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Home , Forced assimilation, Indonesian Ulema Council, Sunan Bonang

Paramita:Paramita: Historical Historical Studies Studies Journal, Journal, 29(2) 29(2) 2019: 2019 213 -223 ISSN: 0854-0039, E-ISSN: 2407-5825 DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.15294/10.15294/paramita.v29i1.20869

FROM ASSIMILATION TO PLURALISM AND MULTICULTURALISM POLICY: STATE POLICY TOWARDS ETHNIC CHINESE IN

Wasino, Saptono Putro, Ananto Aji, Edi Kurniawan, Fitri Amalia Shintasiwi Faculty of Social Sciences, Universitas Negeri Semarang

ABSTRACT ABSTRAK

Indonesian society inherits plural society of Masyarakat Indonesia mewarisi masyarakat Dutch colonization. One of the major prob- majemuk penjajahan Belanda. Salah satu ma- lems is related to the minority ethnicity and its salah utama terkait dengan etnis minoritas dan position towards the majority. One of the eth- posisinya terhadap mayoritas. Salah satu etnis nicities which receives special attention from yang mendapat perhatian khusus dari the government is Chinese. This article is try- pemerintah adalah Cina. Artikel ini mencoba ing to analyse the history of Indonesia Gov- menganalisis sejarah Kebijakan Pemerintah ernment Policy from Indonesian Independ- Indonesia dari era Kemerdekaan Indonesia ence to Reformasi. The results show that from hingga Reformasi. Hasil penelitian menunjuk- Indonesian Independence to The kan bahwa dari kemerdekaan Indonesia ke era era, discrimination politics to Chinese in Indo- Orde Baru, terjadi diskriminasi politik ter- nesia occurs. Chinese is trying to create their hadap Tionghoa di Indonesia. Orang Tiong- image being Indonesian by imitating the ma- hoa mencoba membuat citra mereka menjadi jority’s cultural identity or practicing assimila- orang Indonesia dengan meniru identitas bu- tion based on the location where they live. daya mayoritas atau mempraktikkan asimilasi After Reformasi in 1998, the state politics berdasarkan lokasi tempat mereka tinggal. changed by respecting or multicultural Setelah era reformasi pada tahun 1998, politik society. Therefore, some Chinese identities negara berubah dengan menghormati budaya start to strengthen, but most of them still fol- atau masyarakat multikultural. Oleh karena low the majority . itu, beberapa identitas Cina mulai menguat, tetapi kebanyakan dari mereka masih mengi- Keywords: plural society, minority, identity, kuti budaya mayoritas. multicultural policy, identity Kata kunci: masyarakat majemuk, minoritas, identitas, kebijakan multikultural, identitas

Author correspondence Email: [email protected] 213 Available online at http://journal.unnes.ac.id/nju/index.php/paramita Paramita: Historical Studies Journal, 29(2) 2019

INTRODUCTION ture, namely the willingness to unite or Indonesia is a country with pluralistic or unity. For the second interpretation, the plural society. Horizontally, it consists of symbol is actually a warning or an "alarm" various tribes, , races, and inter- that reminds all children of the nation that groups, which in the terminology during Indonesia, in the reality, is plural and in era, known and abbreviated as that plural country, there is an opportunity SARA. In addition, based on geographical for disintegration so there must be an aspect, the difference between villages and awareness to unite. The main source of cities in Java and outside Java is very ob- awareness to unite is and the vious. Vertically, it consists of social layers Proclamation of Indonesian Independ- consisting of various criteria, such as up- ence. per-class, middle-class, and low-class Talking about which interpretation groups. Likewise, from the aspect of social is correct, it still needs to be discussed, but position, there are rulers and common after Indonesia's independence, the prob- people. In the terminology of Javanese lem of nation disintegration starts to ap- culture, there are terms known as pear. The highly visible thing is the issue "" (the noble) and "wong cilik” (the of the relationship between ethnicity and poor). . The issue of ethnicity and reli- The conception of pluralistic society gion which has the most of continui- has been inherited by Indonesia since the ty is the conflict between "native Moslem" colonial period. In the colonial concept, as and "non-Moslem ethnic Chinese" com- pointed out by Furnivall (1944), it is de- munities. In the connection with that mat- scribed as a group of people consisting of ter, the state requires to adopt the ethnic two or more elements that live alone with- Chinese policy. This paper will conduct a out any assimilation of one another in a historical-sociological analysis of the state political entity. Although the concept was policy and the relationship between the intended for the colonial , ac- state and ethnic Chinese in Indonesia. cording to Nasikun (1985: 35), the conti- nuity of this conception still exists until ASSIMILATION POLICY OF THE this time. By ignoring the concrete mani- TRADITIONAL COUNTRY festation, we can capture the essence of Chinese people have existed in Nusantara the conception regardless of time and since a long time ago, long before the space. A plural society is a society with a Dutch colonialism. Generally, they came value system that is embraced by various to this area for commercial purposes. At social entities that become the parts of it the peak of 's glory, in the XIV so that the members of the community century, Javanese from the upper class lack loyalty to society as a whole, lack cul- were accustomed to the luxury goods im- tural homogeneity or even lack the basis ported from China such as silk, porcelain for mutual understanding of one to each and so on. Along the north coast of Java, other. there have been many Chinese villages. In Recognizing this plurality, the na- line with its interests, then in Kurun Niaga tion's founders had made a symbolic foun- (1480-1680) (Reid, 1988), many Chinese dation in the symbol of the state of Indo- people lived in port cities in Nusantara nesia namely "Garuda Pancasila", a Garu- such as Banda Aceh, Malaka, Jepara, Tu- da (eagle) bird holding a ribbon which ban, Lasem, and . The presence says “Bhineka Tunggal Ika” which means of Chinese people has boosted the eco- unity in diversity. The phrase has many nomic growth of port cities and the interpretations. The first interpretation is growth of power centers in Nusantara. At in the form of the symbolist's confession the same time, marriages took place be- (Muhammad Yamin) that in the reality, tween Chinese and local Indonesian peo- the newly established state, Indonesia, is ple. In subsequent developments, Moslem indeed diverse but still has the same na- Chinese descendants were born (Carey.

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1986: 17). As the result of mixed marriag- The Dutch government in Indonesia es, their children became a Chinese- had an interest in separating Chinese peo- Javanese mestizo generation. ple from local population after the event (Onghokkham, 1983). As the time goes of 1740. At that time, Chinese Communi- by, the aspects of identity of the descend- ty in Batavia resisted VOC government in ants of mixed marriages are difficult to Batavia which was considered arbitrary recognize, their Chinese looks are not so against Chinese people. The rebellion es- obvious. With regard to this matter, Lek- calated to a number of port cities in the kerkerker, a Dutch scholar stated that 80% north coast of Java which resulted in an of the population of the North coast of alliance of resistance between Javanese Java had Chinese blood (Budiman.1979: aristocrats and the rebels of ethnic Chi- 29). nese in a number of places in port cities Local government in Indonesia, es- such as Semarang, Jepara and Rembang. pecially in Java, had the interest in mak- After the completion of the rebellion, the ing policies towards the ethnic Chinese. Dutch Government carried out very strict At the peak of the glory of a Hindu and control towards Chinese people. Buddhist kingdom, Majapahit, several low The Chinese-Javanese assimilation -ranked employees were under control of policy developed so far has been replaced many Chinese. There was even a high- with a policy of separating relationship level official appointed from the ethnic between Chinese people and indigenous Chinese, namely Adipati Terung. He was population. Since 1740, Chinese people a mixed-blooded (Pegeaud) official. Like- have been officially forced to live in sepa- wise, the people from Wali Sembilan, rate environments in every city controlled namely and Sunan Ngam- by the Dutch or Pacinan (Chinese Wijk or pel Denta, who became the rulers of the town). However, the regulation concerning eastern area of north coast of Java, were Pacinan was not strictly enforced, and Chinese descendants. The Islamic Mata- mostly, it depended on the behaviour and ram Kingdom also embraced Chinese peo- views of local Dutch officials. In 1830, ple for cooperation in managing the gov- many Chinese people lived outside the ernment. A concrete example is Tu- Pacinan area and the government had to menggung Wiroguno, an influential prime instruct strict regulation regarding the Pac- minister who was estimated to be a Chi- inan provisions. It seems that this order nese descent (De Graaf.1986: 211). Due to was not carried out properly because the Chinese important role, the Constitution sanctions were light. During the 19th cen- of Mataram regulated Chinese people spe- tury, there were many admonitions and cifically, namely the fine for killing Chi- orders from Batavia to apply stricter laws nese was twice higher than that of killing in Pacinan. However, local Dutch officials Javanese (Carey 1986). Based on the de- always seemed to have the right to make a scription above, it can be said that tradi- final decision by looking at the local sys- tional state policy at that time used assimi- tem. The effect of this policy on the stabil- lation model. ity of Chinese settlement patterns was very influential. Chinese people have never RACIAL LINE, COLONIAL LEGACY lived outside Pacinan for long time. More- The crucial change towards ethnic Chi- over, during the 19th century, there were nese in Indonesia occurred during the many changes regarding the territorial Dutch colonial period. Colonial Govern- borders of the government in Java, such as ment since VOC period until the Dutch cities, districts, and so on. With an impact East Indies Government period has of Pacinan that was designed long ago, changed assimilation relationship which only district cities have Pacinan area. has been built between ethnic Chinese as Therefore, from time to time, Chinese migrants and local residents or often people who lived outside the Pacinan area called as "natives". or in the Pacinan area in the new regency

215 Paramita: Historical Studies Journal, 29(2) 2019 and city were planned to be moved to that the plantation production sector as con- place (Onghokham.1983: 38). tractors in the production process, inter- After enforcing the policy of resi- mediary traders, and the collectors of tax dence system for Chinese people, the and "pachts" for toll roads, opiate, and so Dutch Colonial Government enacted the on. Some also worked without being asso- space limitation system for ethnic Chinese ciated with the colonial government, most through delivery order. Pacinan required a of them were "mindring", or selling goods delivery order. Although a delivery order in instalment to Indonesian people in the was given on request, but in the end, they countryside, liquor producers, and opium also had to submit a request. Through de- smugglers. Likewise, the distribution net- livery order, Chinese people were easily work for the trade of middle-low goods monitored by the colonial government for such as bicycles, watches and other elec- their mobility outside its territory. tronic goods had also become an arena for (Onghokham.1983: 39). supporting the economic activities of eth- That Colonial Government's policy nic Chinese groups. Specific areas of ex- resulted in a social gap between Javanese pertise such as dental artisan, watchmak- and Chinese people, even the appearance er, food chef, teacher, and so on also be- of conflict. This fact was reinforced by the came the employment of ethnic Chinese existence of strata system created by in the colonial period. Dutch Government. Approximately in 1850, social level based on race was stated INTEGRATION AND ASSIMILA- in the constitution. The implementation of TION DURING OLD ORDER ERA racial laws was also reflected in colonial Colonial policy that separates citizens reports which included many social condi- based on racial lines resulted in displeas- tions on the racial lines. It had implica- ure among the natives. As the result, after tions for the rights of those who occupied Indonesia's independence, the position of certain layers which were in contrast to Chinese people who were placed as sec- other layers. The social level based on the ond-class citizens over the population of race are: (1) Employees of the company; the natives during the Dutch Colonial era (2) Independent population (Christians); resulted in the feeling of suspicion of the (3) Foreign Easterners (Chinese, Indians, freedom fighters who later became the Arabs); (4) Inlander (native) rulers of the new state, the Republic of (Wertheim.1956: 123). Indonesia. The division of society into such The suspicion of the new rulers of social levels resulted in tenuous relation- the Republic of Indonesia was related to ship between ethnic groups in Javanese the loyalty of Chinese people towards In- society. The Dutch considered that their donesia. Chinese political organizations in position was higher than that of Chinese Indonesia were divided into three, namely and Javanese. Meanwhile, ethnic Chinese those who are loyal to ancestral lands considered that their position was higher (both People’s Republic of China and Chi- than the Javanese, even though they con- na), loyal to Dutch Colonial, and loyal to sidered that their position was lower than Indonesia. From those three groups, there the position of westerners. This order can was only a small proportion which was psychologically cause “native” people to considered loyal to Indonesia. This was have a feeling of being marginalized in the supported by the citizenship policy of the colonial order and can cause a feeling of government of People’s Republic of China displeasure with the Dutch and the Chi- that adheres to Ius Sanguinis principle nese (Wasino, 2005). which recognizes all Chinese citizens In the field of economy, ethnic Chi- wherever they were born. Meanwhile, In- nese was given the opportunity to carry donesia adheres to Ius Soli principle out economic activities supporting the co- (Dutch Act of 1910) which only recogniz- lonial economy. Some of them worked in es Indonesian citizens born in Indonesia.

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As the result, ethnic Chinese can legally integrated in the state of Indonesia. As an have dual citizenship. , the ethnical identities such The governmental change from a as language, religion, and ancestral tradi- colonized state to Republic of Indonesia tions were still maintained. Meanwhile, influenced the economic order to change. the assimilation was described that the In the colonial period, the control of assets ethnic Chinese must assimilate and unite and economic networks was largely con- with the culture of the other ethnic groups trolled by Western entrepreneurs, especial- in Indonesia by not highlighting the char- ly the Dutch with the second line of Chi- acteristics of Chinese culture (Yahya (ed.), nese entrepreneurs. Then, during the inde- 1983). pendence era, the control was transferred This integration was sup- to Chinese people. This became more ap- ported by the birth of a mass organization parent after the process of Indonesianisation of ethnic Chinese group called the Indone- and nationalization of Western private sian Citizenship Consultative Body assets to Indonesian Government which (Baperki) on March 14th, 1954. The aim was then legalized in the Nationalization was to make citizens of Chinese descent Act (number 86 of 1958) (Wasino. 2016: become genuine Indonesian citizens and 62-71). oppose all forms of racial discrimination. The policies of Indonesian Govern- Baperki as a mass organization which was ment from the beginning of independence active in politics and became a participant to the end of guided democracy (1946- in the 1955 Indonesian election. Baperki 1965) towards ethnic Chinese were ambig- succeeded in placing his representative in uous. On the one hand, it did not provide parliament, namely Siauw Giok Tjhan. opportunities for these ethnic groups in Baperki actively supported Indonesian important positions in the government, government in the political struggle in- like president position. In the 1945 Consti- cluding the liberation of West Irian. tution, it is clearly stated that "the presi- In the economic field, Baperki ad- dent is a native Indonesian", even in the heres to the development of the national draft of the manuscript, it is said that the economy. In national economy, the use of president must be a Moslem. However, natural resources and the development of the word Moslem was removed in order to human resources for the benefit of the not offend the feeling of those with other people of Indonesia must be guaranteed. religions. The word "native" has the In order for the ethnic Chinese to support meaning of "indigenous people". It is in- Indonesia’s development as a whole, the terpreted that it does not include the citi- ethnic Chinese must be legitimate Indone- zens of Chinese descent. However, on the sian citizens and decrease the number of other hand, Indonesian government real- foreign Chinese in Indonesia. ized that the economic power of the ethnic Later on, assimilation ideology was Chinese was quite strong and had trade born. Supporters of this ideology were op- networks throughout the country and be- posed to the Baperki’s ideology because tween countries. For this reason, the gov- they wanted to assimilate ethnic Chinese ernment has made rules that were not so culture into the body of the Indonesia na- strict towards ethnic Chinese politics and tion. The birth of this organization was culture. driven by the desire of President Sukarno There were two life orientation on December 22nd, 1959 at the University groups of ethnic Chinese which were giv- of Gadjah Mada, so that there would be en the opportunity by the Indonesian gov- inter-tribal marriages namely between mi- ernment. They were known as integration nority groups and majority groups who and assimilation ideology. Integration was were said to the genuine Indonesian citi- described that the ethnic Chinese is one zens. The assimilation group consisting of ethnic group like Javanese, Sundanese, 30 figures of Chinese descent met in Ban- Bugis, Batak, Malay and others which are dungan Ambarawa, Semarang Regency,

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Central Java and signed the Assimilation known as the Ali-baba system. The word Charter on January 15th, 1961. Those “fortress” has its own meaning. who signed the charter were: Be Tjong As the result of the expansion and Lee, Ong Hok Ham, and D, Sudjiadi. economic dominance of ethnic Chinese, The charter stated that: including Totok Chinese, PP (government Assimilation is the process of uniting decree) 10 of 1959 was issued. The decree groups that have various mental atti- stated that Chinese people were only per- tudes, customs and cultural statements mitted to trade in the city of the regency, which are combined into a harmonious and were prohibited from trading in rural and meaningful sociological roundness, areas. As the result, many Chinese people which in this case, it is called the nation moved from the district cities to the regen- of Indonesia. cy (PP nomor 10 tahun 1959).

In relation to the issue of "Chinese de- scent" Indonesian citizens, assimilation ASSIMILATION IN NEW ORDER means the entry and acceptance of Chi- ERA nese descent into a single Indonesian na- Unlike Sukarno, who accommodated two tion so that finally there will be no typical , namely integration and assimi- characteristic of each group" (Charter of lation for ethnic Chinese in Indonesia, assimilation in Yahya 1983: 13). Suharto only embraced the policy of as- If the institutional flow integrated similation. President Suharto's policy of into the political mass organization, assimilation was based on the events of 30 Baperki, then the assimilation flow used September 1965 which were allegedly the institutional container of Development driven by the Indonesian Communist Par- Agency for National Unity (LPKB). This ty. In that coup d'etat, People’s Republic institution was established on March 12, of China was seen as a party of outside 1963. Just like Baperki, this organization country that played an important role in was also approved by President Sukarno. supporting the movement, although in the In the competition between those latest research it was still a debate over two organizations, LPKB with the princi- who was the mastermind behind the ple of assimilation gained superiority after bloody events in Indonesian history. Chi- the events of the G/30 S of 1965. LPKB, nese people in Indonesia who had connec- as an organization opposed to the PKI, tion with Indonesian Communist Party firmly condemned that and had networks with the People’s Re- "counterrevolutionary movement". Mean- public of China were the members of while, Baperki lacked a condemning atti- Baperki because many were sitting in the tude towards the murder of the generals, Sukarno government at the time. There- so that this organization was accused of fore, it was only Chinese ethnic group em- being involved in supporting the rebellion braced assimilation ideology which gained alleged by Suharto that it was conducted a place in the New Order era. by the PKI. Baperki was seen very close to During Suharto’s Government Sukarno and PKI so that this organization (1966-1998), it was stated clearly that the was disbanded by the New Order ruler, citizens of Chinese descent must immedi- Suharto. There were many figures of ately integrate and assimilate with Baperki who fled abroad, and some were "native" Indonesian citizens. (Dwipayana arrested and imprisoned. and Hadimadja, 1989: 279; Suryadinata In the economic field, the govern- "2003: 2). In this policy of assimilation, ment policy towards ethnic Chinese was Indonesian government did not permit carried out by limiting economic space them to have Chinese identity as in its an- and integrating the economy of Chinese cestral country. The identity is in the form people with the government or the na- of language, writing, school, religion, and tives. The first was known as the fortress Chinese . The aim of the policy of economic system and the second was assimilation was to control Chinese Indo-

218 Paramita: Historical Studies Journal, 29(2) 2019 nesian citizens to be loyal only to the Re- colours the taste of Indonesian culture as public of Indonesia, and not to the Repub- well as the use of new sugar in tea. lic of China. In the context of the socio-cultural To realize the policy of assimilation, theory, assimilation is juxtaposed with the government of New Order must en- . Assimilation is defined as sure that "Chinese" characteristics or iden- “a process of interpenetration and fusion in tities are eliminated and merged into which persons and groups acquire the memo- "Indonesian identity". Firstly, newspapers ries, sentiments, and attitude of the persons that speak and use the letter of Chinese groups, and by sharing their experience and were banned, except for one newspaper history, are incorporated with them in com- that was controlled by the military which mon cultural life” (Poerwanto,2005:13). used two languages. In this case, the ad- Meanwhile, acculturation is defined as vertisements and import of publications in “… comprehends those phenomena which re- Chinese were also prohibited. Secondly, sult when groups of individuals having different Chinese schools were closed and replaced culture comes into continuous first-hand con- by special schools which became the plac- tact, with subsequent changes in the original es for assimilation development, the na- cultural patterns of either pf booth groups.” tional school where Chinese children con- Based on these two definitions, assimila- tinued their studies. These schools were tion and acculturation can be defined as a also required to accept native students meeting of people or cultural behaviours with a composition ranging from 60/40 that causes both parties to influence each percent. Thirdly, in the political field, there other and change forms eventually were no permissible political parties based (Purwanto, 29-33). on race or ethnic Chinese. They can only The process of assimilation and ac- join the existing Indonesian political par- culturation between Chinese and "native" ties (after 1971, there were only 3 parties, ethnic groups actually had legitimacy in namely Golkar, PDI, and PPP). Fourthly, the historical journey of Indonesia long the policy of name changing was enacted. before the Dutch colonialism. However, The Suharto government forced the Chi- the concept of assimilation in the context nese to change their names from Chinese of the New Order is a political concept, a identical names to Indonesian identical social process imposed by the state on eth- names. The name change was strongly nic Chinese to merge into the culture of supported by Chinese religious residents the majority of the Indonesian people. who used to be assimilationist because it Although culturally and politically was a sign of their political loyalty to In- marginalized, Chinese people (especially donesia (Suryadinata: 2003: 2-3). Among the upper class) were very needed by the the name changes, the most widely used New Order government. This govern- are Javanese names. ment, which was controlled by the mili- Although the policy of assimilation tary, did not have special expertise in eco- has a political dimension, this policy is nomic management, so "nurturing" Chi- actually based on the socio-cultural theory nese entrepreneurs who were seen to have of "melting pot". In this theory, the minori- close connection was the best way to drive ty culture merges into the majority cul- the economy. In the process, there was ture. In this way, social conflicts between often "corruption" and "collusion" be- minority ethnic groups and majority one tween the military authorities and Chinese can be eliminated. In line with this con- entrepreneurs. cept, Siswana Yuda Husada, a native en- The tradition of economic relation- trepreneur and one of the former econom- ship between military authorities and Chi- ics ministers in the Suharto era proposed nese entrepreneurs has been running since the concept of "rock sugar assimilation". In the war. Suharto was accustomed to build this assimilation concept, the minority business relationships with Lim Siew Li- group merges into Indonesian culture and ong when he was Diponegoro Division

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Commander in . At first, the of well-known universities in and making of military uniforms was borne by Yogyakarta. This reform movement was the Chinese entrepreneurs who were relat- in line with the economic crisis around ed to President Suharto through the mar- 1998 which caused the New Order gov- riage of their children. ernment’s debt to swell, inflation to grow, and world economic pressure on Indone- The pattern of business relation- sia to be stronger which caused the ex- ship between the authorities and ethnic change rate of rupiah to collapse. Chinese during Suharto government era The reform movement has succeed- lasted to a lower level bureaucracy. Entre- ed in overthrowing Suharto government preneurs from ethnic Chinese group have which had been in power for 32 years. The understood the behaviour of the authori- new government under President Habibie ties who asked to be served, so that they was forced to make the political world in provided "tribute" as a part of the costs to Indonesia more democratic. Habibie be incurred in economic activities. In daily opened the faucet of the growth of politi- language in Indonesian society, it comes cal parties as a sign of the revival of de- from Javanese vocabulary, mocracy in Indonesia. At that time, there "nyogok" (bribing) the officials which be- were 100 political parties emerged with comes economic habits that various ideological orientations. The new must be presented in the authoritarian re- atmosphere also led to the birth of ethnic gime. With this business security strategy, Chinese political participation by creating ethnic Chinese are protected by the au- three political parties, namely: (1) the In- thorities in their economic activities. donesian-Chinese Reform Party This "dirty" business behaviour has (Indonesian Assimilation Party, and the become the general understanding of the Indonesian Bhineka Tunggal Ika Party community. As the result, it results in the (PBI)). However, many ethnic Chinese prejudice among other Indonesian resi- groups did not agree with the birth of eth- dents, because at one point, ethnic Chi- nic-based political parties, they want the nese were treated discriminatively. How- formation of non-political Chinese organi- ever, on the other hand, they could receive zations in the form of Non-Governmental special treatment when conducting money Organizations (NGOs). The first NGO politics in all their business dealings. This formed was Indonesian-Chinese Social special treatment and protection led to Clan Association (PMSTI). The organiza- anti-Chinese movements in a number of tion was split and formed a new NGO times and a number of places during New with the name of Indonesian-Chinese Har- Order era, such as the 1974 Mari Event, mony Association (INTI). (Suryadinata, the Anti-China Movement Event in Solo 2003: 3-4; Suryadinata,2008: 218). in 1980, and the 1998 racial conflict that A very monumental government occurred in a number of major cities in policy for ethnic Chinese citizens is when Indonesia, such as Jakarta, Surabaya, So- Indonesia was under the government of lo, and so on. President Abdurachman Wahid or abbre- viated as Gus Dur. Gus Dur was one of PLURALISM AND MULTICULTUR- the reform leaders, and was the General ALISM IN REFORMASI ERA Chair of the (NU), the In 1998, there was a reform movement largest moderate Islamic organization in that tried to replace the order of New Or- Indonesia. Gus Dur dismantled the con- der government which was considered to cept of "non-native" for ethnic Chinese have rot because of the development of and "native" for other tribes in Indonesia. Corruption, Collusion and Nepotism or This view is considered wrong because it often abbreviated as KKN. The reform considers that Indonesia consists of only movement was sponsored by the intellec- two races, namely Malay race and the tual middle class, mainly from a number Mongolid race. In terms of reality, it con-

220 Paramita: Historical Studies Journal, 29(2) 2019 sists of three races, namely, Malay, Austro 477/74054 on November 18, 1978, it is -Melanesia, and Mongolid (Chinese). The necessary for Chinese descendants to have three of them formed Indonesian national- a Proof of Citizenship Letter to administer ity (Wahid, 1998: 7-8). Based on this Card. It also has includ- thought, Gus Dur formed a new party that ed the information of the state official reli- could accommodate various races with the gion. With this new regulation, the name of the Proof of Citizenship of the Republic of Indo- (PKB). nesia (SKBRI) is not applicable, and In line with his pluralistic political Konghutju's religion can be included in and cultural thinking, Gus Dur made an the National Identity Card (KTP). accommodative policy towards ethnic Abdurachman Wahid's government Chinese. Gus Dur dismantled the previous also provided opportunities for ethnic Chi- rules which were discriminative against nese to be the official in the government. the ethnic Chinese in Indonesia. The regu- Kwiek Kian Gie who was the Coordinat- lation was stated in Presidential Decree ing Minister for Economic Affairs came number 6 year 17 January 2000. With the from ethnic Chinese or Chinese descend- issuance of the presidential decree, the ant. Likewise, a number of legislative decision to ban all matters relating to Chi- members (DPR), there were a number of nese customs as stated in President Su- representatives from the Chinese ethnic harto's Instruction No. 14 of 1967 was group such as Ir Tjandra Wijaya Wong, officially revoked. Since then, all activities Alvin Lie Ling Piao, Ir. Enggratiasto of ethnicity, belief and custom of ethnic Lukito, and L.T. Susanto. In the People's Chinese in Indonesia can be carried out Consultative Assembly, there was Hartati without requiring special permission as it Murdaya (Chow Lie Ing) (Putra Dwivi- was in the previous government. This anto, 2016: 480). presidential decree also provided opportu- After Gus Dur government, the nities for the use of Mandarin in ethnic country's socio-cultural and political poli- Chinese, the introduction of Mandarin in cies towards the ethnic Chinese contin- mass media and in the world of . ued. Religion, traditions, and customs of Gus Dur also provided an affirmative ac- ethnic Chinese were given the opportunity tion policy, which was the government's to be developed. Therefore, there was the special action to guarantee and to protect revitalization of Chinese culture in Indo- the ethnic groups and individuals whose nesia which was reflected in religious cere- human rights are violated, including eth- mony namely Chinese New Year which nic Chinese (Instruksi Presiden No 14 ta- was often attended by state officials and hun 1967; Putra Dwivianto, 2016: 479- inviting people from other ethnicities. Chi- 480). nese language was widely used in daily Chinese identity in religion is often conversation in a number of Chinese com- associated with "Konghutju religion". In munities, and was taught in schools, espe- the framework of granting religious free- cially for the schools which have many dom, "Konghutju" is recognized as one of students from ethnic Chinese group. A the country's official religions. In line with number of universities, including state this, the Minister of Religious Affairs, M. universities, have opened a Mandarin lan- Tolchah Hasan issued the Minister of Re- guage study program whose students were ligious Affairs' decree No. 13 of 2001 from both Chinese and other ethnic which sets the Chinese New Year as a na- groups. tional holiday. After dozens of reforms and state Another problem for ethnic Chinese alignment to Chinese minority were was the identity problem on the National strong enough, there was a problem of Identity Card (KTP). Based on the previ- new ethnic sentiments. The use of Manda- ous regulation, namely Circular Letter of rin in the ethnic Chinese community in the Minister of Home Affairs number public places has given rise to a sense of

221 Paramita: Historical Studies Journal, 29(2) 2019 disagreement in a number of other ethnic connection with this, in a number of are- because it was seen as a new as, such as Rembang, Semarang and Sura- "exclusivism". This was supported by the karta, inter-ethnic and religious dialogues fact that many Chinese people were suc- were held to prevent conflicts based on cessful in the economic field. That eco- ethnicity and religion. The Religious nomic power was often rumoured that the Communication Forum is one of the im- authorities or rulers (let’s say Jokowi) portant pillars in preventing the conflict. were supported by Chinese conglomerates Moreover, there were also forums by the called Nine Dragons. National Unity and Community Empow- The case of the collapse of Ahok erment Agency at the provincial and dis- (Basuki Tjahaya Purnama) showed the trict level which held inter-tribal and inter- strengthening of negative sentiments from faith dialogue. other ethnic groups towards ethnic Chi- nese in Indonesia. Ahok, who is a minori- CONCLUSION ty, ethnic Chinese, and Christian, is con- Based on the description above, it can be sidered a threat to the ethnic majority of concluded that the state policy towards Jakarta people in particular, and Indonesi- the ethnic Chinese in Indonesia experi- ans who generally feel themselves as enced ups and downs. In certain period, "natives". It was due to 212 political and the state made policies in the form of pro- religious movements which was consid- tection of ethnic Chinese, but in other pe- ered as a signal of anti-Chinese sentiment riod, the state carried out discriminative that began to strengthen again. In addi- actions against them. In responding to the tion, with the statement of Governor Anis changes in the country's policies, the eth- Baswedan who firmly stated that he nic Chinese people generally were the ac- would fight for the fate of "natives" who tive agents in the changing times. As the had been under "economic oppression". result, the embodiment of Chinese ethnic The feeling of being threatened by culture became flexible in these policy the strengthening "Chinese" economy changes. There are several patterns of among the population of the "native" was state policy towards ethnic Chinese in In- getting stronger as the improvement of donesia. The first is assimilative as reflect- political and economic relationship be- ed in the traditional state and New Order tween Indonesia and People's Republic of era. The second is racialist integrative, it China. Although the efforts to improve occurred during the Dutch colonial peri- the relationship between these two coun- od. The third is freedom and multicultur- tries began during Gus Dur government alism, namely during the Sukarno govern- era, the efforts to attract large-scale foreign ment. The fourth is forced assimilation investment from PRC resulted in suspi- which is during the government of the cion among Jokowi's political enemies. New Order leader, Suharto. And the fifth This was supported by the increasing is the multiculturalism policy and the re- number of Chinese citizens working in spect for human rights which is during the investment sectors originating from Chi- Aburachman Wahid era until now. By na, such as highway, train, mining, and so referring to the Bordue theory, policies in on. To overcome this, it was accommo- each phase of government are considered dated with the concept of economic policy as an arena, so that ethnic Chinese behav- for the medium and small economy iour follows the arena created both in cul- (UMKM) and the economic development tural expression, social behaviour, politi- policy of the people which was an agree- cal behaviour, and economic behaviour. ment between President Jokowi and the However, by referring to the Gidden theo- (MUI). ry, they are not just subject to the environ- Policies which were considered too ment, they also take an active role in every "generous" towards ethnic Chinese led to policy change. Especially in the economic jealousy among Chinese entrepreneurs. In field, the ethnic groups that mostly work

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