1^ 225 31 5.001 - 10.000 220 739 221 1)0 10.001 - 20.000 216 72>4 229 16 20.001 - 50.000 208 711 231 58 50.001 -250.000 258 685 236 79 Over 1 million (Vienna) 179 63>< 277 89

Source: Austrian Central Statistical Office

3. 3. Marital Status and Educational Attainment

A further feature which exerts a strong in= fluence on the marital status is the level of formal education (see Table 30). In general, the proportion of single persons increased parallel to the level of education. Whereas a quarter of female university graduates aged 50 to 5^ years are still single, this is only a tenth of women of the same age group whose forjnal education contains only primary school education (women with completed apprenticeship have an even lower proportion of single persons). 106 The proportion of divorced also shows a strong differentiation towards the educational level: the higher the education, the higher the proportion of divorced women. 15 per cent of ever-married women (50 to 54 years old) who have a university training completed are di= vorced; this is only true for 6 per cent of women with merely a primary school education.

Table 30 Per Cent Single and Divorced by Educational Attainment, for Women 50 to less than 55 Years Old, 1971

2) Educational attainment Per cent single Per cent divorced

Primary school 10,3 5,6 Apprenticeship -7,3 • 9,1 Intermediate school 15,0 10,9 High School 15,5 . 11,7 University • 25,2 . .15,2

Total 10,B 6,8

1) Percentage of single women, related to the total number of women. 2) Percentage of divorced women, related to the number of ever-married women. Source: Austrian Central Statistical Office

These associations between education and marital status which are founded on the census data of 1971, are to be found in all female age groups, and not just among the exemplified 50 to 5^ year olds, with the exception of young age groups who in consequence of a direct cor= relation between age at marriage and divorce respectively, and the level of education could not be included in the analysis. However, the same trends are not present in the male pop= ulation which has much more inconsistent relations concerning this matter. 107 4. FAMILIES

4.7. Definition and Classification

According to the census of 1971, a family comprises a married couple or consensually married couple with or without children, as well as one parent with one or more children. Thereby, children are defined as being those never-married own, step or adopted children living with their parents in the same household and who do not have any children of their own. Moreover, grandparents with grandchildren also constitute a family if the parents do not live in the same household.

Based on this definition the Austrian official statistics refer to the recommended "family nucleus" concept of the Conference of European Statisticians. Constitutive features of this definition are: a)' The limitation on the familiy nucleus which comprises two generations at the most (this means, for instance, that if a family nucleus is living with one set of grand= parents in the same household, the latter form a family nucleus of their own). b) The definition of the family as a sub- population of the household. Thereby, the local unity is a prerequisite to the family formation. c) The child definition which is independent of the age of the person. Thus, approxi= 108 mately 5 per cent of children (in the sense of family statistics) are 27 years old and over.

This family definition allows for a classi= fication between three main family types (under embracement of the extended married couple definition on the consensually married, and the subsidiary extended parent definition for the grandparents) :

1.) A complete family consisting of both parents and at least one child.

2.) An incomplete family consisting of only one parent and at least one child.

3-) The married-couple-family, understood here as a married couple without children.

The two first-named family types have a common basis as they are composed of two generations, whereas in the married-couple-family there is only one.

An analysis of the historical development within the last hundred years is in contrast to.most of the already dealt with topics in the field of family statistics (as well as in household statistics) unfortunately only possible in a very limited way, due to the 'inconsistency of definitions between various censuses. The census of 1961 first used the same definition as that of 1971; a comparison of the results of these two censuses will only be referred to here. 109 4. 2. The Population according to its Family Membership

Approximately 84 per cent of Austria's population live in families as can be seen in Table 31

.(to be precise 83a8 per cent; in 1961 it was 82.8 per cent, i.e. by one percentage point less). 59.9 per cent of the population live in complete families (1961: 57j7 per cent), 7,4 per cent in incomplete families (196I: 8,9 per cent) and 16,6 per cent in married-couple-families (1961: 16,3 per cent). Therefore, 67,3 per cent (196I: 66,6 per cent) of the population are members • of families with children.

Of the children (here by way of exception, not understood according to family statistics but according to the age group) 98,5 per cent of the under 15 years olds live in family formation; 91 per cent being from complete families and 8 per cent from incomplete. Of the population aged 15 to less than 20 years, 20 to less than 25 years and 25 to 26 years, 86 per cent, 42 per cent and 8 per cent, respectively, live as children in families. The interpretation of this structural data under longitudinal aspects shows that at a median age of approximately 21, children withdraw from their family. As against 19.61, the number of persons living in families has increased by 6,65 per cent, whereas the total resident population has in= creased by only 5,4 per cent. Thus* the pro= portion of this population group on the total population has expanded by one percentage point • to 83,8 per cent. The cause for this change is in the first place due to the increase in the number of children from the baby-boom of 1959. 110 to 1968 and secondly, to an increase of married- couple-families resulting partly from an effect of the age structure: as the number of children increased over-proportionally by 8,9 per cent compared with the total population growth, the same occurred with the population living in childless families (+7,3 per cent), whereas the number of parents and single parents in two- generation-families only increased under-pro= portionally by 4,0 per cent (nevertheless still over-proportional in comparison to the 2,6 per cent increase of the population aged 15 years and over). This development of the parental generation is the result of. opposite trends: while the number of parents in complete families rose by 6 per cent, it sank by 13 per cent in incomplete families. The number of children living in incomplete families was reduced almost to the same extent (hence, the total growth of children occurred .exclusively within complete families); consequently, the • number of all persons living in this family type decreased; the ratio of the population living in incomplete families was reduced by 1,5 percent= age points. In comparison to 1961, this impor= tant change is partly the result of the dis = solution of those incomplete families due to the establishment of own households by the children, the incompleteness of which was caused by the war losses of the Second World V/ar and the post- war divorce wave. The normalization of the family structure due to the "intact"- families of the younger cohorts caused, together with the baby-boom, an increase in the population living in complete families by 9 per cent (parents: +6 per cent, children: +13 per cent), Ill and an enlargement of 2,2 percentage points in the respective proportion.

4.3. Family Types

The number of families in 1971 amounted to 1,930.000 and lay higher than 196I by 3,8 per cent (under- proportional increase in comparison to the resident population). This number comprises 56 per cent complete families, 12 per cent in= complete families and 32 per cent married- couple-families. Thus, 68 per cent of families have at least one child (see Table 31).

Table 31 Percentage Distribution by Family Type of Population and Families, 1961 and 1971

Families Population Type of family 1961 1971 1961 1971

Married couples with children (1) 55,1 56,li 57,7 59,9 One-parent families (2) 13,9 11,6 8,9 7,t Married couples without children (3) 31,0 32,0 lé,3 16,6 2-generation-farnilies (1+2) 69,0 68,0 66,ö 67,3 All families (1+2+3) Per cent 100,0 100,0 32,8 83,8 Number 1 859.2 5 1.929.66I1 5,860.286 6,25O.55li

Source: Austrian Central Statistical Office

The married-couple-families are to a con= siderable extent- not childless in the biological sense, but their children have outgrown the parent home. This explanation can be verified from the age distribution of married-couple- families which follows a U-shape with a (small) maximum in the 20 to less than 25 year old age group, a minimum in that of the 35 to less than 112 40 year old age group and a steady increase up to a second maximum of the 65 and older married women; the frequency in the higher age groups is much larger than that of the lower ones, and the median age lies at 58 years (see Table 32).

Table 32 Distribution of the Families by Age of Mother (Wife), and by Family Type, 1971

Type of family Ago fjroup (fron ... to One-parent families Married less than Married couples couples ..- years) Fathers Mothers vith children with without with . children children children'; Ever-married Single Total mothers mothers

Under 20 1 0 2 0 9 1 20 - 25 9 2 7 3 23 6 25 - 30 1U 5 7 5 13 5 30 - 35 17 6 7 6 11 3 35 - liO lit 6 6 6 9 3 to ->>5 1I1 8 8 8 9 5 1>5 - 50 13 9 12 12 10 10 5,0 - 55 7 7 9 10 5 10 55 - 60 5 9 11 12 li lU 6o - 65 3 11 10 12 3 16 65 and over 2 36 20 25 li 26 Total2) 100 • 100 100 100 100 100 Median 38 59 50 5I» 32 58

1) For father-only-families: age of father. 2) Absolute figures see Table 3^. Source: Austrian Central Statistical Office

In the age group 35 to less than kO, the number of the married-couple-families not only reaches its minimum but also its share on the total families and on the total of married couples: altogether 90 per cent of all married couples of this age have children, only 10 per cent are childless families. As the fertility of married women in this age group (which is adapted from the age of the wives) can be essentially considered as completed and only few children will have already left the home, an average number of 2,4 children per family 113 of this age group can be taken as a rough and somewhat underestimating index of the total fertility of this cohort. This also corresponds with the results of the microcensus in 1971 which ascertained a number of 2,5 live births per married woman of this age group; if infant and child mortality is taken into account, a similar average of approximately 2,4 children can also be reached.

Between 1961 and 1971, the share of married- couple-families on all families increased by 1 percentage point (the number increased by 7,3 per cent) which was partially caused by the shifting in the age structure of the Austrian population during this period in favour of higher age groups (see Table 26 in Chapter III. 2).

Incomplete families consist nine tenths of families with a mother and only one tenth of families with a father. Almost two tenths are comprised of single mothers with their children. In relation to the total number of families, there are 10 per cent incomplete mother head families and 1 per cent incomplete father head families. In comparison to 1961, this type of family has strongly lost its significance: the number of incomplete families was reduced by 13 per cent although the families in total increased by approximately H per cent. Thus, its quota on » families diminished by' 2 percentage points. The reasons for this development can, as already mentioned, be partly found in the "natural" dissolution of incomplete families whose in= completeness was caused by- widowship due to war deaths or post-war divorces. 114 The number of complete families rose by 6,2 per cent between 1961 and 1971 and was therefore slightly over-proportional to the population growth (5,4 per cent).' The share of this type on the total number of families increased by 1 percentage point (from 55,1 per cent to 56,4 per cent). The causes for this change are al= ready quoted above (in 4.2).

The differentiation in the age structure of parents is notable: while the median age of married women from complete families lies at 38, incomplete families are on average es'sen= tially older. Thus, the median age of incomplete father head families amounts to 59 years (age of the father), and of incomplete families with ever-married mothers to 54 years (age of the mother); in comparison to that, half of all single mothers are younger than 32 years. The age structure of the married-couple-family has already been mentioned.

4.4. Families according to the Number of Children

In 1971, the complete families were divided among 40 per cent with one child, 33 per cent with two children, 16 per cent with three children and 12 per cent with at least four children (see Table 33). The average number of children amounted to 2,10 children per family (196I: 1,98). The one-child-family is much more dominant in incomplete families: 71 per cent are families with one child, 19 per cent with two, 6 per cent and 4 per cent, 115 respectively, with 3 and 4 and more children, respectively. The average number of children amounted to.1,46 ( 1961: 1,43). Both family types, i.e. two-generation-families, show an average of almost exactly two children (1,99); the percentage distribution amounts to 45 : •30 : 14 : 11.

Table 33 Percentage Distribution of Families by Number of Children, 1971

Number of children

Type of family 1» or Average number 0 1 2 • more 1971 19Ê1

All families 32,0 30,7 20,6 9,1) 7,3 1,36 1,29 2-generation-families 145,1 30,3 13,9 10,8 1,99 1,87 Married couples vith children 39,7 32,6 15,5 12,2 2,10 1,98 One-parent families 71,2 18,8 6,0 ll,0 1,1)6 1,1)3 Source: Austrian Central Statistical Office

Taking the (childless) married-couple-families into account, the average number .of children of all families amounts to 1,36 (1961: 1,29). 32 per cent of families are childless (married- couple-families), 31 per cent have one child, 21 per cent have two children, 9 per cent have three children and 7 per cent have four or more children..Against 1961, complete families had different growth rates according to the family size: the higher the number of children, the higher the rate of increase between 1961 and 1971 (the number of families with four or more children rose by 27 per cent), especially in comparison to the one-child-family which diminished by even 5 per cent (incomplete fam= ilies showed no kind of consistent change in this regard). This tendency in the family 116 structure of complete families is the counter= part of the over-proportional increase of births of higher order during the baby-boom of the late fifties and early sixties (see Chapter II. -1. 5).

4.5. Families according to Household Types, 1971

79 per cent of complete families live in a household of which no other person is a member, 9 per cent live with one grandparent, 8 per cent with other families in which case an over= whelming majority of these are couples of grandparents, and 5 per.cent with other people.' Incomplete families•live to a smaller extent alone in the household, i.e. 66 per cent,. 19 per cent live with other families in the same household, 7 per cent with one grandparent and 8 per cent with other persons. Single-mother- families live even to the extent of 35 per cent alone, ^5 per cent live together with other families (especially the grandparents), and 12 per cent live with one grandparent (see Table

5. HOUSEHOLDS

A private household consists of all persons who live together and make common provision for food and other essentials. Apart from private households, there are also institutional house= holds which due to their negligible numerical significance will be neglected in,this chapter. 117

Table Ik

Percentage Distribution by Type of Family and Household of Families in Private Households, 1971

Type of family

One-parent families Married Type of Married All couples couples household without families with Fathers Mothers Of which: Total children children vith with single children children mothers

Families without other persons 77,9 78,5 66,1 63,1 66,U 35,U 81,1

Families with other families 9,8 7,5 18,7 19,U 18,7 U5,o 10,6

Families with one parent or parent- in-law of the family head 6,8 8,9 7,0 7,I* 6,9 12.3 3,2 Families with, other persons 5,1 8,2 10,1 8,0 7,3 5,0

Per cent 100,0 100,0 100,0 100,0 100,0 100,0 100,0 Total rer cent iuu,u iuu,u iuu,u iuu,u iuu,u iuu,u IUU Number 1,929.028 1,087,730 22U.lt 12 2U.O23 200.389 111.663 616.

Source: Austrian Central Statistical Office

Private households are grouped according to the number of household members in one-person and multi-person households. The latter are further classified according to the number of resident families in non-family, one-family and multi- family households. (Apart from family members, other persons can also live in a family household.)

An exact comparison of the 1971 census -results can only be made with -those of 1961; by reason of changes in definitions and concepts, a comparison with previous census data will be dispensed with here. 118 5. 7. Private Households according to the Household Size

In 1971, the number of private households amounted to 2,536.000. Approximately a quarter of them were one-person households, a further quarter was comprised of two-person households and the remaining half consisted of three and more-person households (see Table 35).

Table 35 Private Households by Size

Number of members of household Census Total 1 2 3 U or more year Average number Number Per cent

1961 2,305.760 100,0 19,7 27,0 20,9 32, >4 3,02 1971 2,535.916 ' 100,0 2Í4.6 26,5 17,9 31,0 2,90

Source: Austrian Central Statistical Office

Notable is the fact that the number of house= holds increased relatively stronger than the population. This trend can be observed since the time of the monarchy, and has the following quantity for the period 1961 to 1971: while the number of private households rose by 10 per cent, the number of household members increased by only 5,6 per cent. Therefore, the average house= hold size diminished from 3,02 to 2,90 during this period. This decline of the household size, vrhich is also identifiable in many other countries, can mainly be attributed to the strong increase of one-person households. Thus, between 1961 and 119 1971 this number increased by more than a third of its value in 1961. An increase, .when only to a rather negligible extent, was also registered for the two-person and the four and more-person households. The three-person household was the only one which did not show an increase. Thus, the decrease in the average, household size did not follow at the expense of the number of large households, but on the basis of a relatively strong increase in the one and two- person households, and a decline in the three- person households.

The average household size in Austria is strongly influenced by the household structure of Vienna; here it amounts to 2,17 in comparison to a value of 3»20 in the remaining parts of Austria.

5.2. One-Person Households '

The population living in one-person households shows two essential characteristics: a high average age - almost half of them are 65 years old and over - and a strong majority of women - three quarters of all one-person households are comprised of women. This is mainly a question of the remaining members of a family who are left after the death of a spouse, and the departure of eventually existing children from the parental household. The strong surplus of women is due to the higher (normal) mortality of the males and their war losses in both World Wars. This is especially significant in the high age groups: 42 per cent of women 75 years old and over and 16 per cent of men of the same age 120 live in one-person households (see Table 36); five sixths of all persons of this age living in one-person households are women. In com= parison to this, the male sex is more strongly represented in the lower age groups (under 45 years).

Table 36 Person» in Onc-Perion Household» by Age and Sex

Per cent of total population

Age group Male Female Both sexes

1961 1971 1961 1971 1961 1971

18 to less than 25 2,8 6,1) 2,2 5,5 2,5 6,0 25 to less than 35 3,6 5,9 2,7 U,3 3,1 5,1 35 to less than 1)5 3,1 U,i 3,7 lt,2 3,1* >t,i U5 to less than 55 U,0 li.lt 8,1 9,1! 6,3 7,3 55 to less than 60 5,0 5,T 15.U 18, li 10,7 13.0 60 to less than 65 5,9 7,0 22,0 25, >t 15,0 17,6 65 to less than 75 8,0 9,8 30,6 36,5 21,7 25,7 75 and over 12,7 16,1 33,6 1(2,1 25,9 33,6

Total It,6 6,5 12.1 16,0 8,7 11,7

Source: Austrian Central Statistical Office

The strong increase in one-person households between 1961 and 1971 is to be found in all age groups '(Table 36). The relative change was mainly notable in the lower age groups, followed by the high age groups, and was at its weakest in the middle age groups. The numerical effect was mainly significant for women in the high age groups and for men in the low.

Due to the high average age of the population living in one-person households, it could be pnesumed that the aging of the population between the last two censuses mainly caused the 121 increase of one-person households, -ftowever, standardization by age and sex demonstrated only a negligible effect of the age structure with a standardized increase in the pro= portion of one-person households among house= holds in total from 19,7 per cent to 20,4 per cent as against an actual increase to 24,5 per cent. The. rather insignificant changes, in the population composition by marital status were also uneffective, so that the explanation for the trend towards one-person households could presumably be applied to a change in the be= haviour of people. However;, the decline of agri= culture could be cited as partly responsible for this development, as the one-person house= hold does not appear so often among the farm population as among the non-farm population.

The increase of the one-person household finds its counterpart in the increasing limitation of the household community on the family nucleus. Thus, the number of household members who do not belong to the family nucleus of the head of the household has strongly decreased between 1961 and 1971 (by 200.000 persons, see Table 38); and this was the case both with those relatives who do not belong to the family nucleus, the employees, the domestic servants and the remaining unrelated persons. This trend towards a limitation of the household on the family nucleus can, insofar as it .leads' to an increase of the one-person household, be inter= preted as an exclusion of solitary persons from the household community. On the contrary, this development can also be interpreted positively, as an outlet of the fact that nowadays there is 122 a growing number of people who can financially afford to .found and maintain their own house= hold. Thus, the conflict potential-of more or less involuntary household communities would be transferred from the family and household sphere to the social level where it appears as social problems in the form of loneliness, indigence' etc.

5. 3. Households and Population according to Household Types

In private households, there is a distinction between family households and non-family house= holds. Family households consist of at least one. family ( in the sense of the census definition, see Chapter III. 4) and eventually other families- or single persons.

In 1971, 80 per cent of the Austrian population lived in one-family households and 8 per cent in multi-family households; thus, all in all, 88 per cent lived in family households. A further 8 per cent lived in one-person house= holds and 2 per cent in multi-person-non-family households. 1 per cent of the population lived- in institutional households (see Table 37).

In comparison to 1961, the proportion of family households on,the total of households has slightly decreased although its absolute figure has risen, due to a strong increase of the one- person households. Both the relative and abso= lute.decline of multi-family households is no= table; similar can be said for the multi-person-non-family households. The only household 123 type whose proportion has increased, is the one-person household.

Table 37 Percentage Distribution by Household Type of Households and Population

Type of household Households Population 1961 1971 1961 1971

Private households : i Family households -vith 1 family 71,0 68,5 79,3 80,0 Family households with 2 or more families l+,7 3,7 9,5 7,9 Non-family households vith 1 person 19,7 2l»,5 6,U 8,1» Non-family households with 2 or more persons U,5 3,1 3,

Institutional households 0,1 0,1 I,1' 1,3 Total households Per cent 100,0 100,0 100,0 100,0 Number 2,308.252 2,538.723 7,073.807 7,'i56.1iO3

Source: Auai^rian Central Statistical Office

As can be seen from Table 5 in Appendix B, 82 ' per cent of all family households in 1971 coh= sisted of only one. family nucleus without any other persons. In merely 18 per cent of all cases, there are other persons living in the household besides the family nucleus, vrhereby approximately 4 per cent accomodate further families without other persons; thus, persons who do not belong to any family nucleus live in 14 per cent of all family households.

The difference between the proportion of the population living in a family household and the proportion of all family members on the population, results in a proportion of the population not belonging to a family but living in a family household. This amounted to 4,1 124 per cent of the population in 1971. In com= parison to 1961 with a raté of 6 per cent, it sank by a third, i.e. the number was reduced from 420.000 to 306.000. This decrease is not explanatory due to an effect of the age structure which presumably worked in the op= posite direction. Together with the decline of multi-family households, the trend towards one-family households which contain no further1 persons is pointed out again.

Table 38 Persons in Private Multi-Person Households by Relationship to Head of Household

Number Per cent Household relationship 1961 1971 1961 1971

Head of household 1,852.268 1^912.875 28,1) 28,1) Legal spouse 1,1)61.098 1,570.598 22, h 23,3 Common-lav spouse 32.309 50.209 0,5 0,7 Never-married child 2,31)2-058 2,572.1)22 35,9 38,2 Other relative 572.6U3 I456.128 8,8 6,8 of which: ascendent 210.192 . 3,1 Employee 67.26O 22.1)23 1,0. 0,3 Domestic servant 25.831 11.299 0,1) 0,2 Other person not related 165.178- Hi.376 2,6 2,1

Total 6,518.61(5 6,737.330 100,0 100,0

1) In 1961, male spouses of houshold heads have been counted among other relatives (the respective percentage amounted to 0,3? in 1971)- 2) Living as married vith the household head in the absence of legal sanction. Source: Austrian Central Statistical Office

6. RELIGION

Catholicism in Austria is no longer the state religion but it is nevertheless still signifi= cantly predominant. In 1971, 88 per cent of the population belonged to the Roman Catholic faith, 6 per cent were Protestants and 4 per' cent were without denomination (Table 39). 125

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The proportion of Protestants rose particularly in those periods in which Austria experienced political .-upheavals and territorial changes, e.g. 191O/1931! and 193^/1951, while it has stag; nated since 1951• The regional distribution shows, apart from the over-proportional share of Protestants.in Vienna, numerous predomi= nantly Protestant communities in Carinthia and Burgenland.

The proportion of people without denomination which was completely insignificant during the period of the monarchy, rose strongly between •I9IO and 19513 whereby apart from the general trend towards a relaxation of religious ties, the special hostility to religion of the Austro- Marxism as well as that of the national-socialism and the marriage regulations regarding divorce and re-marriage, played a significant role 'towards this increase. Following a stag= nation between 1951 and 1961, the proportion of undenominational increased considerably in the period 1961 to' 1971- Half of the undenomina = tionals live in Vienna.

The statistical consideration of persons of Jewish religion reminds one of the Nazi terror: due to a strong immigration, the number of Jews rose between 1869 and 1910 from 60.000 to I95.OOO, nine tenths of which 1-ived in Vienna. 127 After the First World War, there was a further immigration wave which in the census of 1923 led to a peak of 202.000 persons of Jewish religion fov Vienna alone (this religous denomination was not recorded for the whole area of Austria; in 1910, the comparative number for Vienna amounted to 175-000). Due to conversions and perhaps emigration, this number was reduced to 191.000 up to 1934. The national-socialistic persecution of Jews (in Austria: 1938 to 1945) forced a part to emigrate and another part into physical extinction so that in 1951 only. 11.000 persons were recorded as being of Jewish faith (in 1971 it was approximately 8.500).

In comparison to earlier censuses, 1971 reg= istered a great'number of persons who appear under the classification of "other religions". These are first and foremost members of the Serbian-Orthodox and Islamic religions who emigrated to Austria as foreign workers or students.

7. LANGUAGE CROUPS

For hundreds of years the minority groups of the Slovenes and Hungarians have lived in the area of today's republic; as a result of the Turkish wars, Croats settled in eastern and south eastern regions. Due to the economic boom in the last decades before the First World War, there was a considerable immigration of Czech and Slovak speakers, especially towards Vienna. Further significant population groups of non- German tongue are the Hungarian and Czechoslo= 128 vakian refugees of the late fifties and sixties, as well as the foreign workers of the sixties and seventies, their main language being Slovenian, Croatian, Serbian, Serbo-Croatian and Turkish. The three latter languages fall under the heading of "other languages" and are not separately recorded in the census of 1971-

Table 40 shows the distribution of the resident population according to its usually spoken language and the respective proportion of aliens among the lingual minority. This allows for a separation of the traditional ethnic minorities from identical speaking foreign workers and their families whose naturalization rate .may be negligible up to the census of 1971 due to the prerequisite of a ten year residence in Austria (the first contingent agreement concerning foreign workers was concluded in 1962). 97,6 per cent of the population speak only German, 1,2 per cent speak another lan= guage and the remaining 1,2 per cent are distributed among Croatian (0,^3 per cent), Slovenian and Windisch, respectively (0,38 per cent), Hungarian (0,26 per cent) and Czech (0,14. per cent). Persons who declare their own language in conjunction with German are in= eluded in the lingual minority.

The above mentioned traditional ethnic minorities settled in the south eastern frontiers of Austria: the majority of the Croatian speaking Austrian citizens live in Burgenland, the Slovenian or Windisch speaking in Carinthia. Although the traditional settlement area of the Hungarian minority belongs to Burgenland, the 129 Table 1)0 Language Croups, 1971

Total population Aliens in per Language, usually spoken cent of the language Number per cent group

German (only) 7,275.8llt 97,58 1,1 Croatian 32.1)13 0,1.3 13,1) Slovenian 28.000 0,38 15,8 Hungarian 19.117 0,26 22,5 Czechian 10.317 0,11) 22,8

Other or unknown 90.71)2 1,22 88,9

7,1,56.1,03 Total 100,0 2,1)

1) Including combinations with German. Source: Austrian Central Statistical Office

larger part of this language group (Austrian citizens) lives to a great extent (41 per cent, number approximately 6.000) in Vienna rather than in Burgenland (37 per cent), and this is because - the considerable number of Hungarian refugees' who are naturalized since 1956 lives presumably to the greater part in Vienna.

A comparison with the census results of earlier years is very problematic. Although questions regarding language were included in every regular census and the results were tabulated at least for the traditional minority regions, the form of the questions changed continuously: the language usually spoken was surveyed during the monarchy (with the exception of Burgenland, which belonged to Hungary at that time, where the mother tongue was asked), in 1923 it was the "thinking" language (language in which one thought), in 1934 it was the sense of kinship to ethnic groups and since 1951 it was again the language usually spoken, nevertheless, there are certain conclusions to be drawn: all three 130 ethnic minorities decreased strongly, whereby the decline of the Croatian speaking people in Burgenland was the most negligible one, decreasing from 15 per cent in 1910 to 9 per cent in 1971. The Slovenian speaking minority in Camthia- diminished very strongly from 18,3 per cent in 1910 (in 188O it was still 26,6 per cent) to 4,2 per cent in 1971 (the data of 1910 are related to the present territory of the provinces). A similar decrease occurred in the Hungarian speaking population in Burgenland.'

8. NATIONALITY

Under no circumstances can the presence of foreigners in Austria be explained äs being solely in connection with foreign employment. The notable low participation rates in the labour force of Greek, Swedish, Iranian, Canadian and the US-American citizens (within the span of 17 and 33 per cent in 1971) relate to university attendance,.re-migration (e.g. passing of late life- in the native country) and others.

Following the increase of foreign worker em= ployment,.the characteristic of nationality is of great actual interest. However, one must take into consideration that not all foreign workers in Austria were"included in the resident population of the 1971 census, as those for= eigners who had left their family behind in their native country (spouse and children, respectively) were only considered as being temporarily present. Nevertheless, if they were 131 employed, they were counted as being a par= ticular category in the census.

Those alien workers from southern countries who were counted among the resident population were predom= inantly from Yugoslavia and to a less extent' from Turkey. Taking into account not only the labour force but the total resident population, both nationalities together consisted of only some= what more than two fifths of all resident .aliens in Austria, the remaining aliens, being to a great extent of German nationality who occupied a good one quarter of all foreign residents.

The census in 1971 registered 1-77.000 resident foreigners in Austria which is 2,4 per cent of the resident population. In comparison to former censuses, the proportion of aliens has rather diminished: in 1934 it was at 4,4 per cent due to the high number of "new aliens". (Those were persons who had originated from the successor states of the Austrian half of the monarchy and who had.taken the nationality of these states.) The greatest number of foreigners was of Czechoslovakian nationality, the second strongest group were the Germans. In 1951 the proportion of foreigners lay somewhat higher (4,7 percent)' due to the numerous refugees; three quarters of all foreigners' were stateless or of undetermined nationality! Only in 196l (1,4'per cent) were there fewer foreigners than in 1971» the German group being the largest (42 per cent of all foreigners), followed by the still considerable number of people with undertermined, or without nationality (21 per cent). 132

Table Ijl Aliens by Nationality, 1971

Aliens Nationality Relative Percent- ase of la- change age of bour force Numer Per cent 1961-1971 (1961=100) males pation

Yugoslavia 67.692 38,3 1.1.83 5U 82 Federal Republic of Germany 1.6.879 26,5 109 51 30 Italy 7.72>) lt.lt 89 • 56 Il3 Turkey T.5U3 fc,3 3.1.76 7l< 77 USA Il.ll21l 2,5 312 hi 20 Switzerland 3.860 2,2 117 lilt 37 Czechoslovakia 2.893 1,6 390 53 6T Hungary 2.6U1 1,5 53 62 61 United Kingdom 2.3111 1,3 151. III 1.2 Greece 2.122 1.2 90 72 33 Iran I.776 1,0 262 76 17 Other nationalities 1I4.O73 8,0 177 55 ito Without nationality, unknown, 12.805 58 60 50 undecided 7.2

Total aliens 176.773 100,0 173 5>t 58

Source: Austrian Central Statistical Office

In 1971, the Yugoslavian citizens were numer= ically the strongest group of all foreigners, their number amounting to 68.000 which is fifteen times higher than in.1961. This. sig= nificant growth began with the contingent agreement"concerning, foreign workers of 1962. Almost half of the''Yugoslavians are women (47 per cent). The participation in the labour force is very high among both sexes (women: 78 per cent, men: 97 per cent, overall: 82 per cent). The latter coheres with the particular age structure of the Yugoslavian population which shows a concentration in.the middle age groups (half of them are.15 to 30 years old, the median lies at 26 years, whereas the median age of the total population of Austria is 33,4 years and the variance is much larger), and thus a lower number of young and old people who 1 ) are dependent on support (dependency ratio :

1) For definition see Table 26, Chapter III. 2. 133 16 as against 81 of the total population). The age-specific female participation in the labour force is also relatively higher than in the total population: more than 90 per cent of the 15 to under 45 year old' women are employed. If one includes the .approximate 26.000 temporarily present workers, the number of Yugoslavians in Austria in 1971 increases to 93.000, the number of economically active Yugoslavians from 56.000 to 8I.OOO,. and the general labour force par= ticipation rate to 87 per cent; as the group of temporarily present foreigners is almost exclusively male,' there is a shift in the proportion'of males to 88 per cent.

The second largest contingent of foreign workers from southern countries comes from Turkey. In 1971, 7-500 Turks were counted among the resident population and 9-000 were assumed as being temporarily present; thus, in total, I6.5OO persons. Three quarters of the Turkish resident population and almost all of the temporarily present are of male sex; the labour force participation rate is high.

The Federal Republic of Germany whi'ch was re= corded with 42 per cent as being the country with the greatest number of foreigners in Austria in 1961, has fallen back to second place due to the increase in the employment of foreign workers. The age structure of Germans living in Austria is not unlike that of the total. Austrian population but it has a somewhat higher proportion of aged people (24,2 per cent are 60 years old or over as against 20,2 per cent in the total population). Accordingly, 134 the labour force participation rate is also lower, carrying 38 per cent as against 42 per cent of the total population. The sex ratio is balanced..

The 1971 census results can yield a number of informations about the structural peculiarities of the alien population. However, due to the development of the last years, they are outdated as regards quantitative statements. In the following two years after 1971, the number of foreign workers experiened a strong increase: the employment statistics of the social ministry whose com= parabil'ity with census results is only limited due to different concepts and definitions, enabled an estimate of I38.OOO alien employees for the census month May 1971; 122.000 of these were Yugoslavian-and Turkish workers. Two years later, this number had already reached 217.000, 196.OOO being of the above mentioned two nationalities. Almost the same number was registered in May 197^ - Following the swift declining tendency of the economy at the end of 197^ and beginning of 1975, the employment of foreign workers fell back to 190.000 in May 1975- I67.OOO of these were Yugoslavian and Turks.

9. EDUCATION

The results of the 1971 census show the following structure of educational attainment of the

1) Educational attainment is defined as the most advanced level which a person has attended in the educational system. 135 Austrian population: 62 per cent of the pop= ulation 15 years old and over attained only primary school education (compulsory education), 23 per cent completed an apprenticeship, 7 per cent are graduates of an intermediate school (final examination which does not qualify for university), 6 per cent are graduates of a high school (final examination which entitles one to enter university) and 2,1 per cent are university graduates. As a completed appren= ticeship only partly involves school education, it can be determined that 85 per cent of the population aged 15 years and over-have not received any further education apart from compulsory education (see Table 42). Twenty years ago (1951 census) this rate lay at 86,8 per cent and thus similar to 1971; 7 per cent had an intermediate school education, 5 per cent had a high school education and 1,7 per cent had an university education. There are no available statistics for education in the years before 1951- The censuses I88O to 1910 contained questions about "educational level" but this only meant illiteracy. In the following para= graph, results of the 1971 census will be exclusively presented.

Percentage Distribution of Persons 15 Years Old and Over by Educational Attainment

Most advanced level of education completed

Census High Intermediate Primary Intermediate University school school school 1) or primary Total year school 1)

T M F T M F T M F T M F T M F T, M, F

1951 1,7 3,2 0,5 'i ,9 6,6 3,5 6,6 5,2 7,7 86,8 B5,0 88,3 93,'i 90,2 96,0 100,0 1961 i,8 3,3 0,6 U ,9 ' 6,!i 3,6 93,3 90,3 95,8 100,0 1971 2,1 3,6 1,0 5,9 7,li 1,6 7,0 It ,8 8,9 85,0 8U ,3 B5,6 92,0 89,0 9'i,5 100,0

T = total (fcoth sexes), M- = rr.ale, F = female

1) Including other or unknown educational attainment. Jource: Austrian Central Statistical Office 136 9. 1. Educational Attainment by Age and Sex

There is a considerable sex-specific differentiation in formal education. Male graduates of universities have a strong majority (76 per cent), the same of which can be said for males with a completed apprenticeship (70 per cent); this is to a less exent the case for persons with high school education (58 per cent). For those with a mere primary education and also for those with a mere intermediate school education, the women take precedence (69 per cent and 64 per cent).- It is mainly the high share of females who have a mere compulsory education which gives them an underprivileged status educationally: 73 per cent of women have merely a compulsory education, in comparison to this "only" 48 per cent of men have received the same education. How= ever, if the levels of compulsory education and completed apprenticeship were made into one category which is made up of 86 per cent women and 84 per cent men, this wuuld show that the male educational privilege is only contained in the highest education categories, namely, in university education and high school.education.

Strong differential educational structures are also to be found in the various age groups (Table 43). With increasing age, the share of persons with only a compulsory education is considerably increasing, namely, from 40 percent for the 20 to less than 25 year olds to 76 per cent for the 65 year olds and over, whereas those of the remaining educational categories are decreasing (apprenticeship, intermediate school, high school, university), the cross- 137

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a c w o • ) >> aj d (fi MO il < Î-. QJ <4H H 138 section data of the census which represent the educational structure of 1971 can with re= servation also be interpreted under longi= 1 ) tudinal aspects . Thus, the present 60 to 65 year olds can be considered as.the 25 to 30 year olds of thirty five years ago and can be compared with the present 25 to 30 year olds. Thus,

Table ^3 can be interpreted in,the way that in the past 35 years the share of men in the age group 25 to less than 30 years with only com= pulsory education or apprenticeship has decreased by only a tenth, i.e. from 86 per cent to 73 per cent. Nevertheless, the educational level within this category has improved insofar as that a considerably higher share of men has com= Dieted an apprenticeship. The remaining higher educational levels have also improved on the past thirty five years for the 25 to less than 30 year olds: the proportion of men with intermediate school education increased by a fifth and the proportion of the total of grad^ uates of high schools and universities has increased by 70 per cent. A correct comparison of the individual educational levels "high school" and "university" must be applied to an age group in which the greatest number of university students have already completed or given up their study, i.e. beginning with the 30 to less than 35 year olds. On the other hand, this age group is not completely covered by the

1) Necessary assumptions for a correct comparison of this kind are balanced net migrations of all educational levels for this space of time, the absence of mortality differentials by education and no changes in the educational attainment after for example the 25th year - of age. The validity of this comparison is determined by the (unknown) extent of the realization of these assumptions. 139 educational boom of the sixties as can be seen for males by the higher proportion of university graduates of a mere one seventh and the"only" double higher proportion of high school grad= uates (the total proportion of both categories is here approximately 35 per cent higher) compared with males aged 60 to less than 65 years. A more significant improvement of the educational structure appeared among women. The comparison of the educational proportion of the 25 to less than 30 year olds and the 60 to less than 65 year olds shows a doubling in apprenticeship, more than a doubling in intermediate school education and an almost fourfold proportion of - females with at least high school education. For 30 to less than 35 year old women both the share of graduates from high schools and those of universities "is also more than twice as high as that of the 60 to less than 65 year olds.

The essentially stronger inverse correlation between educational level and age among females naturally means a less majority of males in apprenticeship, high school and university education in younger age groups; if this is considered under longitudinal aspects, it signifies a reduction of the male education privilege. However, in intermediate school education where women have always had a strong majority, a strengthened female dominance in . the younger age groups took place. The proportion of compulsory education is the only one which shows a similar sex ratio in almost all age groups - in almost all age groups the proportion of women with this educational level on the total number of women amounts'to somewhat 1,6 140 of the corresponding male proportion.

The relation between education and age has until now been demonstrated only on the basis of a comparison between two age groups. The inter= mediate age groups show to a great extent a corresponding intermediate position in the educational proportions (with the exception of male university graduates who will be dealt with later). A deviation from the respective age trends which occurred in all educational pro= portions is represented by the age group of 35 to less than 40 of 1971, who have a less fa= vourable educational structure than the suc = ceeding age groups (exception: males with apprenticeship). It seems impossible to give a simple explanation for this phenomenon.

The age and sex distribution of university gratuates will be studied more thoroughly in the following: the proportion of university graduates declines with increasing age (cor= relation = -0,75) but this association is nevertheless not always consistent (monotone); it is true that the 25 to less than 30 year olds, who have a share of 3,4 per cent, posses a higher rate than all succeeding age groups although a considerable proportion of students have not completed their studies in this age; on the other hand, the noticeable low share of 2,4 per cent of the 35 to less than 40 year olds contradicts the general trend because the 40 to less than 60 year olds register a higher pro= portion. Only the age group of 60 and over shows a significant decline. 141 Figure 12

Educational Attainment by Age and Sex, 1971

160 Female

150

140

130

120 ill 110 100

Intermediate school 80

l A High school 50

20 University

0 L.

I T I I T 15 20 25 X 35 40 45 50 55 60 65 and 15 20 25 30 35 40 45 50 55 60 65 and over over Age Age

The sex-specific differences in the proportion of university graduates are very strongly marked: the male proportion which carried 3,5 per cent is approximately 3,7 times higher than that of the females (approximately 1 per cent); 142 three quarters of all university graduates are men. Here again, the extent of this over - representation of the male sex varies with age: in general it can be said that the sex differences in the lower age groups are more negligible than those in the higher. In the age group of 30 to less than 35, the men show "only" a 2,7 fold higher proportion of university graduates on the women, while in the age group 65 and over they have a tenfold dominance. It is no'table that the extremely low proportion of university graduates among 35 to less than 40 year olds which exists in both sexes runs paral= lei with a strikingly strong female undei-representation among university graduates.

The sex-specific analysis in the proportion of university graduates further shows that only females have'an inverse correlation between age and this proportion (correlation = -0,88), while the respective correlation among males is almost zero (+O3O3); therefore, no approximate linear relation can be determined for males between age and the respective proportion. Thus, the overall correlation (both sexes) between age and the proportion of university graduates is only caused by the correlation of the female sex, while the age-specific proportion of the males does not show any uniform trend: the ¿15 to less than 60 year olds have a higher pro= portion than all lower age groups (!) (see Figure 12). The age structure is of signi= ficance for the approximations of replacement demand for university graduates which are to be implemented in the scope of the 'manpower pro= jections. In general it can be said that 143 within the age group of 25 to less than 65 (labour force potential), the university graduates are on average older than the total population. This means that in the, higher age groups, uni= versity graduates are relatively stronger represented than in the total population. This relative over-aged structure of university grad = uates only appears in the male sex; the female age structure of university graduates is rela= tively younger than the female age structure of the total population (within the age group of 25 to less than 65) but due to smaller numerical significance is unable to compensate for the age structure of the male graduates.- The lower labour force participation rate of female university graduates must also be considered for the purpose of manpower projections. However, this picture' which stems from the census data of 1971 will be swiftly deferred in favour of the lower age groups due to the strongly increased university attendance of the past years.

For those persons whose highest educational attainment is a completed high school education • (general or vocational secondary school with certificate permitting university attendance), there is a more significant relation between age and education than among university graduates.. How = ever, the direction is the same and this relation appears in both sexes. The female under- representation is present but to a much less extent than among university graduates; the male proportion of persons with high school education is 1,6 times higher than that of the females. The sex differences are somewhat more negligible in the lower age groups than in the higher; 144 significant differences first appear in the age groups of 60 and over.

An age effeet of the above mentioned type also appears for graduates of intermediate schools (vocational secondary schools without the above mentioned certificate). This educational level is dominated by women, especially in the lower age groups.

Persons with completed apprenticeship are also better represented in the lower age groups than in the higher and this is applicable to both sexes though more for the female than the male. As the men dominate in this educational cate= gory, it signifies a diminishment in the sex differences in the lower age groups; the men are twice as strongly represented as females in the age group of 25 to less than 30 and in the age group of 65 and over they are 4,2 times stronger.

9.2. Education by Size Classes of Communities

The educational structure of the population varies according to size classes of communities and this is mainly due to the differential structure of the labour market (labour force share of the agricultural, industrial and service sectors, whereby the latter is especially effective in demanding a higher education for public services) and also the differential socio-cultural facts (for example, the supply of public schools and the use of educational establishments). Table' 145 44 shows the following relation very clearly: the larger the community, the lower the pro= portion of population with a mere compulsory school education and the higher the proportion of all remaining educational categories. This relation is very strong, is valid for both sexes and has the strongest effect for university graduates: the respective proportion is approximately 8 times higher in cities with over 100.000 inhabitants than in communities with under 2.000 inhabitants. The sex differ= enees in education also vary in general with

Table kk Percentage Distribution by Educational Attainment of Population 15 Years Old and Over, by Size Class of Communities and Sex, 1971

Educational Attainment Size class of Inter- Apprent- community Total Univer- Hißh Primary Sex mediate ice- sity school school (15+) school ship

Total T 100,0 2,1 5,9 7,0 23,2 61,8 M 100,0 3,6 7,4 li,8 35,9 1*8,U F 100,0 1,0 lt,6 8,9 12,6 73,0 Up to 500 inhabitants T 100,0 O.lt 1,7 3,7 13,3 80,9 M 100,0 0,7 2,2 3,7 22,11 70,9 F 100,0 0,1 1,2 3,7 90,1 501 - 1.000 T 100,0 0,5 1.9 3.8 lit,9 78,9 M 100,0 0,9 2,11 3> 2lt,7 F 100,0 0,1 1,5 1*,1 5,9 88,U 1.001 - 2.000 T 100,0 0,5 2,2 3,8 16,7 76,8 M 100,0 1,0 2,7 3,2 27,9 65,1 F 100,0 0,1 1,7 lt,2 6,5 87.1* 2.001 - 5.000 T 100,0 0,9 3,2 5,1 20,It 70,5 M 100,0 1,5 lt.0 3,9 '33,1 57, It F 100,0 0,3 2.5 6,0 9,1 82,1 5.001 - 10.000 T 100,0 1,5 U,8 6,9 2lf,T 62,1 M 100,0 2,7 6,2 5,1 39,0 >t6.9 F 100,0 0,5 3,6 8,1* 12,3 75,1 10.001 - 20.000 T 100,0 2,1 5,8 8,0 25, h 58.7 M 100,0 3,7 7,3 5,7 39,7 U3.6 F 100,0 0,8 9,9 13,6 71,2 20.001 - 100.000 T 100,0 2,7 7,3 9,lt 25, It 55,1 H 100,0 U,T 9,3 6,1 39,8 1*0,1 F 100,0 1,0 5,6 12,2 13,6 6T.5 100.001 - 1,000.000 T 100,0 lt.lt 11,6- 9,3 25,9 1*8,7 M 100,0 7,U 11. ,8 5,3 37,7 3U,8 F 100,0 1.9 9,0 12,6 16,1| 60,0 1,000.001 or more T 100,0 u,o •3,6 10,1 30,0 h6,3 inhabitants (Vienna) H 100,0 6,7 12,8 6,1 ••'1<,5 • 29,9 F 100,0 2,1 7,1 13,1 19,2 58,5

Source: Austrian Central Statistical Office 146 the size of community: among university grad = uates, compulsory school graduates and to a less extent graduates of intermediate schools, the sex differences intensify with increasing size of community* for persons with apprentice= ship, this difference diminishes. The sex dif= ferences of high school graduates does not vary according to size classes of communities..

9.3. Age-Specific School Attendance

In 1971, 17 per cent of the population were pupils or students. Table 45 shows their age distri= bution: after the school entrance which normally occurs at the age of 6 years, the school attend= anee rate attained 100 per cent for 8 to 14 year olds. For the 15 year olds (age limit for the compulsory education) this rate amounted to

Tatle School Attendance by Type of School and Age, 1971

Of which: pupils, students

Type of school Age Population Total Inter- High Primary- Number Per cent university mediate school school school

Total 7,!(56.1(O3 1,261.712 16,9 60.201 173.1(20 Ii7.1>95 98O.596 5 - 7 - 381l.61(B 173.91(7 1(5,2 - _ 173.91)7 8-9 258.7^0 258.738 100,0 - _ _ 258.738 10 -ill 585.366 585.366 100,0 _ 8li.067 5.201 I196.O98 15 IOT.18I1 82.802 77,3 - 23.1H1! Hi.618 lilt. 770 16 103. 1) lit 3lí.2U3 33,1 • 20.831 11.172 2.2I1O 17 101.127 26.932 26,6 17 18.21(6 7.929 71(0 18 100.668 20.595 20,5 2.I26 13.583 3.99li 892 19 99.033 15.697 15,9 6.528 6.511 1.9¡i9 709 20 100.008 12.567 12,6 8.272 2.813 889 •593 21 101.827 10.831 10,6 8.392 1.U51 5«*1 l)li7 22 103.219 9.076 8,1» 7.61(2 783 339 312 23 110.71*9 7.5ldi 6,8 6.525 1(90 225 30 li 21* 108.085 6.082 5,6 5.355 316 1U9 262 25 and over X 17.292 X 15-3*ilv 9ll) 1)89 5I.5

í) Including other and unknown types of school. Source: Austrian Central Statistical Office 147 77 per cent which was followed by continuously declining participation rates for higher age years. Furthermore, Table 45 gives information on the age structure of pupils and students of different kinds of school institutions, and thus some idea about the composition of.the Austrian school system. 148

CHAPTER IV

REGIONAL POPULATION DEVELOPMENT AND DISTRIBUTION

1. POPULATION DEVELOPMENT OF THE PROVINCES

1.1. Long Term Trends in Population Development and Distribution according to Provinces

The following explanation deals with the re= gional differentiations of population develop= ment on the basis of the provinces (within their present territorial boundaries) and is to be understood within the framework of Austria's total population development, which is only oc= caaionally mentioned in this chapter (this was already dealt with and Chapters II and III).

1. 1. /. Development up to the First World War

The period between the middle of the nineteenth century and the First World War was characters ized by an extremely strong growth in Vienna and a relatively normal one in the remaining provinces. Accordingly, Vienna was able to in= crease its share on the Austrian population (within its present boundaries) from 12 per cent in 1830 and 20 per cent in 1869 to 31 per cent in 1910, whereas all remaining provinces 149

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1J O c o í-l Cu 150 which were overshadowed from this growth had to accept losses on their shares. This development is understandable if one considers that Vienna was at that time the capital of a 29 million empire (i.e. if one only includes the countries of the Austrian half of the Austro-Hungarian monarchy) of which its share on the total pop= ulation only amounted to 7,3 per cent, 1910.

Within forty years previous to 1910, the pop= ulation of Vienna had doubled to 2,1 million which was even four times more than in 1850. It was the high migration gain which mainly accounted for this, especially from abroad: thus, according to the census of 1910, 36 per cent of the Viennese population was born in what are presently known as foreign countries of which two thirds originated from Bohemia and Moravia (today .parts of Czechoslovakia). How= ever, at that time the most important countries of origin of immigrants belonged to the Austrian half of the Danube monarchy and thus to the home country. The excess of births over deaths in Vienna was also extremely high and surpassed almost all of the remaining provinces. The 1870's was an especially strong growth period for Vienna in which the natural increase accounted for one third total population growth. The steady decline of net immigration in the following decades caused a weakening of the rapid growth which at first nevertheless remained negligible due to increase ing birth excesses up to the turn of the cen= tury, and worked out more strongly in the be= ginning of this century as a result of a de= crease in the latter. 151

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oPi r-1 cd CO 152 Of the remaining provinces, Burgenland, Upper Austria and Carinthia showed a relatively weak growth during this period (1869 to 1910) which was caused by their steady and, in general, increasing migration deficit. Vorarlberg, Salzburg, Styria and Lower Austria lay above the average growth of Austria without Vienna, and Tyrol corresponded largely to this on an average of this period.

In Burgenland the still favourable increase between 1869 and I88O weakened constantly and came to a standstill in the first decade of this century. The reason for this was a strong increase in net emigration, while the already high excess of births over deaths showed a steady upward trend. In the remaining provinces, there was an increasing growth rate, the period having the strongest growth being at the turn of the century. An increase in birth excesses in each of these provinces pertained to the rising growth. In comparison to this, as wa« the case in Vienna, the net migration gains were also reduced in these provinces in general (with the exception of Tyrol and Vorarlberg), and thus they somewhat lost their importance as growth components. The extremely low excess of births over deaths of Tyrol in the seventies and eighties of the last century is notable: it amounted to 1 per thousand and 1/2 per thousand respectively, of the population (in comparison with the present, it is one tenth and one twentieth respectively, of the rate of natural increase in the i960's). This is due to the low birth rate of Tyrol which was far below the Austrian average in those years because the death 153 rate was well the lowest among the provinces. Only between 1890 and 1910 did a considerable increase of the birth rate, together with a further decline of the death rate, lead to a strong' increase of the excess of births over deaths, and thus to a vigorous population growth which was' also supported by a certain improve= ment of the migration surplus in the last decade.

7. 7.2. Development since the First World War

Vienna was the most strongly affected by the population decline in Austria between 7970 and 1923. This was mainly due to an excess of deaths over births resulting from the war losses and the birth shortages. Another cause was the remigration of ethnic non-Germans in their countries of origin which were constituted as national states in consequence to the dissolution of the Austro-Hungarian empire, which out= numbered the influx of ethnic Germans from these countries to Vienna/ Apart from Vienna, Vor= arlberg also registered a migration deficit, as did Burgenland which has therewith continued its tradition as an emigration country until now. As a result of this population movement, a pop= ulation decline occurred in both of these areas. In the remaining provinces, the population increased or remained constant according to a balanced or positive net migration and a vary= ing natural increase. 154 During the intercensal period 1923 to 1934. the western provinces Vorarlbergs Tyrol and Salzburg as well as the capital city Vienna gained by migration, while the remaining provinces re= gistered net migration losses. Following the enormous fertility decline after the First World- War and especially during the Economic -Depression of the thirties, the migration gain of Vienna was compensated by an excess of births over deaths so that its population remained rela= tively constant; however, as a result of the excesses of births over deaths, the remaining provinces were able to register a positive growth.

In the period between the censuses oî 1934 and 7951 which embraces the period of Austro- Fascism, national socialism, the Second World War and the first post-war years, the eastern provinces Vienna, Lower Austria and Burgenland suffered population losses, while southern Austria (Styria, Carinthia) and especially western Austria (Upper Austria, Salzburg, Tyrol, Vorarlberg) could increase their population remarkably. These shiftings of the population among the provinces which were the strongest ones within the considered period of a hun= dred years are based mainly on the substantially in= creased rates of net migration of the southern and- western provinces where the influx of refugees and displaced persons after the Second World War as well as the east-west mi= gration of Austrian citizens towards the war's end came to voice. Salzburg and Upper Austria registered both the relative and absolute highest migration gains, whereas the eastern 155 provinces suffered migration losses. The average yearly rate of net migration in.Burgenland was some= what more negative than in the period 1923 to 193^, whereas in Lower Austria it was essen= tially less negative (the population loss here was caused by a natural population, movement which was strongly unfavourable in comparison to ohter provinces). Apart from a net emi= gration of 100.000 (if one separates the forced emigration of an estimated 180.000 Viennese Jews, of which only a relatively small portion re= settled in Vienna after the war, from the remaining migration, this still results in a mi= gration gain of approximately 70.000 persons for Vienna during this period), the shrinkage of the Viennese population by 320.000 inhabit= ants mainly results from a deficit of births of 200.000 persons. This strong" population decline signifies a loss of 5,^ percentage points in Vienna's share on the Austrian pop=' ulation; the whole of the eastern region lost 7 percentage points to the southern region (+1,8 percentage points) and the western region (+5,2 percentage points).

Due to the emigration of many refugees, dis= placed persons- etc. in the years following the 1951 census, which caused a considerable exter= nal net emigration in Austria during 7957 to 1961, the previous immigration provinces showed a migration deficit (exeption: Vorarlberg). In comparison to this, Vienna again secured a mi= • gration gain, while in the traditional emi= gration province Burgenland, as well as Lower Austria, emigration was strengthened which despite a favourable natural increase caused a 156 further population decline. In Vienna, which was the only province with an excess of deaths during this period, the net immigration re= suited in a neglible population growth. Due to excesses of births, the remaining provinces increased, as did Vorarlberg which also ex = perienced a migration gain, thus malting it the province with the strongest population growth in the fifties.

In comparison to the previous decade, a more favourable population development was regis= tered in the sixties for all provinces, which was the result of an almost general improve^ ment of the net migration and a partial strengthening in the natural increase. Among others, the employment of alien workers (see Chapter I and II) led to a positive net mi= gration in Vienna, although somewhat weaker than between 1951 to 1961, and in western Austria (Salzburg, Tyrol, Vorarlberg), and to a weakening of the migration losses in the re= maining provinces: the first mentioned provinces also improved their natural increase; Upper Austria, Lower Austria and Styria registered similar average rates of natural increase as in the fifties, while Carinthia and especially Burgenland lay below their previous level in this respect. These components of population growth led a slight population decline in Vienna, a weak population growth in Burgenland and partly to a very strong increase in the re= maining provinces: Vorarlberg, Tyrol and Salz= burg registered a yearly growth rate of 1,5 per cent and more, whereby Vorarlberg again registered the strongest growth as in the fifties, 157 The stagnation of the population in the eastern provinces Vienna, Lower Austria and Burgenland during 1951 to 196l signifies a further di= minishment. in their proportion of the Austrian population by a total of 3,3 percentage points in favour of western Austria (Upper Austria, Salzburg, Tyrol, Vorarlberg: +3,0 percentage points), whereas southern Austria could only expand its proportion somewhat negligibly (Styria, Carinthia: +0,2 percentage points). As can be observed in the following Table, this growth in western Austria (and southern Austria) v/as not caused by an east-west migration but was mainly the result of a stronger natural increase in the western and southern regions, while the eastern region dropped back due to the dominating excess of deaths over births in Vienna.

Components of Population Growth, 1951 to 1971

Components Eastern Southern and (thousands) region western region

Natural increase -51,6 + 661.,3 Net migration + 60,0 -147:,2 Population growth + 8,4 + 514,,1

1.2. Internal Migration 1966 to 1961

Due to the lack of current migration^ statistics, it was until now impossible to record the mi= gration flows between c'ertain. regions. Since I869 questions regarding the place of birth 158 were contained in ali censuses but in the last two censuses people were also requested to reveal their place of residence five years previous to the census deadline, in order to try to remedy this deficiency of the migration statistics. Whereas the number of migrants was underestimated mainly due to technical problems of the questionnaire in 1961, an almost com= plete registration of these groups was obtained in 1971• Prom the type of this question follows the fact that migrated children of under 5 years could not be accounted for as migratory persons, as they were not born five years previous to the census. Those persons who changed their place of residence during these five years and at the same time returned or died before the census, are also not registered as being part of the population which had migrated.

Table 49 contains -the matrix of interprovincial migration. According to this, the extent of population redistribution among the provinces caused by internal migration during the period 1966 to 1971 was relatively negligible, as it was not even a 1/2 per cent of the Austrian population. Burgenland was the area with the highest relative population loss due to mi= gration, and was followed by Carinthia, Styria and Upper Austria (this rank order corresponds with results of the total net migration, inclusive of external migration; see Table 48). Vienna and the western provinces Salzburg, Tyrol and Vorarlberg registered internal net migration gains. A forming of an eastern region (Vienna, Lower Austria, Burgenland), a central- southern region (Upper Austria, Styria, Carinthia) 159

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Net Migration 1966-1971

Between Regions Mentioned in the Lateral Text and Regions Mentioned in the Table Heading

East Centre- West Total South East (Vienna,Lower. Austria,- Burgen= - +4.967 -9^3 +4.024 land)

Centre-South (Upper Austria, -4.967 - -9".073' -14.040 Styria, Carinthia)

West (Salzburg, Tyrol, Vorarl= +943 +9-073 - +10.016 berg)

An internal net migration directed from the east to the west occurs primarily.from Styria, Carinthia and Upper Austria to Salzburg, Tyrol and Vor= arlberg, while in the east, Vienna represents a se.cond area of attraction vis a vis Lower Austria, Burgenlana, btyria, Carinthia ana upper Austria. Instead of a general east-west migration, a strong central-west as well as a central-east 161

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CO OJ OJ O\-3- en O cd I •- o\ t— cvj OJ c VD [•— co -d" ro >- — OJ es H al cu LÂ on OJ •- »- o •A 1 1 1 i I + 1 1 •H

ft o o U ft c c o Puu

iasa s, 5 2 [ M m o e.«>?P3 œ 162 migration can be registered^ of which the latter is directed towards Vienna.

Between 1966 and 1971, the interprovinclal migration volume amounted to 170.000 and thus 2,5 per cent of the population 5 years ol.d and over. The volume of migrants between Austrian communities which is the relatively best measure of spatial mobility according to the outlined data situation, lies at 7,6 per cent.

2. POPULATION DEVELOPMENT IN URBAN AND RURAL AREAS

According to the complex meaning of "urban", the distinction between urban and rural areas is a difficult problem. Due to the lack of a straightforward and empirically operational concept, such a definition will always appear to be blurred and in certain instances will remain arbitrary. In the following paragraphs, this classification will be used according to the characteristics of community size and the concept of urban regions.

2.1. Population and Population Development according to Size Classes of Communities

The characteristic of community size (number of inhabitants in a community) is mainly chosen for its simplicity and easy avail= ability of data as an indicator for the urban- rural dimension; due to the strong correlation between the size of a community and other in= 163 dicators of urbanization (e.g. proportion of farm population, central functions- etc.), it represents a relatively -good measure. Its limitations will be dealt with in 2.2.

The distinction between urban and rural, areas can be made by a dichotomization of this var= iable. A frequently employed limit of 5.000 inhabitants is used in the following para= graphs. According- to this criterion, half of all Austrians lived in rural areas in 1971 (under 5-000 inhabitants), a fifth lived in small and medium-sized urban areas (5.000 to 100.000 inhabitants) and a third lived in large towns ( over 100.000 inhabitants).

Table 50 Communities and Population by Size Class of Community, 1971

Size class of community Communities Population (number of inhabitants according to Cumulative the 1971 census! Number Per cent Number Per cent per cent

Up to 1.000 938 35 521.689 7 • 7 1.001 - 2.000 991» 37 1,Mit.665 19 26 2.001 - 3.000 382 ill 917.913 12 • 38 3.001 - 5.000 19!» 7 735.571 10 hB 5.001 - 10.000 91 3 597.867 8 56 10.001 - 20.000 37 1 U57.!i53 6 62 20.001 - 100.000 15 1 500.988 7 69 100.001 - 250.000 h 0 695.U\6 9 78 More than 1 million (Vienna) 1 0 1,61 IJ -SU 1 22 100

Total 2.656 100 7,^56.k03 100 -

Source: Austrian Central Statistical Office

The process of urbanization appeared in Austria predominantly during the period of the monarchy. Between 1869 and 1910, the growth rate of those communities which were classified as urban, was 164 substantially higher than those of rural areas. This situation has changed since World War I: the urban growth considerably resembled the lower growth of rural areas between 1910 and 193^. The unfavourable development in Vienna is not the only reason for this; all other cities also increased at a slower rate. With certain exceptions, this trend continued during the period 1934 to 1951, whereby the strong population decline of Vienna com= pensated for the quite favourable development of the re= maining urban areas to a great extent, so that the rural areas were able to secure a somewhat larger growth than urban areas. If one con= siders the expulsion and extinction of Viennese Jews as a demographic irregularity, this would result in the fact that urban areas had again expanded more than rural areas. Between 1951 and 1961, there was a further, somewhat more significant pull towards urbanization. However, this did not reappear in the census decade 1961 to 1971, where'it even seemed to be approaching a reverse trend: the rural com= munties now grew more strongly with a growth rate of 7 per cent as against 4 per cent of urban communities. The main reason for this development was, apart from the renewed pop= ulation decline of Vienna, the development of communities with under 2.000 inhabitants which had been most favourable for a long time. Paragraph 2.2. will demonstrate that this de= velopment was not a real process of "de-urban= ization".

A more detailed consideration of Table 51 shows •the following: in the fifties the small towns (5.000 to 165 20.000 inhabitants) showed the strongest growth and were followed by the medium-sized and large cities (20.000 to 250.000 inhabitants), excluding Vienna. Vienna's growth lay below the average, as did all communities of under 2.000 inhabitants which in fact suffered from a population decline. This population development was the result of an increasing net migration and a decreasing excess of births with growing size classes of com= munities.

Table 51 Per Cent Change of the Population by Size Class of Community, 1951-1961-1971

1951 - 1961 1) 1961 - 1971 2) Community size class Total Natural Net Total Natural Net .change increase migration change increase migration

Up to 2.000 - 0,8 9,3 - 10,1 6,1 10,1 - 3,9 2.001 3.000 2,1 8,7 - 6,6 6,0 8,9 - 2,8 3.001 5.000 I..8 7,5 - 2,7 10,2 8,5 ',7 5.001 - 20.000 6,6 5,0 1,6 8,5 6,3 2,1 20.001 - 250.000 6,0 1,7 U,3 7,It 2,9 >-,5 More than 1 million (Vienna) 0,7 - 6,h 7,1 - 0,8 - It ,7 3,9

Belov 5 .000 0,6 8,9 - 8,h 6,9 9,5 - 2,6 Above 5 .000 3,6 - 1,5 5,1 h'° 0,1» 3,6 Total 2,0 .3,9 - 1,9 5,'' It,8 0,6

1) Territorial borders of 196i; size clans according to the number of inhabitants in 1951. 2) Territorial borders of 1971» size class according to the number of inhabitants in 1961. Source: Austrian Central Statistical Office

These correlations between the growth components and the community size also occurred in the census decade 1961 to 1971, although not to the same extent: the differences in the, net migration between size classes of communities were relatively smaller than in the previous decade. In comparison to- that, the continuing differences in the natural increase were only 166 negligibly weaker. Together with the increased overall natural growth in Austria, (which also occurred in all size classes of communities) and the more favourable external net migration, a particularly strong influence of the natural increase on the population development occurred in this decade: all size classes of communities registered population increases of between 6 and 10 per cent, with the exception of the approximate 1 percent shrinkage of Vienna. In this decade, the strongest growth was shown by the larger rural communities (3.000 to 5.000 inhabitants), followed by the small, medium-sized and large cities, excluding Vienna.

A comparison of differences in the population . development between size classes of communities and regions (provinces) shows a remarkably stronger influence of the latter in the last census decade. While the differences between size classes of communities registered for the whole of Austria do not reappear in indi= vidual provinces, the regional differences in the population development are existing within most of the size classes of communities. Thus, the regional differences in population development cannot be explained by the differ= ent composition of provinces according to size classes of communities, while the different growth rates of size classes can to a great extent be traced back to regional differences. 167 2.2. Population and Population Development according to Urban Regions

Official definition criteria of urban regions (Stadtregionen) are lacking in the statistics of Austria. In order to adequately register the urban growth, which since long has exceeded administrative city borders, different clas= sifications have been implemented in this regard. According to the modified BOUSTEDT method of KLEIN (1971, b), communities surrounding a central city were classified as being part of the urban region if commuting to the central city exceeds a certain threshold value (the proportion of agricultural population was also taken into account).

Per Cent Change of Population Inside and Outside of Urban Regions (KLEIN), 1951-1961-1971

1951- 1961 1961 - 1971 Central ci tiej 2.6 2,0 Complementary regions 10,8 16,0 Urbanized zones 9,9 16,0 Peripheral zones 3,0 15,3 Total of urban regions 3,5 h,9 Rest of Austria 0,8 5,8 l) The data for 1961-1971 are based on the preliminary results of the 1971 census; therefore they deviate from the changes calculated from the final resulte: for instance, the central cities grew in fact by 2,k per cent instead of 2,0 per cent. Source: Austrian Central Statistical Office

Table 52 shows the population development for the urban regions cf medium-sized and large cities since 1951. In the fifties, the pop= ulation of urban regions increased more strongly than those of the remaining areas, whereas in the sixties a reverse trend seemed to have come into effect. However, this result is dependent on the definitions of urban regions, 168 as it is confirmed by a different agglomeration concept (GISSER, see below) for the fifties but not for the sixties. The reason for this is partially that the latter concept includes the strong growth of the medium-sized towns Dornbirn and Feldkirch (Vorarlberg) between 1961 and 1971, whereas these towns were not included in the urban regions which were drawn up by KLEIN. Further differences are caused by the usage of the preliminary results of the 1971 census by KLEIN, while the data of GISSER are based on the final results of this census.

Table 53 Components of Population Change by Type of Location (GISSER) and Size Class of Community, 1961-1971

Per cent change of population Type of location, community size class (territorial borders of 1971, number of inhabitants ace. to ¡961) Total Natural Net Change increase migration

Austria li,8 0,6 Agglomerations 6,0 . 1,3 !',7 Central cities 2,7 1.5 il,2 Suburban communities 1Í4 ,0 8,1 5,9 3elow 5.000 inhabitants lt,1 8,8 5,3 Below 2.000 12,6 8,9 3,6 2.001 - 3.000 " 13,0 8,li k,6 3.001 - 5.000 " 18,3 8,7 9,5 More than 5.000 " 13,8 6,1< T.k Other communities >-,7 8,9 - '',2 Eelov 5.000 inhabitants 9,T - 1,9 Belov 2.000 " >i, it 10,1* - 6,0 2.001 - 3.000 " li,0 9,0 - 5,0 3.001 - 5-000 6,9 8,'i - ',5 5.001 -20.000 " t,6 5,3 - 0,7 Source: Austrian Central Statistical Office

Development "differences within, urban regions which can be interpreted as accelerated suburbanization are more interesting: the central cities had the weakest growth both in the period 1951 to I96I and 1961 to 1971; in the fifties the complementary regions which were closest to the central city showed the strongest population growth, while the peripheral zones showed only a relatively negligible one. In .the following decade, this 169 trend changed and the growth shifted further outwards: urbanized zones showed the highest (relative) population increase; the peripheral and complementary zones increased almost just as strongly, while the growth of central cities remained comparatively negligible and even slowed. The farther the distance of the zone to the central city the higher was the acceler= at i on in growth between the fifties and the sixties.

The above mentioned agglomeration concept from GISSER (1972: 171) will be used in the following analysis of the population development according to its components of nat= ural increase and net migration. This concept is not so much determined by certain threshold values of functional interaction criteria (e.g» commuting), than by the spatial proximity of communities to the central city. This is because "the agglomeration advantages of the industrial and service centres are strongly evident within these- areas".

The above established slight slackening of growth of central cities is due to the decline in the migration gains of central cities in favour of the suburban areas, v/hich nevertheless could not be completely compensated by the improve= • ment of the still negative birth balance. The migration gains of urban agglomerations have as a typical feature of suburbanization shifted to suburban areas. These, suburban communities which still showed a negligible migration deficit in 1951 to 1961, even caused an increase in the mi= gration gains of the total agglomerations in the sixties in comparison to the previous decade. In order to explain the strong in= crease of growth in suburban areas, one must 170 also refer to the development of the natural increase: this had also improved in the sub= urban areas, and more strongly than in the central cities and the areas lying outside the agglomerations (the birth wave of the sixties resulted in almost no improvement in the birth balance of the latter). This phe= nornenon could be traced back to shifts in the age structure of the population in immigration areas, in favour of women in reproductive years and the resulting high birth rate.

Communities which are situated outside of urban agglomerations can be defined as rural, whereby one must remember that this also in= eludes small towns of up to 14.000 inhabitants ("country towns"). .Despite having the highest excesses of births over deaths, the population of these areas stagnated in the fifties due to large migration losses. In the sixties it experienced a considerable growth as. there was only half the amount of migration losses and a constancy of excesses of births. Al= though this increase lay below the agglomer= ation growth, the growth differences had di= minished. This means that the urbanization process continues but had weakened due to an acceleration of suburbanization The first half of the sentence is now in contradiction to the above registered growth lead of "rural" communities (under 5-000 inhabitants) over "urban" communities (over 5-000 inhabitants) on the basis of size classes of communities for 1961 to 1971. This discrepancy does not result as one might expect, namely, that at one time most of the small towns (5.000 to 20.000 in= 171 habitants) were included among urban and then among rural communties, as these grew outside of agglomerations corresponding to the average of ''rural" areas and within agglomerations corresponding to the average of suburban areas. The contradiction can be rather explained by the fact that the growth of smaller communities (under 5-000 inhabitants) in.suburban areas was very high (14 per cent), especially that of communities with 3.000 to 5-000 inhabitants, while communities of the same size classes who were outside of agglomerations showed a comparatively negligible growth (5 per cent). It was merely from a lack of distinction between these two hetergeneous groups as "size class with under 5.000 inhabitants" that a relatively larger growth of the latter'vis a vis com= munities with over 5-000 inhabitants resulted, which under no circumstances can be interpreted as a higher growth of rural areas against urbanized areas, as it is in fact the opposite. The type of location must also be taken into account in Ehe analysis of net migration of communities by size classes : only the suburban communities registered net migration gains (in all size classes), whereas the communities outside the agglomerations suffered migration losses in all size classes (including 5.OOO to 2U.000 inhabitants) ; without this differentiation, the size classes above 3-000 inhabitants showed a positive net migration .

1) Besides that, it is also noted that natural increase of outlying areas is higher in communities of up to 3-000 inhabitants and lower in those of over 3.000 than in the respective size classes of suburban areas, but is in total relatively less differentiated by the type of location. 172 3. POPULATION DENSITY

Austria's population density, having 89 inhab= itants per square kilometre and 230 per square mile respectively (1971), is somewhat below the European mean (without the Soviet Union: 95). However, in comparison to adjacent countries, Austria is rather sparsley populated: the Federal Republic of Germany has 247 inhab= itants per square kilometre,•Italy l80, Switzer= land 15h, Czechoslovakia 113 and Hungary 111. Only Yugoslavia is somewhat more thinly settled. Although this partially corresponds to the Alpine character of Austria's territory, the fact of a relatively sparse settlement remains ex= ist ing in comparison to Switzerland which has a somewhat similar mountainous character, and the Federal Republic of Germany whose density related to the total area is still larger than the Austrian density established on the basis of arable land: if Austria's population is related to agricultural, built-up and traffic areas ("permanent settlement areas"), excluding Alpine meadows, woods, waste lands and larger water areas, there would be a density of 2lM 'inhabitants per square kilometre.

Relating to the total area, Vorarlberg and Upper Austria are by far the most densely pop= ulated provinces if Vienna is excluded (Table 5*0- However, if Vienna and Lower Austria were taken as a whole regional area, this region would have the highest density. Tyrol, followed by Carinthia and Salzburg has the lowest population density. However, the relation of 173 the population to the "permanent settlement area" leads to a completely different result: Tyrol, whose arable land only amounts to 15 per cent of the total area, now appears to be density settled; it is only surpassed by Vorarlberg which shows the highest population densrty persqare kilometre of arable land by far. The region Vienna-Lower Austria ranks third followed by Salzburg. Thus, these results on the basis of arable land, show a relatively high population density in Alpine valleys in the western provinces Tyrol, Vorarlberg and Salzburg.

Table 51 Population Density by Provinces, 1971

Population

Province Per km2 Per km2 . of total area of arable land '

Vienna 3.897 5.U8U Lower Austria TU '55 119 2 8 Burgenland 69 102 Styria 73 207 Carinthia 55 181) Upper Austria 102 ITU Salzburg 56 2U2 Tyrol U3 286 Vorarlberg 10U 355 Austria 89 21U

1) Agricultural, built-up and traffic areas ("permarsnt settlement areas"), excluding Alpine meadovs, woods, waste lands and larger water areas. Source: Austrian Central Statistical Office 174

CHAPTER V

THE LABOUR FORCE

1. PARTICIPATION IN ECONOMIC LIFE

1.1. Livelihood, General Activity Rate

3,1 million people were counted as economically active in the ,1971 census, which is 42 per cent of the total population. As against 1961, this signified a strong decline in the activity rate which at that time amounted to 47,6 per cent. This" retrogressive trend has been observed for a long time although never to such an extent. In 1934, the activity rate was almost exactly 50 per cent; at the turn of the century it was 52,4 per cent (Table 55). This trend~can be further retraced for the Austrian half of the monarchy (inclusive of Bohemia, Moravia, Galicia, Dalmatia etc.): here, the activity rate decreased from 56,3 per cent to 52,3 per cent between 1869 and 1910 (MÖLLER, 1974: 68). The fact that this trend has continued since 1971 is shown by the further decline of the employ= ment percentage to approximately 40 per cent in 1975 (microcensus result, see Table 56).

These developments can be traced back in the first place to the reduction of retirement age, 175

Table 55 Percentage Distribution of the Population of Austria by Source of Livelihood, 1900-1971

Census Economically Pensioners Dependents Total year active persons ect. 2)

1900 52,14 T,0 1(0,6 100,0 1910 52,2 8,2 39,6 100,0 3) 1931» 50,1 10,2 39,7 M 100,0 195' UB.3 12,3 39,"* 100,0 1961 1<7,6 16,1 36,3 100,0 1971 1)2,0 3) 18,li 39,6 100,0

1) Present territorial borders. 2) Persons, whose source of livelihood ÍB pensions of all types, benefits and assistance other than pensions or income from property or other investments. Persons vith unknown source of livelihood are included in this category. 3) Including those wives of farmers who designated themselves as housewives (home- makers); therefore, the 1931) as well as the 1971 figures of this table deviate from the published census results (for the purpose of comparability with the other censuses). !() Excluding persons mentioned in footnote 3. Source: Austrian Central Statistical Office the prolongation of education, and the decline of agriculture which has a high female activity rate scarcely inferior to that of the male. A significant role can also be played by demog= raphical. changes, which was certainly the case between 1961 and 1971- As was demonstrated in the section on age structure (Chapter III. 2), the proportion of the population of working age (between 15 and 60 years) fell from 59 per cent to 55 per cent in this period, which was almost to the same extent the' result of the increase in both the proportion of children (birth wave) and the proportion of aged persons. This-alone implied a considerable decline of the activity rate (from 47,6 per cent to 45,1! per cent calculated by direct standardization for age and sex; this means that somewhat four tenths of the decline in the activity rate was due to changes in age and s'ex structure and somewhat six tenths was due to a genuine change in the labour par= 176 ticipation). A more retrospective comparsion shows that in 1934 the age structure was the most favourable for a high activity rate, while at the time of the monarchy, the high percentage of children more than compensated for the low percentage of old people, and thus the proportion of the population of work= ing age was below the result of 1934 but was at the same time higher than in .1961 and 1971,

The decline of the activity rate corresponded to a steady increase of pensioners, while the proportion of dependents was the same in 1971

Table 5D Labour Force Participation Rates, 1934-1975 1)

Economically active (employed and unemployed persons

ïear Per cent of total Per cent of population 1'i to Uuiaber population less than 70 years old Total Male Female Total Hale Female

I93lt-' 3,389.872 50,1 61t,7 36,7 68 ,lt 89 ,1 llO ,6 1951 " 3,3li7.115 1*8,3- 63,7 35,0 67 ,1 90 ,2 1*7,8 1961 , 3,369.815 !t7,6 61,0 36,0 66 ,7 86 ,0 50 , 1 1971 ' 3,132.35'* !i2,0 5*»,2 31,2 61 ,6 19 ,3 1*5,8 1975 2,995.00J 39,8 52,It 20,8 58 ,ii 76 ,3 It2 ,5

Economically active {employed and unemployed) persons aged ... to less than ...years, as a percentage of the total population oí" the same age ant ïear sex

3) ,1,-18 18-30 30-50 50-60 60-65 65-70 70 u.m.

195t 72.» 89,1 911 , 1 97,1 83,1t 69 ,9 1*3,6 23,0 1961 66,1t 81t,9 91 ,3 97,1* 90,5 66 ,0 23,2 9,8 1971 56,0 82,1* 89,2 97,5 87,8 lili ,9 12,7 >*,5 1975 7"t,7 97,7 88,6 37 ,0 9,1* 2,6 Female 1951 60, It 6*4,3 65 ,1) 1*5,1* 39,8 25 ,9 '9,1 9,6 19ël2) 59,7 68,0 70 ,8 53,6 1*3,8 19 ,8 11,3 li,6 1971 50,1 62,2 61*,5 514,2 1*3,1 11*,1 5,9 2,1 1975 55,0 52,6 It It,5 10 ,8 ' 2,9 1,0

1) 193!t, I95I, I96I, 1971: Census results ; 1975: result of microcensus, average of the year. 2) 'Sec footnote 3 in Table 55. 3) 1971, 1975: 15 - 18 ana 15 - 30, respectively. Source: Austrian Central Statistical Office 177 as in 19IO (Table 55). It was only in the census of 1961 that the proportion of depend= .ents reached a substantially lower figure due to the.low proportion of children, the fact that the educational boom only occurred some years after, and»the low proportion of housewives (HELCZMANOVSZKI, 1975 b: 13).

1.2. Age and Sex Spécifie Labour Force Participation

The decline of employment in the border proups of working age.is demonstrated by the age- specific labour force participation rates (Tables 56, 57). The changes in retirement age are considerable: in 1951, ^ per cent of men 65 to less than 70 years of age were economically active; twenty five years later this rate was merely 9 per cent. This percentage decreased from 19 per cent to 3 per cent for women. In the period between 1961 and 1971, the reduc= tion of pensionable age (for men: 60 years, for women: 55 years) seems to have effected the male labour force participation much more strongly than the female: the respective rate decreased from 66 per cent to 45 per cent, i.e. by 21 percentage points, for males in the age group 60 to less than 65, whereas it only, decreased from 40 per cent to 37 per cent,, i.e. by 3 percentage points, for females in the age group 55 to less than 60.

In the prime employment ages (30 to 50), approximately 98 per cent of all males are ecomomically active. This percentage has re= mained almost constant since 1951. Only half of the 178

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c ^-^ - ~* " ~" h r-i •• ri ñ" s a a 179 women in these ages join the labour force: in 1951, the percentage amounted to 45 and in- both 1961 and 1971 to 54. Thus, we can see here that female employment is more variable than male and this is on the one hand due to deter= minants of supply such as fertility, marital status, education etc., and on the other hand to the greater sensibility and dependency with regard to the demand of the labour market.

However, in comparison to the male, female employment has spread more extensively in younger ages than in the above mentioned: in 1971 as well as 1961, 19 year old women had the highest labour force participation rate among females of all age years (1971: 75 per cent; in 1961 this was even 83 per cent). For the age years following 19, the 1971 data show a decline of the participation rate which reaches a minimum of 50 per cent for 32 to 36 year old women and then increases slightly; from the age of 52 upwards it is again below the level of 50 per cent. LADSTÄTTER (1974) warns against a life cycle interpretation of this second peak of employment, in the sense of.a re-entry of married women after completing the role of mother. He rather presumes that due to circum= stances during and after the Second World War, a majority of the generation bom. in the twen= ties of this century were forced to work and never gave it up afterwards (cohort or gener= ation effect). The microcensus results of 1975 also indicate this supposition, as the differ= enees in the participation rate between the age groups 30 to less than 40 and '40 to less than 50 have nearly disappeared. In 1961, the par= 180 ticipation rate of women 40 to less than 50 years of age was still lower than that of women aged 30 to less than 40; this means that following the 19th year of age,by and large the labour force participation decreased with advancing years.

Corresponding to the gross reproduction rate in the field of fertility, an average length of working life can be derived from the age- specific labour force participation rates. Calculated as the sum of these rates, the aver= age length of 44,1 years for men in 1971 could be interpreted as the total number of eccnom= ically active years of a man subject to the 1971 age-specific participation rates through^ out his life if he does not die before reaching old age.Nevertheless, as mortality is not considered, this measure suffers from a serious ' disadvantage. Therefore,-it should not so much be understood as the above mentioned measure for a hypothetical cohort but rather as an age- standardized index of labour force participation.

Index of Labour Force Participation (average length of working life, in years)

196I 1971 Change- Change Men 47,8 44,1 -3,6% -7 ,6% V/omen 27,9 25,7 -2,2% -7,9%

Between I961 and 1971, the relative decline of this index was almost parallel for both sexes and amounted to 8 per cent. When it is con= sidered as the average1 length of working life, 181 it reveals a reduction between the last two censuses of 3,6 years to approximately 44 years for men, and 2,2 years to approximately 26 years for women.

1.3. Labour Force Participation by Marital Status and the Number of Children

Considerable differences in the labour force participation of women result from a differ= entiation accordingto marital status. While in 1971 as well as in 1961, almost 90 per cent of single and divorced women aged 25 to less than 45 were employed, less than 50 per cent were recorded for married and widowed women of the same age (Table 57).

The labour force participation of single and divorced women is not differentiated according to age in the same way as for the total female population. This participation shows more of a reverse pattern for single women due to the large number of young single women who receive education, so that younger women show lower activity rates than midd.le-aged women. Hardly any difference appeared in the participation rates of divorced women between these age cate= gories. If one considers married women with children under 15 years of age separately, an activity rate of approximately 40 per cent arose for all age groups under 55 years, in 1971, and there were only negligible differences in the rates between these age groups. 182 A comparison of labour force participation rates according to marital status between 1961 and I97I yields the following significant re= suit: despite the birth wave of the sixties and the resulting increased number of mothers, the economic activity of married women of working age slightly increased. This was due to a rise in the number of working women who were 4p to 55 years old. The participation of younger married women changed only ' slightly,- whereas for the over 55 year olds it decreased cor= responding to the general trend. If one takes the existence or non-existence of children into account, then the economic activity of women with children under 15 years (1971) and 14 • years (1961) respectively, is shown as being- more or less unchanged; in the age groups under 45 years, the participation rate declined slightly; in the age group of 4.5 to 60 however, a significant increase occurred which is similar to that of the total of married women. The only population which showed a marked up=. ward trend were the divorced women. Between 1961 and 1971, they increased their activity rate in all age groups of working age.

A comparison of the femaie labour force par= ticipation according to the number of children yields extremely strong differences between 1961 and 1971 : in the'age groups of 25 to less than 45 years which are not to.uched by prolongation of education and reduction in retirement age, childless women (no child under the age of 14 and 15j respectively, living in the household) showed a much more frequent economic activity in 1971 than in 196I; women with only one child 183 followed the same trend but to a comparatively mitigated degree. On the other hand, the labour force participation of women with two children, and especially those with more than two, decreased. Thus, there was an inverse correlation between the number of children and the increase intensity of the participation rate (Table 58).

Table 58 Labour Force Participation Rates of Married Women by Selected Age Croups, and the Number of Children1' Under 15(11) Years Old, 1961 and 1971 (Per Cent)

Age oí* vornan Number of children under lit (1961) and 25 to less than 30 30 to less than 35 35 to less than I>1 under 15 (1971) years old 1961 1971 1961 I 1971 1961 1971

0 68 85 6h 80 53 61. 1 1(9 55 1.6 55 1.5 1.7 2 39 31J 37 37 39 1.0 3 and more 33 31 1>5 36 '.7 1.1 Total hi )<8 1.7 U6 hi 1.8

1) Census definition of children: own, step-, and adopted never-married children, who are living in the some household as their parents. Source: Austrian Central Statistical Office

Labour Force Participation by Educational Attainment

Within the life cycle, the differential phases of economic activity between social classes are reflected by the age and education- specific activity rates of 1971 in Table 59. Activity rates of more than 90 per cent re= present the prime phase of male employment which lies between the ages of 15 and 50 years for those who have only attained compulsory (primary) education. The corresponding rates for male university graduates are to be found between the ages of 25 and 60 years. Men who have merely received compulsory education are at the age of 65 and over only to an amount 184 of 7 per cent still economically active, whereas still 28 per cent of male university graduates are working at the same age.

Table 59 Labour Force Participation Rates by Educational Attainment, Age, and Sex, 1971

Selected age Most advanced educational level groups (from .. .to less Primary Intermediate High than...years) Apprentice- University Total school ship school school

Male 25-30 96,8 99,1« 99,0 68,6 91,6 9l*,6 35 - to 97,6 99,3 99,5 95,6 98,5 98,3 1*5 - 50 93,6 97,1* 97,8 98,1 99,0 95,8 55 - 60 •78,1. 86,a 91,2 93,3 96,7 83,7 60 - 65 39,7 I12.5 58,6 69,2 ail, 2 1*1*,9 65 and more 6,5 6,7 11,2 12,3 28,3 8,0

Female

25-30 50,0 59,1 66,2 63,1 77,0 56,2 35 - to 1*8,6 5"*,1 59,8 59,3 67,6 50,9 1*5 - 50 50,2 60,6 63,2 63,1) T5.0 53,7 55 - 60 32,6 1*3,7 1.7,8 52,9 67,2 35,8 60 - 65 11,7 H*,3 21,8 30,1 1)5,9 13,2 65 and more 2,7 >*,5 7,1) 7,1 16,5 3,2

Source: Austrian Central Statistical Office

Moreover, there are further differences in the general labour force participation of women. Table 59 clearly shows a rank order of economic activity which in all considered age groups generally points to the fact that the higher the education, the higher the labour force par= • ticipation. Only for the relatively similar working rates of women with intermediate and high school education can no definite rank order regarding a higher labour force par= ticipation of the latter be established. 185 2. STRUCTURE OF ECONOMICALLY ACTIVE POPULATION

2.1. Economically Active Persons by Occupational Status

According .to the Austrian data situation, the division of the labour force into employers, white collar workers and blue collar workers is the most important indicator of a person's social class. The comparison between 1934 and 1971 shows significant changes in the social structure. The increase in the proportion of white collar workers and the decrease in the proportion of blue collar workers and of em= ployers and self-employed persons (inclusive of of unpaid family workers) take precedence in this'comparison. In 1971, the numerically strongest social class was still represented by the blue collar workers followed by the white collar workers; in 1961, the employers and self-employed persons inclusive of unpaid family workers were still the second strongest group (Table 60).

The marked decline in the proportion of 'blue collar workers from almost half of the total labour force (49 per cent) in 1934 to 43 per cent in 1971 took.place first and foremost between 1934 and 1951 (1951: 44 per cent), and was mainly due to the decline of agricultural workers during this period. HELCZMANOVSZKI (1973: 158) established that in agriculture and forestry in 1923 there was an average of one agricultural labourer per two employers, self-employed or unpaid family workers, whereas 186

Table 6O Labour Force by Occupational Status, 1934 - 1971

Employer, self-employed, npaid family worker Blue White collar Total collar worker, civil labour force worker servant Employer, Unpaid Eelf-employed family worker

Thousand Total 19311 1.670 1.72 1.21.91' 650 599° 3.390 1951 1.I.89 677 1.181 588 593 3.3I.7 1961 1.1.80 907 983., 533 I150 , 3.370 . 1971 1.31.2 1.100 o9l" I>2B 263" 3.132" Malo

19311 1.100 306 69I1 505 189 2.101 1951 1.002 1,1.2 6oi< U38 166 2.0li8 1961 981 539 li 69 382 107 2.010 1971 903 635 361 305 56 I.898 Female

1931. 570 165 555" IU5 Itio" 1.289 1951 I488 23k 637 150 l»87 I.299 1961 500 367 1.93,, 151 31.2 . I.36O . |J 19T1 Il39 hdk 330 123 207 " 1.231.'> I'er cent Total

1931. U9 1U ?.'( 19 IB 100 1951 Ilk 20 35 1» 18 100 1961 lili 27 <•') Ifi 13 100 1971 1.3 35 22 11» 8 100 Malt.'

1931. 52 15 33 2 It 9 100 1951 1.8 22 29 21 8 100 1961 1.9 27 21. 19 5 100 1971 U8 33 19 16 3 100 Female 193". lili 13 1.3 11 32 . 100 1951 38 18 U9 12 37 100 1961 37 27 36 11 25 100 1971 36 38 27 10 17 100

1) Gee footnote 3 in table 55. Source: Austrian Central Statistical Office

nowadays almost all of the agricultural em= ployees have disappeared. The significant reduction in the number of employers, self- employed and unpaid family workers was con = siderably stronger for the latter than the former: between 193^ and 1971, the employers and self-employed persons decreased from 19 per cent to lH per cent and the unpaid family workers from 18 per cent to 8 per cent. The pro= portion of white collar workers (inclusive of civil servants) increased from 14 per cent in

5 by approximately 6 to 8 percentage points 187 per intercensal period, to more than a third (35 per cent) in 1971: In 1971, there were already more white collar workers and civil servants than blue collar workers among the female labour ' force.

2.2. Economically Active Persons by Industry

Between 1934 and 1971, the share of persons who are economically active in agriculture decreased further in continuation of the secular trend. In 193*1 that proportion amounted to 36 per cent as against only 15 per cent in 1971. This drop chiefly took place after 1951'j while between 193^ and 1951 it remained comparatively negligi= ble. The strongest growth during this period was recorded by the industrial sector (energy, mining, manufacturing, construction) which showed an increase from 31 per cent (193*0 to 37 per cent (1951) and to 41 per cent in the following census and a stagnation between 1961 and 1971. As' against this, the service sector stagnated

Table 6l Percentage Distribution of the Labour Force by Industry, 1934-1971

193- 1) 1951 1961 19T1 ''

Agriculture, forestry 36,1 32,3 22,8 H,7 Manufacturing 31,1 37,1 1(1,0 1*1.1» Services 30,0 29,It 35,1 1(1,9 Not stated 2,8 1>2 1.1 ' 1,9

Total 100,0 100,0 100,0 100,0

1) See footnote 3 in table 55- 2) Energy, mining, manufacturing, construction.

Source: Austrian Central Statistical Office 188 at a level of approximately 30 per cent between 193^ and 1951, and following that it climbed substantially to 42 per cent in 1971. Thus, at present there are as many economically active persons employed in the service sector as in the industry sector (Table 61). 189

CHAPTER VI

POPULATION PROJECTION

1. GENERAL REMARKS

The Austrian Central Statistical Office has made population projections in the years 1953, 1959, 1964, 1967 and,most recently, 1974. The projection from 1974 presented in this paper covers the period from 1971 to 2001.

At first we would like to point out that this pro= jection is not supposed to be a prediction in the sense that it attempts to predict a probable future state. Its aim is a much more modest one namely, to show the numerical consequences of a few simple assumptions about fertility, mortality and migration. Even though the assumptions made do have a certain plausibility, they are somehow still arbitrary and some details cannot always be based on indisputable reasons. This was taken into account insofar as we have used three variations of the fertility rates which certainly are the most crucial factors of the future development of the population.

Thus, the projection will coincide with the real development only as far as the hypothetical assumptios will materialize in reality.

The forecast should be relatively accurate for those age groups which have been already born 190 when the projection was prepared., as these co = horts will be only influenced by the mortality rates which can be estimated fairly well. How= •ever, one has to take into account that the pro = jection is limited to the natural development of the population. Due to the missing migration factor one should not judge its accuracy by comparing it with the real future state of the population.

2. MODEL OF THE NATURAL POPULATION DEVELOPMENT 1971 - 2001

2.1. Date of projection preparation: April 197^

2.2. Base population: The base of the model is the structure of the population at the 1.1.1971* which has been calculated from' the census of 12.5.1971 by using the vital statistics;

2.3- Period covered by the projection: 1.1.1971 to 1.1.2001 (30 years).

2.¡i. Projected variables: The variables forecasted are the annual numbers of births and deaths as well as the age composition by single age years and sex, the latter being presented for the beginning of each calendar year of the period projected.

2.5. Method: The projections made by the Austrian Central Statistical Office utilize the simple method of components as described 191 below: the number of persons of a certain year of age at the beginning of a calendar year multiplied by this age's probability of death gives the number of persons who have died at this year of age during the respective calendar year. The difference of the two figures gives the number of people of the following year of age at the end of the calendar year. The sum of the products of the age-specific fertility rates (single years, smoothed values, wo = men between 15 and 44 years) and the average numbers of the female population of the respective single age years during a calendar year in question gives the number of births of that calendar year. This product is further subdivided by sex according to a certain sex ratio. The probabilities of deaths, age-specific fer= tility rates" and the sex ratio of newly borns are fixed by the assumptions of the model.

2.6. Assumptions of the model

1) No migration, or net migration equal to zero for all categories of the variables forecasted. This assumption follows from the model's limitation to the projection of the. natural population movement. This also implies that the foreigners included in the base population (approx. 176.OOO) remain inside the country and are subject to the same process of aging as the rest of the population. The omission of forecasting the future migration is partly due to the lack 192 of current migration statistics and partly to the especially great uncertainty of a prediction of this factor, and also the extreme difficulty in making reasonable assumptions concerning its further develops ment.

2) Constant mortality for the entire period of projection. The probabilities if death are taken from the life table 1970/72 (see Appendix B, Table 2). According to the latter, the expectation of life at birth for males is 66,58 years, for females 73,69 years, and the average figure irrespective of sex is 70,14 years. This assumption of constant mortality was made for reasons of simplicity but it most probably leads to an underestimation of the population growth, as the long-term trend suggests an increasing expectation of life at birth.

3) Constant sex ratio of live births according to the average of the years 1968-1972 (51,38 per cent male, 48,62 per cent female).

4 ) Three variants of the assumptions about fertility

All three variants have in common that the pattern of the age-specific fertility rates remains unchanged over the whole period of the projection i.e-. the distribution of the relative frequency of births by age of the mother is supposed to be constant. The trend observed in the last decades indicating a decrease in the mean age at birth has been - neglected. 193 a) Variant 1 of fertility assumptions ("high" fertility level) This variant employs for the whole period of the projection (except for 1971) the assumption of constant age-specific fer= tility rates, concretely speaking those of 1972; they were the most recent ones avail= able at the time the projection was pre = pared. The considerable higher number of birhts of 1971 is also an empirical number taken from.the statistics of birth. The age- specific fertility rates of 1972 give atotal fertility rate (average number of births in a woman's life time) of 2,111 children"and a net reproduction rate of 1,003, calcu=' lated with assumptions 2 and 3 holding (gross reproduction rate GRR = 1,026). Thus the assumptions about fertility of variant 1 exactly represent the level necessary for maintaining the actual state of the pop= ulation. The assumption of a constant fertility since 1972 seems to be refused because of the de= crease of fertility that has emerged in the meantime (already observed when the pro= jection had been made), but if in the nearer future a considerable increase of fertility occurs, it might prove to be the most real= istic assumption.

b ) Variant 2 of the fertility assumptions ("medium" fertility level) This variant is the only one that has been published by the Austrian Central Statisti= cal Office. Like variant 1 it is based on the final results of the statistics of births 194 including 1972. Using the provisional results of 1973 which indicated a fall of 6 per cent as compared to 1972, the age specific birth rates of 1973 were calculated by reducing the corresponding figures of 1972 by 6 per cent. The same procedure was employed for 1974, in the first quarter of which a further decrease of 2 per cent was observed and taken into account. Thus till the end of 1974 variation 2 rests on fairly safe empirical grounds. For 1975 and 1976 it was also assumed that a decrease of 2 per cent as compared to the previous year would take place and the negative trend of the years 1973 - 1974 would continue until I976. Beginning with 1977 the fertility rates remain constant for the rest of the period of projection. They represent a total fertility rate of 1,868 and net reproduction rate of 0,887 (GRR = 0,908). This means that this figure falls short by 11 per cent of the level of fertility needed to just replace the parent's generation.

c ) Variant 3 of the fertility assumptions ("low" fertility level)' This variant employs the same assumptions as variant 2 until 1976, but continues to reduce the annual rate of fertility by 2 per cent per year until 1982. Only after 1982 does the fertility remain constant. The fertility level of 1982 is characterized by a total fertility rate of 1,654 and a net

reproduction rate of 0,786 (GRR: O38l9). This figure falls short by 21 per cent of the fertility level which is required to main= 195 tain a constant population size in the long run.

2.7.Results of the projections

In the following presentation of' models we concentrate mainly on variant 2. As the remaining two variants bear a great re= semblance to the former, they can be dealt with, in a shorter way.

2. 7. 1 Variant 2 ("medium" fertility level) The hereby made assumptions lead to an • essentially unchanged population figure over the entire period of projection. In the year 2000 the population of 7^5 million is almost as high as in the basis year, 1971. This result is remarkable especially when . taking into account that fertility is assumed to be under the replacement level by 11 per cent. This can be explained by the fact that the number of births will be increased be= tween 1976 and 1988 despite a constant rate of fertility as the number of women in the major childbearing age will have increased (see Figure 13 and Table 62). This phenom= enon leads after the birth deficits of 1973-1982 again to excesses of births over deaths between 1983 and 199^, and is to be followed by a second period of birth def= icits. The trend towards an aging population that can be seen from the results of the censuses since 19IO (see Figure 10 and Table 26 in Chapter III.2) will come to an end between 1971 - 1975 and will be reverted in the following years. The share of people with 196 an age of 60 and more will be only about 18 or 19 per cent beginning with 1979 as compared with slightly more than 20 per cent up to 1976. In absolute terms, this means that a diminishment from 1,5 million in the mid seventies to ca. 1,3 - 1,4 million thereafter will occur in that age category (Table 63). The population of working age (15 to less than 60 years) will be increased considerably, both relatively and absolutely: from 55,3 per cent in 1971 to more than 60 per cent in the eighties, or, in absolute figures, from 4,12 million to more than 4,5 million (4,60 at the end of the year 2000, which means an increase of 480.000 people since 1971). The cause of that is to be found in the reaching of retirement age of the comparatively small cohorts born in the time during the first World War and of. cohorts diminished by war losses, and the admission of those persons born during the "baby-boom" of the sixties. The share of persons under 15 years will be reduced from 1/4 to 1/5 or, in absolute figures, from 1,8 million at the beginning of the seventies to 1,5 million, from the eighties onwards.

The decrease in the share of children as well as old people to the advantage of the pop= ulation of working age signifies a consider= able reduction for the demographic depend= ency ratio: it will diminish from its 1971- peak of 81 to 67 in 1980 and to 62 at the end of the projection period (see Figure l4).The decreasing child dependency ratio accounts 197 for 1/3 of the reduction of the total dependency ratio (see Table 63).

The sex ratio which was rather.unbalanced in 1971 (885 males per 1000 females) will be increasingly normalized and will amount to a ratio of 9^ at the turn of the cen = tury. Having an almost constant total pop= ulation, the male population will grow by about 120.000 and the female population will be decreased by the same number. Thus,more female than male deaths are to be expected. This is an even more forceful continuation of the process of normalization of the sex ratio which has already been observed between 1951 and 1971. The reason is to be found, firstly in the aging and dying of those generations that suffered from the male military deaths of the world wars and secondly, in a normalization of the overaged population structure, which was together with the considerable sex-specific mortality differences responsible for the low sex ratio.

2.7.2. Variant 1 ("high" fertility level) The assumption about fertility in this benchmark variant caused a modest popula= tion growth from 7,^5 to 7,83 million during the period of projection. This growth which is clearly decelerated in comparison to that of the period between 196l and 1971 corre= sponds to an average annual births surplus, of 12.500' (see Figure 13 and Table 62). The fact that despite a NRR of almost 198 exactly 1, a growth of the population may also occur is due to the already mentioned increase in the number of females in the major childbearing age groups. According to this variant, the number of live births would be increased to more than 120.000 in the late eighties and would then decrease to 113-000 in the year 2000.

Figure 13

Births and Deaths, 1971 - 2000 "

Thousands

120

110

100 100

90 90

" I I ! I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I " 1971 75 80 85 90 95 2000

— ^—^ "Medium" fertility level ------"High" fertility level 3 variants concerning the number of births —"^"~"' "Low" fertility level

Number of deaths (medium fertility variant)2!

1) Population projection of the Austrian Central Statistical Office from 1974. 2) The numbers of deaths of the variants "high" and 'low" differ only slightly from the "medium" variant; therefore they are not presented here or in the tables. 199 The changes in the shares of the broad age groups correspond in their direction to those of variant 2. However, the share of children decreases at a lower rate, the share of the population of working age grows slower and the share of old people decreases more (see Table 63)- The absolute number of people of working age increases continuously by a total of 627.OOO to 4,75 million during the period of the projection. Thus it grows stronger than in variant 2. The

Table 62 Projected Population Movement (Average Annual Figures)

Thousands Pe r thouhHnd, and indices as e 01 Period o a ¿z inc r M inc r lî io n at e erti l *J _ ü d m 3 2 r H ™ ¿J id Dea t Pop u tha n Liv e Bir t Gro s Ne t duc t Wom e nat u Gen e Rat e s bea t IS

Variant 1 1971-1975 7.1,73,1 1.1150,5 105,7 98,8 6,9 |l*,l 13,2 0,9 72,8 2,136 1,038 1,007 1976-198O 7.50'" ,8 1.527,0 109,8 102,'i l,h H« ,6 13,6 1,0 71,9 2,111 1,026 0,990 1981-1985 7.556,1 1.623,1 117,5 IUL,0 13.5 15,6 13,8 1,8 72,1« 2,111 1,026 0,990 1986-1990 7.636,1« 1.795,3 121,0 .103,1« 17.6 15,8 13,5 2,3 67,1« 2,111 1,026 0,990 1991-1995 7.721,1* 1.628,2 117,2 101,¡i 15.7 15,2 13,1 2,0 72,0 2,111 1,026 0,990 1996-2000 7.793,7 1.623,0 113.!• 99,9 13,5 11«,6 ' 12,8 1,7 69,8 2,111 1,026 0,990

Variant 2

1971-1975 7.1*66,6 1 .»•50,5 100,7 98,7 2,1 13,5 13,2 0,3 69,1* 2,037 0,990 0,960 1976-198O 7.¡150,1 1.527,0 97,1 102,0 -1*,9 13,0 13,7 -0,7 63,6 1,868 0,908 0,875 ipSi-1985 7.¡i37,9 1.623,1 10'i,0 103,6 0,14 ll,0 13,9 0,1 61«,1 1,868 0,908 0,875 1986-1990 7.1*51,1* 1.617,3 107,0 102,9 11,1 It,!« 13,8 0,6 66,2 1,868 0,908 0,875 1 1991-1995 7.1*67,6 1.601,7 102,2 100,9 I, * 13,7 13,5 0,2 63,8 1,868 0,908 0,875 I996-2OOO 7.1i6l,8 1.566,0 95,6 99,2 -3,6 12,8 13,3-0,5 60,3 1,868 0,908 0,875 Variant 3

1971-1975 7.1i66,6 1.1*50,5 100,7 98,7 2,1 13,5 13,2 0,3 69,li 2,037 0,990 O,96o 1976-198O 7.1|1*1*,1* 1.527,0 93,3 101,9 -8,6 12,5 13,7 -1,2 73,3 1.79'' 0,873 0,81*1 1981-1985 7-392,1 1.623,1 92,5 103,2 -10,8 12,5 13,9 -1,5 57,0 1,661 0,815 0,779 1986-Í99O 7.3li7,1 1.617,3 911,8 102,5 -7,7 12,9 13,9 -1,1 58,6 1,6511 0,80li 0,776 1991-1995 7-305,1 1.505,5 90,5 100,5 -9,9 12,!* . 13,7 -1,3 60,1 .1,651* 0,80l* 0,776 1996-2000 7.21*2,7 1.5¡*O,¡4 83,6 -15,2 11,5" 13,6 -2,1 51«,3 1,651* O.Soli 0,776

1) Live births per thousand women 15 to less than 1*5 years old. 2) Sum of the a^e-apeeific fertility rates. 3) Sum of the age-Gpecific fertility rates for female live births. li ) Gross reproduction rate, multiplied by the probability of survivorship from birth up to the childbearing H^e. Source: Austrian Central Statistical Office 200 total dependency ratio declines eonsider= ably until 1980. Following this year the decline will be less significant (Figure 1H, Table 63) and at the end of the pro = jection period it will amount to 64. The reduction of the child dependency ratio is lower, that of the aged dependency ratio is higher than variant 2. The sex ratio of the population at the year 2000 which will amount to 948, will come closer to ' that of the stationary population (955) than in variant 2 due -to its comparatively younger age structure.

2.7.3. Variant 3 ("low" fertility level) The fertility assumptions of variant 3 lead to a shrinkage of the population by about 1/4 million between 1971 and 2001, due to a maintained annual deficiency of births numbering on an average approx. 10.100 from 1973 onwards (see Figure 13 and Table 62). The number of live births will fall to 81.000 in the year 2000, the birth rate to 11,2 and the general fertility rate to 52.

Using this variant the share of children is reduced particularly strongly with a figure of 18 per cent in the year 2000; the share of those aged 60 or more years decreases less in comparison to the other variants (the absolute number being clearly the same), and the share of the population of working age enjoys the highest level (to 63 per cent). In absolute figures, the increase of the latter, is the smallest of all the variants, amount^ ing to about 400.000 people between 1971 and 201 2001. Due to this change in the age compos sition, the demographic total dependency ratio has the greatest reduction as compared to the other variants. At the end of the period

Figure 14 Dependency Rations, 1971 - 2001 82

66 Tota

3? \ 35 \. Child War.2)

31 Aged(var.2) 29

27 L- I ! I I I I I I I I I I I I I I 1971 73 75 77 79 81 83 85 87 89 91 93 95 97 99 2001 Note: ' Year ( January 1 ) Population projection of the Austrian Central Statistical Office from 1974.. Child dependency ratio = Persons aged 0-14/Persons aged 15-59,x 100 Variant 1 : "high" fertility level Aged dependency ratio = Persons aged 60 and 2 : "medium" " " over/Persons aged I5-59,x 100 3 : "low" " " Total dependency ratio = child + aged dependency ratios 202 of projection it would be at 59 (1971: 81). This fairly high reduction mainly results from the decrease in the child dependency, ratio (from 44 to 29) and to a lesser extent from the relatively smaller decrease in the aged dependency ratio (see Figure 14 and Table 63).

This development of the dependency ratio which is based on the assumption of a shrinking population, demonstrates fairly

Table 63 Projected Population Composition

Population by broad'ape groups Dependency ratios Year Numbers in thousands Per cent (Janu- ary 1) OJ s-, 0-1 It 60 years 0-lU 15-59 60 years Total 15-59 4J w and over years and over 1 3,

years years years Child ' < Ui

1971 T.l»53,lt 1.B214.9 14.122,0 1.506,6 2>4,5 55,3 20,2 1.14,3 36,5 80,8 685 1976 7.1488,0 1.756,5 14.211.,7 1.516,8 23,5 • 56,3 20,3 <4l,7 36,0 77,7 891 1981 7.525,0 1.61.3,5 h. 1483,0 1.398,5 21,8 59,6 18,6 36,7 31,2 67,9 901

19B6 7-592,6 1.615,1 14.565,7 I .l4l1 ,9 21,3 60,1 18,6 35,14 31,0 66,3 913 1991 7.680,8 1.689,1 14.596,0 1.395,1 22,0 59,8 18,2 36,8 30,1. 67,1 926 1996 7.759,5 1.72>4,T 14.688,8 1.3145,9 22,2 60,14 17,3 36,8 26,7 65,5 939 2000 7.813,9 1.711,9 14-759,5 1.31.2,6 21,9 60,9 17,2 36,0 28,2 61.,2 9I48

Variant 2

1971 7.|453,'4 1.8214,9 14,122,0 1,506,6 214,5 55,3 20,2 M",3 36,5 80,8 885 1976 7.1i63,7 1.732,3 l4.2lll,7 1.516,8 23,2 56,5 20,3 1.1,1 36,0 77,1 891 1981 7."139,3 1.557,8 '4.183,0 1.398,5 20,9 60,3 18,8 31,7 31,2 65,9 699 1986 7.Mil,3 1.1.63,8 14.565,7 i .1411,9 19,7 61,k 19,0 32,1 31,0 63,0 910 1991 T.li62,0 1.14914,11 14-572,0 1.395,7 20,0 61,3 18,7 32,7 30,5 63,2 923 1996 7-1.68,9 1.519,0 li.ÊOl. ,0 1.3115,9 20,3 61,6 18,0 33,0 29,2 62,2 935 2000 7-1456,2 1.1490,5 14.623,1 1.31.2,6 20,0 62,0 18,0 32,2 29,0 61,3 oltlt

Variant 3

1971 7.1453,14 1.821.,9 1..122,0 1.506,6 2l4,5 55,3 20,2 1.11,3 36,5 60,8 635 1976 7.1463,7 1.732,3 I4.21I4J 1.516,8 23,2 56,5 20,3 1.1,1 36,0 77,1 891 1981 7.14 20,5 1.539,0 •4,1483,0 1.398,5 20,7 60,1. 18,8 3"4,3 31,2 65,5 899 1986 7.366,7 1.389,1 14.565,7 1.1411,9 18,9 62,0 19,2 30,14 31,0 61,3 909 1991 7.328,2 •1.360,5 14.572,0 1.395,7 18,6 62,14 19,0 29,8 30,5 60,3 921 1996 7.278,14 1.31.7,1 k. 585,14 1.3l45,9 18.5 63,0 18,5 29,14 29,14 53,7 932 2000 • 7.220,0 1.316,6 14.560,8 1.31*2,6 18,2 63.2 18,6 28,9 29,14 58,3 9^0

1) Persons aged O-I^/Fersons açed 15-59, x 100. 2) Persons aged 60 and over/Persons aged 15~59, x 100. 3) Persons aged 0-lh + persons a^ed 6o and over/Persons ; sed 15-59, x 100. '•*) Males per thousand females. Source: Austrian Central Statistical Office 203 well that in the first phase of the shrink= ing process, the burden for the productive age groups caused by children and aged people diminishes as the number of children decreases. In addition, one has to consider the peculiar age composition of the basis population in 1¡971 whose exceptionally numerous older generation will die away and be replaced by smaller groups within the next decades.

The sex ratio of the population projected according to this variant will differ only marginally from those of the other variants, and will be slightly more different from the sex ratio of the stationary population because of the relatively overaged pop= ulation.

3. PROJECTION OF THE LABOUR FORCE 1971 - 2001

3.1. Assumptions and Methods

The projection of the labour force was attached to the. main variant of the model uf the natural population development and covers the same period. Here, the number of economically active persons has been forecasted according to sex and five year age groups for every fifth calendar year of the period of projection. For each of of these dates the age and sex-specific labour force participation rates (economically active persons as a percentage of the population of 204 the same sex and age), calculated on the basis of the 1971 census, have been multiplied by the number of corresponding population groups which were taken from the main variant (variant 2) of the model of the natural population development. The sum over age and sex gave the projected size of the labour force. Thus, the projection shows us the impact of the natural population movement on the number of economi= cally active persons. The assumption of constant activity rates for the whole projection period as well as the basic supposition of a balanced external net migration of the population model are the most uncertain.ones in regard to their realization. The lower (15 to less than 25) and higher (55 and over) age groups as well as the married women are expected to undergo changes in the labour force participation rates. The likewise variable number of foreign workers has indeed climbed by 2/3 from 1971 to 1975 (see Chapter II. 3). The fertility assumptions of the population model, which use empirical data up till 197^, will only begin to exert an influence on the forecasted labour force in the nineties, as an economic activity is only possible after the age of 15, and the birth cohorts of 1975 and later do not reach this age before the nineties.

3.2. Results

In respect of the concerned assumptions, the number of economically active persons will increase by 37O.OOO persons i.e. 12 per cent up to the turn of the century despite the fact that the 205 total population will remain almost constant within this period (Table 64). The greatest part of the increase is expected to occur during the years 1976 -. 1986 (+270.000), and especially during the second half of the seventies (+I5O.OOO). As a result of this, problems re= garding employment creation can be expected, primarily for the new labour force entrants. Thus, between .1976 and 1986, the number of economically active persons aged 20 to less than 25 will increase by approximately a quarter i.e. 100.000 persons, if their labour force par= ticipation rate remains unchanged.

Therefore, until the year 2000, the general activity rate (percentage of economically active persons in the total population) will increase from 41,5 per cent to 46,6 per cent, which means that for every economically active person there will be only 1,15 non-active persons (dependents, pensioners) up to the turn of the century, as against l,4l in 1971- The forecasted increase in the labour force by 12 per cent up to the year 2000 results from an increase in the population of working age (15 to less than 60) by 480.000 and 12 per cent,, respectively. Within this age group, the labour force participation rate will only increase marginally from 70,9 per cent to 72,0 per cent.

The number of active males will increase stronger than that of the active females (up to 1986 by 15 per cent and 7 per cent, respectively), mainly due to the fact, that the birth cohorts, which were diminished by the war deaths of World War II, shall leave the labour force. 206

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4. PROJECTION OF HOUSEHOLDS 1971 - 2001

4.1. Assumptions and Methods

The projection, like that of the labour force, vías attached to the main variant of the model of the natural population development. The projected population was multiplied by age and sex-specific headshiprates (separated for one- person and multi-person households). The summed •up products resulted in the projected number of one-person and multi-person households. The constancy of the headshiprates taken from the 1971 census was assumed for.the whole period of projection.

4.2 Results

The number of households will increase by 26O.OOO i.e. 10 per cent up to the turn of the century; according to the projected stability of the population size, the average household size must diminish correspondingly, namely, by 0,28 persons to 2,66.. The increase in the number of households which spreads almost equally over the whole projection period (yearly average: +8.800), will be solely carried by multi-person households, which by the year 2000 will have risen by 14,5 per cent, while the number of one-person households will decrease by 2 per cent (Table 65). 208

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CHAPTER VII

ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT, LAW, POPULATION POLICY

Several connections between the population structure and change on the one hand and the economic and social structure and change on the other hand have already been mentioned in the fore= going chapters. However, due to the complex interactions between population, society and economy, respectively, it was impossible to clear up the individual factors within these connections and the direction of causality, and to evaluate their importance. Nevertheless, the following paragraphs should.provide some information on the social and economic back= ground of the population development. Thus, the reader should be enabled to better understand the position of population change within the network of economic and social reality in Austria.

1 . ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT

The subsequent description follows a publica= tion of the Austrian Central Statistical Office which was published on the occasion of the cele= bration of the thirtiethh year of the foundation of the Second Republic of Austria, and which 211 contains all parts of the official statistics (AUSTRIAN CENTRAL STATISTICAL OFFICE, 1975b: 43 - 181).

Owing to Austria's own efforts and broadminded foreign relief" measures (UNRRA, ERP) the re= construction of the Austrian industry progressed much more rapidly than after World War I. To recover from the war damages a great part of the national product had to be spent for investment. Although the price increase was considerable, it did not lead to a runaway inflation. During 1946- 1950 the GNP at constant prices rose by. 17 per .cent per year (1920-1924: 7.5 per cent p.a.). In 1949 real GNP had become greater than in 1937, and in 1950 the level of 1913 (and of 1929) was surpassed, for the first time. During the period of economic recovery the output • of manufacturing and construction nearly trebled. After the successful reconditioning of production at the end of 1951 it proved necessary to stop the accelerating rise of prices and to stabilize the currency. From that time, at stock exchanges the Austrian Schilling has been considered again as one of the hardest currencies of the world but contrary to the situation in the First Republic - now under conditions of full employment. In 1952/53 the national budget and external transactions were balanced again. Thus, the basis for a spontaneous and contin= uous growth of the national economy was laid. Since 1950 the process of economic growth, which had been interrupted in 1914, continued again on a larger scale. From 1950-1974 the GNP at constant prices rose 3-5 times or - on an average - by 5.4 per cent per year re= 212 spectively. In 1974 it was already 3-3 times as high as in 19135 the. most prosperous year in the Austro-Hungarian Empire, 3-6 times as high as in the most prosperous year of the First Republic.(1929) and 4.2 times as high as in the last pre-war year (1937)-

As a consequence (and, in part, as a prerequi= site)of the economic growth the structure of the economy has changed markedly. The rate of in= vestment increased considerably, machinery and equipment were rapidly extended and brought up to date', so that at present there is almost no difference to leading industrialized nations in this re= spect. Specialization of demand and supply involved an increasing economic interdependence with foreign countries. From 1950-1974 the out= put of manufacturing increased 4.8 times (6.7 per cent per year), of construction 5-2 times (7.1 per cent per year) and of electricity and gas 6.6 times (8.2 per cent per year). Only agricul= tural production showed - due to a relatively weak demand - a distinctly smaller increase (by 50 per cent or 1.7 per cent per year). As far as business services are concerned an especially favourable development could be recorded in the field of financing and insurance, trade, and transport, whereas housing, public ad= ministration and defence as well as most private services (decrease of domestic personnel) showed only an increase below average.

As regards final demand private final consump= tion increased 3-4 times or by 5.2 per cent per year respectively during the years 1950-1974. Gross fixed capital formation increased 5-7 213 times (7.6 per cent per year) and government final consumption increased 2.1 times (3.2 per cent per year). In 1974 the general stand= ard of living, measured in terms of private consumption per capita, v/as 3.1 times as high as in 195O and in 1937, and three times as high as in 1913- The GNP at constant, prices per capita increased 3.2 times (5-0 per cent per year) from 1950-1974.

Since the number of the active population - in spite of a population increase of 9 per cent from 1950 to 1974 ~ remained almost unchanged (due to a considerable increase in the number of pensioners, pupils and students), both over= all productivity and GNP at constant prices were growing exactly at the same rate (3-5 times or by 5.4 per cent per year). Calculated per working hour, the increase of productivity would be noticeably higher since working hours show a long-term decline.

The level of prosperity and net output per capita showed a considerable increase in comparison with other countries too. In terms of US-# at current prices, Austria has nearly approxi= mated the traditional lead of the average per capita income of OECD-Europe, which amounted to 63 per cent in 1938 and to 43 per cent in 1950; in 1974 the average European level was exceeded for the first time in Austria's economic history. In comparison to the OECD total (USA, Canada and Japan included) the corresponding difference of 173 per cent (1938) and l40 per cent (195O) respectively decreased to only 21 per cent in 1973- By 1974 the economic lag of 214 Austrian has still narrowed considerably. Since 1955, the volume of the total budget of general government (federal government, Bundes^ lander; communities; chambers of labour, com= merce and professions; social security, and extrabudgetary funds) extended - on the expendi= ture side - from 51-6 thousand million A.S. to 352.8 thousand million A.S. (1974), which amounts to a 6.8 times increase or an annual increase by 10.6 per cent.The social insurance system showed the highest expansion, its outlays growing 9.8 times from 1955-197^; it is followed by the Bundesländer (8.7 times), the chambers (8.0 times) and the communities (7-6 times). • Compared with this, the expansion of expend= itures of the federal government (5-8 times) remains far below average.

Since I93O the agricultural structure of Austria has essentially changed as a consequence of the progressing industrialization.. After World Viar II this change in structure was accelerated by an enormous progress of agricultural sciences and modern agricultural engineering as well as by a continuous drift of workers away from agriculture and forestry. During the last decade^ the development led to a change in farm manage^ ment which is characterized on the one side by increasing farm mechanization, rationalization and specialization to specific types of holdings and, on the other side, by a considerable de= crease of small holdings to the advantage of medium- and large-sized holdings.

Since I95O the number of persons employed in agriculture and forestry decreased by half. 215 Owing to the manifold possibilities offered by industry, manufacturing and the services sector in the last decade especially family workers were persuaded to give up their occupations in agriculture and forestry. Although the agricul= tural area, which has been only slightly re= ducedj had thus to be cultivated" by a contin= uously decreasing number of people, the pro= ductivity of labour could be increased at the same time. By this increase in productivity of labour as well as by intensive use of all pos= sibilities in plant production and animal pro= auction it was possible to reach a steadily increasing income for agriculture and forestry.

During the period 19^8-1973 the industrial production actually increased on an average by 8.1 per cent per year. In the last three decades the chemical industry, the petroleum industry, and the electrical industry have been the main support of the industrial growth, but also the iron and steel basic industries, as well as the non-ferrous metal basic industries,engineer= ing and steel construction, building material production, and manufacture of paper and paper products have been growing considerably in most years. The results of the general industrial census in 196''f indicated that a change in the structure of the manufacturing industry had taken place. The total resu-lt of this census showed a decline of the number of establishments by 8 per cent. This has to be attributed ex= clusively to a considerable decrease of the num= ber of smallest-scale .establishments without salary-(wage-) -earners (-31 per cent), whereas the number of large-scale establishments (with 216 100-499 employees) increased by nearly 60 per cent.

The development of Austria's foreign trade until 1955 was strongly influenced by the par = ticular political and economic circumstances of that period. Beginning with 1955, the year in which the Austrian State Treaty was signed., the external trade of Austria has shown new tendencies as far as the opening of new markets and its volume is concerned. Austria gradually has changed from exporting raw materials to ex= porting finished products. Whereas in 1955 raw materials amounted to 28 per cent of total ex= ports, their share fell to 9 per cent in 1974. On the other hand, the'finished products percentage of total exports increased from 59 per cent in 1955 to 63 per cent in 1974.

Austrias ' s tourism quickly recovered after the end of World War II. At the beginning of the seventies a sharp rise in demand was registered. This level has been main= tained with only minor losses in the last years. Tourism and external trade are complementary to a certain extent: whereas imports of commodities exceed exports, tourism on the other hand yields considerable surplus.

After full employment had been reached in Austria at the beginning of the sixties the labour force got scarce. Thpf'c.fore foreign workers had to be employed. The number of foreign workers employed reached a peak in autumn 1975.

The years from 19'l8 to 1952 were marked by vigorously rising prices;during the recession in 1955 they became 217 stabilized. In the following years of economic growth the prices rose at an annual rate of about 3 per cent, which dropped during the recession in 1958 to about 1 per cent. In the following decade annual rates of increase between 2 per cent and 5 per cent were registered. Since 1970 .prices have been increasing more and more in conjunction with the longest lasting economic boom of the after-war period and with a world-wide rise in prices of raw ma= terials and energy. In 1971*, the consumer price in = dex showed the highest rate of increase (9-5 per cent) since 1952.

During the past twenty years the'earnings of employees increased on a large scale. Between 1955 and 197^ the median earnings (50 per cent are earning less than this amount (gross earn= ings)) rose for male workers by 363 per cent and for female workers by 359 per cent. Por blue-collar workers the increase amounted to 367 per cent, for white-collar workers (civil servants included) to 351 per cent. In 1974 average earnings, of men were 54 per' cent higher than those of women.

During the last decades nearly the total Austrian population has been included in a system of measures providing for sozial security. In i960 the the expenditure for the services rendered by the various systems of social security amounted to 11.2 per cent of the gross national product and in 1973 already to 14.5 per cent. The number of health insured persons increased between 1955 and 1973 by 31.0 per cent, of accident insured persons by 9-3 per cent, of old-age pension insured persons by .12.3 per cent. In 1955 70 per cent and in 197^ 96 per cent of the Austrian 218 population were included in the legal health insurance system.

Immediately after the end of World War II the housing situation in Austria was character^ ized by a great shortage of dwellings due to the enormous damages caused b_ the war, which were particularly numerous in Eastern Austria. In some of the larger towns half of the number of all dwellings were damaged. Up to the end of the fifties therefore the efforts of the housing authorities were directed to diminish the quantitative housing shortage according to the postulate "one dwelling for each family". Building activities in towns were mainly carried out by the communities (communal dwelling construction) and by housing associations. This period of rebuilding came to an end in i960. Since then two factors have, become more and more important in housing. In the first place, the qualitative housing shortage which had to be coped with by replacement or improve= ment of substandard dwellings, in the second place, the considerable increase of the number of summer and weekend houses, especially during the last ten years.In line with the rise in the general standard of living the trend towards secondary dwellings in the country^ side has intensified. The building of weekend houses in the neighbourhood of large towns, hol= iday homes and apartment buildings in centres of tourism increasingly formed a special sector-within the new construction activities, which led to an increase of the number of secondary dwellings to' more than 100.000. 219 When reviewing the development of housing in Austria it is also necessary to show up the development of rents. For the majority of the old dwellings rents had been legally stopped until 1968 so that average rents increased only little up to this date. After this date it has been possible to arrange rents for these dwellings according to the free market. In connexion with the high level of rents in new dwellings built within the last 5 years the average rents have been rising rapidly since 1968. During the decade from 1961 to 1971 average rents increased to more than the double, in the next three years up to 1974 rents doubled again.

2. LEGAL ORDER

Austria is a federally organized, parliamentary democracy. Considerable portions of the legal code of the republic are laws that were orig= inally drawn up and adopted in the nineteenth - century under the Austro-Hungarian Empire and have been modified since.

Most of the basic rights and freedoms guaran= teed by the present Austrian constitution were originally listed.in the Basic Law on the general rights of citizens of Í867 before being included in the constitution of the First Republic when it was drawn up in 1920. Legis= lation in the Second Republic has always been based on the principles set out in the United Nations' Declaration of Human Rights of 1948. In 1958 Austria became a signatory to the 220 European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms.

The Austrian federal system is also rooted deep in the country's history. From the nine federal provinces seven are old "crown coun= tries" of the monarchy, which developed in the course of centuries within the framework of the state as a whole (Carinthia,Lower Austria, Upper Austria, Salzburg, Styria, Tyrol, Vor= arlberg). The two provinces Vienna and the Burgenland were added only after the foundation of the First Republic. Vienna had formerly been part of Lower Austria, the Burgenland was formed in 1921 from German-speaking border areas of Hungary which had been declared part of Austria in the Peace Treaty of St. Germain of 1919.

While in the First Republic the political forces were unable zo find a common basis for their nation or to maintain a stable political order, in the Second Republic (since 19^5) there- was general agreement, with a remarkably stable distribution of powers from the very beginning, which has guaranteed a stable po= litical order. The Austrian People's Party and the Austrian Socialist Party both hold at least HO per cent of parliamentary seats. Other political parties, are the small Austrian Free= dorn Party and the Austrian Communist Party, which was represented in Parliament only until 1959-This political stability, which is a positive factor in the domestic- development of the Second Republic, is guaranteed by the smooth ooopera= tion between the two big interest groups, 221 employers and employees. In Austria their cooperation has become institutionalized. The employers are represented by the statutory • economic chambers (regional economic chambers, chambers of agriculture, different profession= al chambers) and the Federation of Austrian Industrialists. The interests of the employees are represented by the non-partisan, highly centralized Austrian Trade Union Federation, the statutory chambers of labour and the chambers of agricultural workers. An Austrian specialty is the so-called "economic and social partnership", a system designed to keep in check the development of wages and prices by close cooperation between the interest groups of employers and employees. Differences between labour and industry are settled with understanding for the partner and consideration for the common good.

Life in Austria today is safeguarded by a com= prehensive and complex system of social secu= rity and public welfare. The basis for Austrian social policy was established already under the monarchy between i860 and 1890 (limitation of daily working hours, no work at night or on Sundays, guaranteed wages, accident and illness insurance). The biggest social reforms were not to come until after 1918 in the First Republic. Among the provisions were the establishment of chambers of labour to provide statutory re= presentation for wage and salary earners, un= employment insurance, an 8 hour day, a ban on child labour, guaranteed holidays, the forma= tion of workers' councils, and a basis in law for the drawing up of collective'agreements. 222 Since 19^5 the Second Republic has continued to develop these reforms. "The standard achieved gives Austria the right to claim that it is one of the world's most socially advanced countries" (FEDERAL PRESS SERVICE, 1973: 115).

Every employee is entitled to a paid holiday, depending on how long he has been with his employers. The minimum.holiday is H weeks. Working hours are the subject of special leg= islation. Since 1975 the maximum is 40 hours per week. Disputes concerning individual labour contracts are referred to a labour court, while those arising from a collective agreement are considered by a separate arbitration board. Employees have the right to go on strike with= out having to fear any legal repercussions. To ensure the prevention of accidents and occu= pational illness Austrian employers have to comply with a comprehensive system of regu= lations. Statutory labour inspectorates ensure that the regulations are observed.

Children may not be employed before their nine years of compulsory education are completed, i.e. before they are 15 years of age. There are special regulations for young people and women, in particular mothers, where working hours, night work, heavy labour etc. are concerned.

The foundation of Austria's social insurance system is provided by compulsory insurance of all those not independently employed. The system offers four major groups' of benefits for those insured and for their families : 1. health insurance 223 2. accident insurance 3- unemployment insurance 4. pension rights..The number of people entitled to a pension has gradually been increased and the latest group to be included were farmers, independent tradesmen and the free professions. More than 90 per cent of the Austrian population now enjoys the benefits of a pension.

Austrian civil law is based on the General Civil Code of 1811, comprising far-sighted legal norms which, because of the avoidance of highly de= tailed provisions, permits up-to-date interpre= tations (KOZIOL and WELSER, 19731- 9). From the merny areas covered by Austrian civil law it is the family law that is of special interest in this context. Marriage is defined as a "com= munity of life of two persons of different sex, existing under the law, with the purpose to procreate and educate children and to offer mutual assistance". Although matrimony was.conceived as a permanent state, it is no longer indis= soluble under presentday law. According to the law procreation and education of children is the desired purpose of marriage, but childless marriages are also valid and fulfill the im= portant purpose of mutual assistance. Apart from marriage as the legally recognized com= munity between a man and a woman, there are other forms-of community between the sexes . which last over long periods (cohabiting of man and woman not legally married, concu= binage) and are accepted but which do not in= volve the rights and obligations of marriage (no maintenance duty, separation is possible at any time). The improvement of the legal status of illegitimate children, which was 224 introduced only recently, to a certain degree also entails the legal recognition of con= cubinage. In contrast to the original pro= visions of the General Civil Code the con= elusion, substance and dissolution of marriage are now regulated solely by state law. The re= spective provisions issued by the church have no longer any effect on the sphere of the state (KOZIOL and WELSER, 1973: 136).

To mention but a few of the specific provisions of family law: in Austria the minimum age for legal capacity to marry is 19 for men and 16 for girls; the minimum age may be reduced by one year by court order on application if the court decides that both parties appear to be mature enough to marry. As far as the effects of marriage on the individual and the property provisions of the marriage law are concerned major reforms are under way which will enforce the constitutional equality of the sexes also within the framework of marriage law. Until recently the wife was required to take her husband's name, cohabit with him and share with him the legal domicile. The husband as the "head of the family" was entitled to lead the household, but he was also obliged to "prop= erly support" his Wife. The new regulations provide for complete equality in matters concerning both the household and the education .of the children. According to a provision that became effective at the beginning of 1977 the spouses may decide which name is to be contin= ued. Decisive importance is attached to the concept of partnership. The wife shall no longer ybe obliged by law to live in any case in the same 225 place as her husband; the husband shall no longer have the legal right to prevent his v/ife from working; both husband and wife will share equal responsibility for the upkeep of the family (FEDERAL PRESS SERVICE, 1973: 128).

In Austria - like in many other countries - the divorce law is being reformed.

The basic consideration is that irreparably broken marriages are to be regarded as asocial evil which cannot be done away with by means of repressive divorce provisions. Divorce of such marriages should become possible even if one partner is against the divorce. However, the status of the wife requiring protection, her maintenance and pension rights should be improved at the same time.

One of the consequences of the equality of hus= band and wife in marriage is that in the future both are equally responsible for the care and education of their children, the administration of property, and the legal representation- When exercising these rights, the spouses must be in agreement. The new law governing the legal status of illegitimate children, which entered into force in 1971, expressly provides that the illegitimate child enjoys the same rights to maintenance as the legitimate child. In 1975 a provision was passed which guarantees maintenance payments by the state in the form of an advance, if the father, who is re= quired to pay for maintenance, is in default of payment.

In the field of penal law an important change has been adopted recently which is interesting 226 also from the viewpoint of the demographer. Formerly abortions were performed only on med= ical grounds. The new'law permits abortion - free of penal sanctions if performed by a physician after proper counselling and within three months of conception. The establishment of family counselling and family planning facilities, v/hich was laid down in the Law for the Promotion of Family Counselling, may be regarded as a supportive measure. The aim is to help married couples in family planning '(de= cisión of husband and wife whether and when they want children) and to counsel expectant mothers on economic and social questions. The family counselling centres offer their counsel to all persons regardless of age, sex and marital status.

The Family Burden Equalization Act, which has frequently been under discussion and which has become a powerful means of state intervention, contains a number of provisions with regard to taxation and support of families. It tries to ease the economic burden resulting from marriage and the education of children. The Family Burden Equalization' Act of 1967 has been amended in the meantime and provides for the following measures: 1. Birth grant. The mother is entitled to receive this benefit for each child. The birth grant amounts to A.S. 16.000 if the specified medical checks of mother and child, as required by the so-called "Mother and Child Passport", have been carried out. A. S. 2.000 will be paid to all mothers as of right. 2. Family allowance. A person is entitled to family allowance, if the child 227 belongs to the household of the person or if it is predominantly supported by this person. In cases of doubt the household criterion ranks before the maintenance criterion. 3- Pare concessions or free transport to and from school. H. Free schoolbooks.

Formerly, certain allowances could be deducted from income before tax assessment and a differ= ential tax rate was levied on unmarried (Schedule A) and married (Schedule B) people. These measures were designed to take the different burden on the two groups into account. However, income tax wax assessed on a household basis, i.e. on the joint income of the two spouses living in one household. The Income Tax Law of 1972 laid down that income tax is to be assessed on individual income, even if the spouses live in one common household; but this new and more advantageous provision made it necessary to abolish the differential tax schedules A and B. The new system of allowances consists in a direct reduction in actual tax payable,, irrespective of the level of income. Such direct reductions are: 1. the sole earner's 'allowance (A.S. 2.400); every married person is entitled to claim this allowance provided that the spouse has only a low income or no income at all. 2. the children's allowance (A.S. ¿1.200) 3. Since 1972 a marriage grant (A.S. 15.000) is paid to people marrying for the first time. This grant is to compensate for expenses incurred in setting up a joint house= hold. 228 In this context the numerous protective social and economic benefits can be mentioned only briefly: 1. Protection of pregnant woman workers on the job (e.g. protection against dismissal). 2. A pregnant worker must not be employed within a period of 8 weeks before and after delivery and is entitled to full pay during that time. 3. After delivery all woman workers are entitled to unpaid leave for up to one year and the pay= ment of unpaid leave benefits in the amount of A.S. 2.500. Unmarried mothers receive A.S. 4.000. During that period the mothers enjoy protection against dismissal and the unpaid leave is credited on to the pension scheme. 4. Emergency grants for unmarried mothers 5- Grants to reduce costs of child care if the mother is employed 6. School and study grants 7. Lodging grant if a pupil has to live away from home to attend school 8. Apprenticeship grant. It should be mentioned that attendance of all public schools and universities for Austrian students is free of charge.

Housing has been regarded as a social problem since the last century when industrialization resulted in the rapid growth of many cities and industrial towns. Austria's social housing schemes date back to that period. The Coop= erative Act of 1873 was the legal basis for the first building cooperatives which tried to eliminate the housing shortage brought about by industrialization. The first important state grants for social housing schemes were made in 1902 and I9O8. Regulations for the protection of tenants, which were passed during the First V/orld War, and the Rent Law of 1922, which is 229 still in force but which has been amended several times, made it virtually impossible for the landlord to fix the rent by tenancy agreement or to give notice to the tenant. Meanwhile, these regu= lations have been eased. Moreover, a system of state grants has been introduced in order to stimulate the construction of nev; houses. By promoting private construction on the one hand and public construction of low-rent houses on the other, the local communities have also been active in this field. The Housing Improvement Act of 1970 is intended to redevelop old flats with the help of public funds. There are also rent subsidies, which are decided on the basis of family income and payable rent.

Space does not permit a discussion of the legal situation with regard to local and regional planning and of the efforts to increase environmen = tal protection in order to offset environmental hazards. Austria's regional development policy concerns itself mainly with the prevention of adverse side effects of urbanization, with the preservation of unspoilt mountain areas and the improvement of the structure of Austria's economically weak border areas.

Finally, mention should be made of a few spe= cific laws which are of interest in connection with international migration. The rights and obligations ^f "aliens" (i.e.«persons who are not of Austrian nationality) are regulated by the Law on Aliens (Federal Lav; Gazette No. 75/1954). The provisions for the employment of foreigners are clearly specified in the Law on the Employment of Foreigners (Federal Law 230 Gazette No. 218/1975). The Law on Citizenship of 1965 (Federal Law Gazette No. 250/1965) contains the provisions on naturalization and loss of citizenship. These legal provisions are based on the principles of human rights on the one hand and on the need for protection of the Republic on the other. Since the days of the Great Migration Austria has been a central point in the flow of people across the conti= nent. It is hoped that the aforementioned pro = visions will aid Austria in maintaining its position and fulfilling its task as a land of transition and sometimes destination.

3. POPULATION POLICY

Nowadays the following themes concerning pop= ulation development have received special at= tention: 1. the decline in the birth rate and the fact that fertility fell short of the re= placement level; the excess of deaths over births which occurred since 1975 (among the native population since 1974); 2. the over-aged structure of population, especially of the fe= male population, and its consequent problems of loneliness and of care for old people; 3- from the varying number of births results a fluctuating demand for jobs and education; within the next few years a considerable in= crease will occur in the number of adolescents who enter the labour force or continue their education after completing compulsory schooling, while the enrolment in primary schools is al= ready retrogressive; 4. the marked regional 231 disparities in the population growth (consider= , able growth of the western provinces against the shrinkage of the population in the east on the one hand, intraregional concentration of jobs»centripetal internal migration flows and daily commuting with the consequence of a de= pletion of economically weak border areas and mountain regions on the other hand); an intensifica= tion of this development follows from the fact that there is no further population increase which can be applied to redistribution; 5. the relatively low level of life expectancy, which is below that of most other highly industrial^ ized countries, especially for the male popu= lation, and the associated relatively high infant, mortality which has been substantially decreased only in recent times.

As for fertility,.population policy mainly aims to advise, support and assist the parents; parents shall thus be enabled to better realize the desired number and spacing of births and the children too shall be enabled to grow up in a more favourable atmosphere. At present it is, how= ever, undecided, if in the long run the re= placement of the population can be ensured, especially if in the next decades policy makers don't give more consideration to this goal since the consequences of a perpetual low fer= tility level will only appear much later. This kind of short-sighted policy may be encouraged by the fact that the aging of the population of Austria has already capped its climax and that the dependency ratio shows a falling trend. The "inertia" of demographic processes and, as a consequence, the necessity of a long-term pop= 232 ulation policy rival with the usually much shorter periods of planning and realization of policies in other fields.

The brief description of the legal order in the foregoing section has already proved the.numer= ous legal instruments which can influence the aforementioned population dynamics. Population policy in fact consists of measures concerning social issues, family, health, social security, housing, law and social welfare as well as regional planning. All these individual measures seem to be based on the common ground that the replacement of the population of Austria should be ensured and that a far-sighted gov= ernment should react sufficiently early upon foreseeable structural changes by measures concerning employment creation, ressources for the educational system, by regional planning and policies for structural improvements. APPENDIX A

THE SOURCES OF POPULATION DATA

Population statistics in Austria are collected from two main sources: the census of Austria and vital registration. Since 1968 there have been regular surveys called microcensus at short intervals which provide additional in= formation on population data.

Population censuses in Austria.go back as far as the middle of the 18th century, but have served up to the middle of the 19th century mainly for military reasons. As a result of this, the reliability and completeness of enumerations in that period was often weak. Furthermore, the censuses did not cover the demographically required variables sueh as age and marital status. The first census in the modern sense was taken in 1869* which was followed by the censuses of 1880, 1890, 1900, 1910, 1923, 1934, 1951. 196I and 1971. It can be seen that it was only during war times and the Great Depression that the regularity of decennial intervals was interrupted. .These censuses provide information on many characteristics of the population - namely, age and sex, marital status, nationality, religious denomination, language spoken, educa= tion, occupation, family'and household charac= teristics etc. The last three censuses were taken with respect to the recommendations which had been given by the United Nations. 234 Vital statistics have existed in Austria since the middle of the 18th century. Up to 1938 law had prescribed that the data be obtained from church registers; since 1939 this has been the task of civil registers. Compilation and eval= uation of data for the whole country is carried out centrally as is also the case with pop= ulation censuses.

The field of migration statistics suffers from the lack of current migration registration. There are two main sources available, which are both founded on census data: 1) Data on net migration which are computed as the difference of pop= ulation change and natural increase between two censuses. Thus the size of immigration and emigration must remain unknown. 2) The 1961 and 1971 censuses contained a question regarding the place of residence five years ago. Whereas this question failed in 1961, the information on internal migration 1966-1971 was widely used in Austrian demography.

The microcensus is a 1 per cent stratified random sample survey of the Austrian population. Since 1968 it has been conducted 4 times a year and provides current information on labour force and housing. Each microcensus contains a number of questions on special topics as, for instance, fertility questions in 1971 and 1976. APPENDIX B

Legitimate and Illegitimate Fertility Rate, Illegitimacy Ratio and Proportion of Married Women

Legitimate live births Illegitimate live births per thousand married per thousand unmarried Illegiti- Proportion women of specified age women of specified age ïear macy1 j of carried women 2) 15 to less 111 to less 15 to less under 50 than 1)5 than 1*5 than 50

1900 2U8.6 21l),6 55,6 "i3,3 21,7 Ii2,1 193>t 90,0 711,2 27,8 2l),2 26,3 1)7,6 1951 105,1 8lt,1 25,5 21,6 17,8 5"),3 •1961 137,3 116,1» 27,7 22.U 12,6 57,2 1962 135,8 116,5 27,0 22,6 12,0 58,6 1963 131»,5 117,5 26,5 22,5 11,6 59,3 19614 132,3 116,3 26,0 22,2 11.3 60,0 1965 128,1) 111,li 25.5 21,7 11,2 60,7 1966 127,1 108,0 26,2 22,0 11,1) 61,1) 1967 126,0 10U.9 26,7 22,2 11,5 62,0

1968 12UV2 101,5 28,1 23,1 12,0 62,5 1969 119,5 96,8 28,0 22,8 12,2 62,8 1970 110,It 89, k 27,0 21,9 12,8 62,6 1971 105,2 85,5 26,2 21,3 13,0 62,6 1972 99,1» 82,7 26,3 21,6 13,7 62,3 1973 93,8 77,3 21) ,1) 20,2 13,7 62,2 197U 93,1 77,3 23,8 19,9 .13,8 61,7 1975 90,1) 75,2 21,8 18,3 13,5 60,9

1) Illegitimate live births as a percentage of total live births. 2) Married women under 50 years old as a percentage of the total number of women to less than 50 years old. Source: Austrian Central Statistical Office 236

Austrian Life Table 1970/72 a) Male

Probability Exact Probability Exact of age of age death death

0 0,02930 100.000 66,58 50 0 ,00821 86.316 22,81 1 171 97.070 67,58 51 901 85,635 22,03 2 108 96.9OI4 66,69 52 983 8I1.861 2 1,22 3 79 96.799 65,77 53 1062 811.027 20,13 1, 71 96.723 61), B2 51 1119 83. 135 19,61 5 0,0006'i 96.65I4 63,86 55 0 ,01252 82.180 18,87 6 56 96.592 62,90 56 138O 81.151 18,10 7 55 96.538 61,91» 57 1529 80.031 17,31 8 57 96.1.85 60,97 58 1695 78.307 16,6l 9 55 96.1.30 60,01 59 188I 77.171 15,86 10 0,000li9 96.377 59,0', 60 0 ,02089 76.011 15,18 11 1,5 96.330 58,07 61 2323 7I1.126 11, 19 12 1)8 96.287 57,09 62 258O 72.697 13,82 13 61 96.2I41 56,12 63 2856 70.821 13,18 IÍ4 71 96.182 55,16 315O 68.798 12,55 15 0,00087 96. 11I4 5li,19 65 0 ,03191 66.625 11,91 16 131 P6.030 53,2li 66 3858 61.299 11,35 17 t&h 95.901 52,31 67 I261 61.818 10,79 18 197 95.7I47 5 1,1)0 68 •'.697 59. 181 10,25 19 '15 95-558 50,50 69 5161 56.loi 9,73 20 0,002. 95.353 149,60 70 0 ,05662 53.I91 9,23 21 216 95. 1I45 13,71 71 6192 50.162 8,f6 22 216 9I4.939 '17,82 72 67I8 I7.337 8,:« 23 209 9I1.73I1 16,92 73 7329 1.1. 1I3 7,87 2l4 199 9I1.536 16,02 7I 79II 1.0.908 7,15 25 0,00190 9I4.3I48 15,11 75 0 ,08603 37.658 7,05 26 l81i 9I4. 169 11.,19 76 931I 314.118 6,67 27 183 93.996 13,27 77 IOO63 31.212 6,30 28 183 93.821, ''2,35 78 10811. 28.071 5,95 29 185 93.652 11,13 79 11678 25.027 5,61 30 0,00190 93.'179 1.0,50 80 0 ,12588 22.lOl 5,29 31 198 93.301 39,58 81 13595 19.122 1,98 32 210 93.116 38,66 82 11821 16.695 1,68 33 225 92.920 37,71 • 83 I6069 11.221 l,ll 3'i 211 92.711 36,82 81 17338 11.936 1,16 35 0,002614 92.1.85 35,91 85 0 ,18629 9.867 3,93 36 285 92.2M 35,00 86 199I2 8.029 3,71 37 307 91.978 3'), 10 87 21276 6.1.28 3,51 38 331 91.696 33,20 88 22632 5.060 3,33 39 357 91.392 32,31 89 P'.OIO 3.915 3,16 lio 0,00383 91.066 31,13 90 0 ,25109 2.975 2,99 111 Ml 90.717 30,55 91 26B3O 2.219 2,31 !i2 I436 29,67 92 28273 1.621 2,70 1)3 UÓ1 89.950 28,30 93 29737 1.165 2,57 1.1) 1.87 89-535 27,93 9I 31223 519 2,15 1,5 0,00520 89.099 27,06 95 0 ,32731 563 2,33 1.6 563 88.636 26,20 96 •I26O 379 2,22 1.7 617 88.137 25,35 97 35811 219 2,12 1.8 679 • 87.593 2', ,50 98 37383 160 2,02 1,9 7)19 86.998 23,67 99 33978 100 1,91 50 0,008Zl 86.3I16 22,81. 100 0 ,',0593 61 1,86

Source: Austrian Central Statistical Office 237 Table 2 (continued)

b) Female

Probability Exact, Life Exact Probability of Survivors Life aye expectancy ap,e death expectancy o death o 1 e i e y "y y "y y y y y 0 0,02221 100.000 73,69 50 0,00435 92.638 27,61 1 152 97.779 71,35 51 I472 92.235 26,73 2 gh 97.630 73,1)6 52 507 91.800 25,86 3 63 97.538 72,53 53 5U0 91-335 21),98 II Il9 ifi.

Source: Austrian Central Statistical Office 238

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Table 5 Private Households by Type, 1971

Number Per cent of fam- Per cent of total ily households private households Type of household Households Persons Households Persons Households Persons 1 l

All private households 2535916 7360371 100,0 100,0 Family households 1833005 6556852 100,0 100,0 72,3 89,1 One-faniily households 1739816 59682M 9'),9 91,0 68,6 81,1 Without other persons 1503078 kS223l8 82,0 73,5 59,3 65,5 With other persons 236730 111" 5923 12,9 17,5 9,3 15,6 e Of which: one parent or parent-in-lav of the family head 132070 661826 7,2 10,1 5,2 9,0 Two-family households 90l>73 561<392 >>,9 6,6 3,6 7,7 Two related families in direct descent 83626 520769 U,6 7,9 3,3 7,1 Without other persons 69858 li 10306 3,8 6,1) 2>8 5,7 With other persons 13768 1021)63 0,8 1,6 0,5 I,1' Two rPlateü families not in direct descent 609h 39311 0,3 0,6 0,2 0,5 Without other persons 366k aiOOB 0,2 0,3 0,1 0,3 With other persons 2k 30 I8303 0,1 0,3 0,1 0,2 Two unrelated families 753 Ii312 0,0 0,1 0,0 0,1 Without other persons I48I4 21^53 0,0 0,0 0,0 0,0 With other persone 269 1659 0,0 0,0 0,0 0,0 Three or more family households 2716 21)219 0,1 0,1* 0,1 0,3 ITon-familv households 702911 603519 27,7 10,9 One-persons household 6230I11 622'jt) 1 21), 6 8,5 Multi-person households 79870 18O.'i7B 3.1 2,5 Consisting of related persons only li0301 115120 1,6 1,2 Consisting of related and unrelated persons 2332 8072 0,1 0,1 Consisting of unrelated'persons only ' 37237 37286 1,5 1,2 Source: Austrian Central Statistical Office BIBLIOGRAPHY

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