Stephan Wassong Pierre De Coubertin's American Studies and Their Importance for the Analysis of His Early Educational Campaign

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Stephan Wassong

Pierre de Coubertin's American Studies

and

Their Importance for the Analysis of His Early

Educational Campaign

______ERGON VERLAG

Stephan Wassong Pierre de Coubertin's American Studies and Their Importance for the Analysis of His Early Educational Campaign.

English translation by Neil King 2004

All publication and distribution rights to English edition – Stephan Wassong

Originally published as Pierre de Coubertins US-amerikanische Studien und ihre Bedeutung für die Analyse seiner frühen Erziehungskampagne © ERGON Verlag, Würzburg, Germany 2002

ii CONTENTS

Contents

Preface

Introduction 1. The analysis of Coubertin’s research trips to the United States in current research 2. Remarks regarding the research methodology and sources, as well as the time period and content parameters of the research topic 3. Structure

Chapter I: Coubertin’s early national and international education campaign as portrayed in current research

1. Coubertin‘s national education campaign 1.1 Reasons for the genesis of Coubertin’s early reformative attitude 1.2 The focus on Coubertin’s orientation towards England 1.3 The focus on Coubertin’s French mentors 2. Coubertin’s international education campaign 2.1 Controversial interpretations of Coubertin’s motivation to reintroduce the Olympic Games 2.1.1 The blossoming internationalism as the basis of the foundation of Coubertin’s Olympic plans 2.1.2 The national fixation thesis 3. Summary

Chapter II: Coubertin’s interest in the American university and sport scene

1. Coubertin’s introduction to the reformed American university system 1.1 Initial impulses 1.2 The reform of American university system in the late nineteenth century 1.2.1 A.D. White – First President of Cornell-University 1.2.2 D.C. Gilman and the founding of Johns Hopkins University 1.2.3 The expectations of the American public towards reformed institutions of higher education 1.3 Coubertin’s contacts to White and Gilman 2. Coubertin’s insights into gymnastics and athletic education at US universities 2.1 Early stimuli 2.2 Gymnastics and athleticism at US universities in the second half of the nineteenth century 2.2.1 ‘The Battle of Systems’ 2.2.2 Tactical professionalism in US university sports 2.3 Coubertin’s contacts to representatives of gymnastic and athletic education at American universities 3. Coubertin’s interest in the public sport scene of the United States 3.1 The spreading of athleticism in the United States

iii CONTENTS

3.1.1 The class-orientated amateur idea 3.1.2 The educational-democratic amateur idea 3.2 Coubertin’s insights into the public American sports scene

Chapter III: Conclusions on Coubertin’s views on national and international education

1. The United States as legitimization authority for Coubertin’s national education campaign 1.1 Confirmation and example 1.1.1 The confirmation of the reformatory approach 1.1.2 The model function of the American public sports scene for Coubertin 2. The American influence on Coubertin’s concept of international understanding 2.1 Coubertin’s efforts to promote the rapprochement of France and the United States 2.1.1 Coubertin’s medal campaign at American universities 2.1.2 The publications of L’Evolution Française sous la Troisième République in the United States and Coubertin’s contributions in the American Monthly Review of Reviews 2.1.3 Sport meetings for promoting French/English and French/American friendship 2.2 The American patronage of reintroducing the Olympic Games 2.2.1 Early talks with Sloane and White 2.2.2 Sloane and the Congress of 1894 in Paris 2.2.3 The founding of the American Honorary Committee for the Olympic Games

Results New insights for Coubertin research and their impact on the reintroduction of the modern Olympic Games

Appendix Documents and Illustrations

Bibliography 1. Archival Documents 2. Primary and Secondary Literature

iv PREFACE

Preface

This monograph was accepted by the German Sport University Cologne as a dissertation in November 2000. It is slightly abridged and revised for print. This study analyses the early educational thinking of Baron Pierre de Coubertin, who travelled through the United States for several months in 1889 and 1893. The choice of this topic was encouraged by attending research colloquiums on the formative process of the modern Olympic movement, offered by Professor D. R. Quanz, to students about to sit for their diploma or doctorate at the German Sport University Cologne in the 1996/97 academic year. In these colloquiums I discovered sources on Coubertin that encouraged me to further analyse his study trips of the New World. This task also appealed to me because at the time of Coubertin’s stays in the United States he determinedly pursued the idea of reviving the Olympic Games in a modern form and with a pedagogic mission that is still much-discussed. I gained the opportunity to pursue my interests fostered in the colloquiums and to eventually develop them as a sound dissertation concept when I was awarded a scholarship by the German Sport University for research at the State University of New York College at Cortland. I was able to combine my stay in Cortland with investigations in the archives of the universities of Harvard, Cornell and Johns Hopkins; the Library Congress in Washington D.C. and the New York Public Library (NYPL) in Manhattan. The assumption of finding data by and on Coubertin in these university archives and public libraries was confirmed. I would like to warmly thank the friendly and enduring staffs of the archives and libraries for their indispensable assistance. Assistance was also given to me by Prof. Dr. Norbert Müller from the Johannes Gutenberg University in Mainz, Germany. As an expert on research on Coubertin and Olympic Historiography he was always willing to give me access to rare documents that are collected in his library. In addition to this he invited me to the conference The Ancient and Modern Heritage of Greece – Visions for Athens 2004. At this symposium that took place from 29 August to 3 September

v PREFACE

1999 at the International Olympic Academy (IOA) in Ancient Olympia, Greece I had the opportunity to present some of my first research results to experts on ancient and modern Olypmpic historiography. I owe various ideas to this inspiring atmosphere at the IOA. The German version of the Ph.D. thesis was published by Ergon pubishing company in 2002. The translation was funded by the Amateur Athletic Foundation. I would like to express my deepest gratitude to the officials of the AAF and particularly to Wayne Wilson, who made the translation project and its publication possible. Last but not least I owe my deepest gratitude to my wife and my parents without whose tolerance and patience the dissertation would have taken much more time to be finished. I devote the English publication to my daughters Johanna and Julia.

vi INTRODUCTION 1

Introduction

1. The analysis of Coubertin’s research trips to the United States in current research

This work endeavors to systematically illustrate the importance of Pierre de Coubertin’s American studies for the analysis of his early educational deliberations. Although there is a particularly vast amount of sport pedagogic, historical, sociological specialized literature on Coubertin’s plans to modernize the education system in his home country as well as the creation of “contact possibilities” (LENK 1972, 120) between representatives of different nations with the reintroduction of the Olympic Games, Coubertin’s studies of the United States have heretofore been neglected. This is surprising since Coubertin’s extended stays in the ‘New World’ in 1889 and 1893 clearly formed his early thinking on education, which after all is the basis for the most important international sport event. It would be wrong, however, to claim that current research completely lacks any treatment of Coubertin’s research trips to the United States. Thus, existing research states that Coubertin undertook his trips to the United States to free himself from the accusations Anglophilia put forward by his countrymen as a result of Coubertin’s desire to introduce into the French school system sport disciplines that were extremely popular at English public schools and universities. By turning to the United States Coubertin intended to convince his countrymen that athleticism was also regarded as an important educational instrument for pupils and students outside England. (cf. MACALOON 1984, 113). Accordingly current research includes descriptions of universities that Coubertin visited (cf. CALLEBAT 1988, 131ff.), as well as his interest towards high school sport (cf. GUTTMANN 1992, 10) and the public sport scene (cf. MACALOON 1984, 113ff.) in the United States. The brevity and the descriptive character of these comments alone show that Coubertin’s research trips to the United States are not regarded as very significant in the analysis of his educational ideas. Coubertin’s ideas on education are portrayed as being already formed by his research trips to 2 INTRODUCTION

England. Thus Coubertin is characterized as a complete Anglophile (cf. YOUNG 1996, 69), whose shining example seemed to be the “English sporting

Gentleman” (LUCAS 1976, 27). The book Pierre de Coubertin: Olympism – 1 Selected Writings published by the sport historian and Olympic scientist Müller from Mainz is definitely an exception. Although Coubertin’s interest in the United States is not interpreted in regard to possible effects on his early education campaign in this collection of English-language documents, the imprint of various documents of Coubertin does show that it is worth taking a closer look at Coubertin’s interest in the United States. However, it must be made clear that a comprehensive analysis of Coubertin’s assessments of reformed American colleges, of university sport and gymnastic programs as well as the public sport scene in the “New World” are far less interesting for current research than Coubertin’s efforts to win the United States as a supporter for his Olympic project. Therefore Coubertin`s acquaintance with the American university professor W.M. Sloane, whom Coubertin visited 1889 and 1893, seems to be very important. (cf. LUCAS 1991, 232): “Finally, in Princeton, he found some interest in

1 Shortly before the XXVII Olympic Games in Sydney the IOC published the collection of documents Pierre de Coubertin – Olympism. Selected Writings, compiled and edited by the Mainz sport historian and Olympic scientist Prof. Dr. N. Müller. This work claims to presents a guideline to Coubertin’s education campaign on the basis of a careful selection of his extensive writings and to relate this to the genesis and development of central facets of Olympism. For connoisseurs of research literature on Coubertin these efforts do not appear too innovative at first sight since Müller already met this demand with his French Coubertin edition Textes Choisis (1986) comprising three volumes. However, the new Coubertin edition is far more than a mere skilful selection of texts taken from the voluminous French edition. It is remarkable that approximately 700 pages of primary sources of Coubertin in English language are presented in this selection. These sources were either professionally translated from the original French or are available in English written by Coubertin. So far both the French and the English Coubertin edition present a unique compilation of Coubertin’s documents consisting predominantly of unique writings. Furthermore finding these individual writings is rather difficult since the documents are archived in public and private libraries to which access is not that easy. Up to now the English-speaking world were only able to read up on Coubertin’s educational and Olympic ideas in the volume The Olympic Idea (1967) published by the Carl-Diem-Institute. In translating 191 primary sources into the world language, English, for the book Pierre de Coubertin – Olympism. Selected Writings Müller intends to present Coubertin’s ideas and work to as the largest international target group possible. Only in this way can the expectations formulated in the preface be met; namely to create a basis for information and exchange for Olympic and Coubertin researchers, teachers, pupils, students, Olympic officials and journalists in regard to the history and development of the modern Olympic movement. Undoubtedly this will contribute to making the discourse on Olympism even more constructive on an international level INTRODUCTION 3 the Olympics. William Sloane, whom he visited on his previous trip to America, welcomed the idea warmly and agreed to serve as a commissioner for the June

1894 Paris congress” (YOUNG 1996, 88). Sloane receives a certain amount of attention in Olympic research with its predominant interest in the consolidation of support for the establishment of the Olympic Games since he apparently was the only American citizen that was enthusiastic about Coubertin’s plans of reintroducing the Olympic Games. Accordingly, it is recorded that Sloane organized a meeting with renowned American sport leaders as well as representatives of the universities of Harvard, Yale, Princeton and Columbia in the New York University Club (NYUC) on 27 November 1893. The intention of this meeting was to gain supporters for the reintroduction Olympic Games. But, Coubertin and Sloane were unable to inspire the invited participants to promise their support for the Olympic idea (cf. GUTTMANN 2 1992, 13) . Among the participants were J.E. Sullivan and G.T. Kirby as representatives of the American Amateur Athletic Union (AAU). Thus modern Olympic historiography is merely left with Sloane as a supporter who continued to back Coubertin’s Olympic idea after the unsuccessful meeting in New York. In this context Sloane’s presence and function at the congress held at the Sorbonne in

1894 (cf. YOUNG 1996, 88) as well as his successful recruiting efforts for the United States Olympic team in Athens 1896, which mainly consisted of students from Princeton and Harvard as well as members of the Boston Athletic Association 3 (BAA) (cf. DYRESON 1998, 40ff.), are referred to constantly. It is not surprising, however, that in current research Coubertin’s research trips to the United States are analyzed from this ‘Olympic angle’ because even Coubertin’s autobiographical writings Twenty-one Years of sport Campaign 4 5 (1908) and Olympic Memories (1931) contain hardly any other data on his stays

2 See also Mandell 1976, 92; Lucas 1977, 258/1993, 105; MacAloon 1984, 166; Young 1996, 87f.; Barney 1998, 56. 3 For details on the first American Olympic team see MacAloon 1984, 201. 4 This study was modeled on the edition published by the Carl-Diem-Institute (CDI) in 1974. 5 The model being the 1996 published ‘Reprint’ of the 2nd edition of 1959. 4 INTRODUCTION in the United States. Whereas Coubertin only casually mentions his first research trip to the United States in Sport Campaign (cf. COUBERTIN 1974, 40f.) and completely omits it in his Olympic Memories, he mainly restricts his reports on the second United States trip to Sloane and the meeting in the NYUC in 1893:

After a stay in Chicago I traveled to California then to Louisiana, spent some time in Washington and then stayed three weeks in Princeton with my friend Sloane who at the end of November had summoned all those personalities to the University Club of New York of which he assumed they could be helpful concerning our enterprise. It was not to be hoped to win over the entire American sport world at once. I had also realized during my travels and this became quite clear at the meeting in New York. . . . If we could not gain the support of the United States we 6 had to at least secure its neutrality (COUBERTIN 1974, 76) .

Based on this autobiographical data, it now becomes clear why in Coubertin’s research trips to the United States the focus is on his efforts to reintroduce the Olympic Games. But, even this aspect of Coubertin’s trips to the United States draws little attention because it is overshadowed by the research theses that regard the efforts made in Greece and England for introducing the ‘Olympic

Games’ as the decisive stage of Coubertin’s plan (cf. YOUNG 1996, 13ff./24ff./42ff.). This analysis of Coubertin’s research trips to the United States is instructive, but it excludes central aspects that lead to a considerably broader perspective and which must be considered regarding Coubertin’s stays in the ‘New World’. When referring to the scanty data on the trips to the United States provided by Coubertin in both of his autobiographical works the following has to be considered. Coubertin’s Sport Campaign, published in 1908, and his Olympic Memories, first printed in 1931, present a review of the Olympic movement initiated by him combined with the idea of a modern pedagogy. Both books are complementary whereby Olympic Memories commences with a description of the congresses in 1892 and 1894 when Coubertin presented his idea of reintroducing the Olympic

6 See also Coubertin 1996, 23. INTRODUCTION 5

Games (1892) and the modern Games were agreed upon (1894). In this context

Coubertin refers to his United States trip in 1893 (cf. COUBERTIN 1996, 15ff.). In Sport Campaign Coubertin also describes the time before the two congresses in detail. He discusses not only his educational deliberations that eventually lead to the reintroduction of the Olympic Games, but also emphasizes his efforts and those of his French supporters in implementing the Olympic project. Sport Campaign can be interpreted, based on the following excerpt outlining the problems that prompted Coubertin to publish the book, as a justifying publication: “I did not intend writing this book – hardly wanting to summarize the content in a few articles. Maybe I should dedicate it to those who in fiercely attacking me encouraged me to write it after all [...]. Thanks to their unexpected enmity I was able to relive the various stages of a prolonged enterprise which eventually found a successful conclusion” (COUBERTIN 1974, 9). Thus demonstrations of gratitude towards Coubertin and his French supporters were rare at the Olympic Games 1896 in Athens in spite of the fact that they had made the event possible in the first place. Furthermore the plan to keep the modern Olympic Games in Greece permanently annoyed Coubertin. The fact that the United States had signed this Greek petition (cf. LENNARTZ 1996, 118) could not stop Coubertin from holding on to the basic idea of hosting the Games at changing locations. The hostility of the Greek press, which called Coubertin a thief, must have been particularly painful for him. Furthermore the extraordinary organizational efforts made by him and his French supporters before the Games and the Congress of 1894 were forgotten due the attacks launched by the press

(cf. IBID., 101ff.). In 1900 Coubertin experienced further contempt for his efforts when organizers of the world exposition deprived him and the IOC of the planning and execution of the Olympic Games in Paris and eventually held only so-called “concours internationaux d’exercises physiques et de sports” (cf. BORGERS/QUANZ 1996, 88). It must have been particularly frustrating for Coubertin and his French supporters that the sports event they were primarily responsible for organizing, ended in major failure (cf. COUBERTIN 1974, 110ff.). Coubertin did not even attend the 6 INTRODUCTION

Olympic Games of St. Louis 1904. The reason for this is to be found more in Coubertin’s strained relations with the AAU representative Sullivan than in the expensive and long journey, or the decision not to hold the Olympic Games in Chicago as planned. In 1901 Sullivan had already covertly tried to found the International Union, which in the future supposedly would be responsible for the organization of the Olympic Games (cf. IBID., 123ff.). Thus, the responsibility for the Games would have been taken from their founder and the IOC. Although Coubertin hardly deals with the “Olympic Games” of 1906 in Athens in his Sport Campaign, it is generally known that he had strong reservations concerning the event. The Games of 1906 were so-called “Interim Games,” established as a concession to the Greeks and their demand of selecting Athens as the permanent venue for the Olympic Games. It had already been decided after the Olympic Games of 1896 to always hold international Olympic Games in Athens in the middle of the four-year cycle drawn up by Coubertin and the IOC. But this plan was abandoned as early as 1898 due to a rebellion in Crete and Greek military action against Turkey. The failure of the Games in Paris 1900 revived the idea of organizing these “Interim Games” in Athens. The second setback of 1904 in St. Louis as well as the emerging cancellation of Rome as a venue for the Olympic Games 1908 prompted Coubertin to consent to Athens holding the ‘Interim-Games’ in 1906. The successfully executed ‘Olympic Games’ of 1906 produced a renewed discussion of the issue, so troublesome to Coubertin, as to whether from now on the Games should be held in Athens every four years. However, the successful Games of 1908 in London and 1912 in Stockholm strengthened Coubertin’s position and silenced the Greek claims of monopolizing the Olympic Games (cf. LENNARTZ/TEUTENBERG 1992, 7). If one, when discussing Coubertin’s autobiographical statements, considers his understandable desire not to let his and/or the French contribution to the creation and expansion of the Olympic movement be forgotten, it is understandable that his explanations about the American patronage of the reintroduction of the Olympic Games are not as extensive in Sport Campaign. But these two autobiographical writings are by no means the only ones to be consulted in order INTRODUCTION 7 to fully assess Coubertin’s research stays in the United States. A systematic examination of Coubertin’s American studies and their importance for analyzing his early educational thoughts can only be successful if other sources are taken into consideration. Up to now these have been considered only partially or not at all. This study could not exist without integrating these sources. A literary investigation which was carried out in various archives of American universities, produced sources that support the thesis that Coubertin already had a manifold interest in the New World before 1889 and brought back new ideas from his research trips to the United States which are of importance to his educational views and their analysis.

2. Remarks regarding the research methodology and sources, as well as the time period and content parameters of the research topic

In analyzing the extent of the American influence on Coubertin’s early educational views and his efforts to reintroduce the Olympic Games 1896, one must refer to sources published outside the analysis period, beginning in 1884 when Coubertin started studying at the École libre des sciences politiques and ending with the commencement of the Olympic Games 1896 in Athens. While the earliest known source containing Coubertin’s writing on the New World, can be dated back to 1888 and therefore falls directly in the analysis period, there is another source from 1937 in which Coubertin retrospectively describes the importance of his research stays in the ‘New World’. This source, however, is far from an isolated case since Coubertin had often written down his impressions gained during his research trips in the United States after 1896, and these impressions had formed his early educational views. The criterion for including or excluding a source, therefore, is not its publication date, but rather whether it shows that Coubertin was already influenced by the United States in his early educational views before 1896. 8 INTRODUCTION

For clarity, the sources intended to produce new findings for Coubertin and Olympic research are presented in two groups. Group I presents the printed and unprinted Coubertin sources existing in books, essays and correspondence. However, the analysis of these sources dispenses with evaluating Coubertin’s short stays in Canada and his observations on American schools since Coubertin only makes passing remarks in these two areas. Similarly, Coubertin’s reports on his journeys throughout the western part of the United States, the Californian coast and Chicago are excluded from the analysis of the research trips, because the primary sources (COUBERTIN 1897(a), 3ff./ 20ff./33ff./cf. COUBERTIN, 1894(a), 204ff.) offer hardly any useful data for this study. His two books Universités Transatlantiques (1890) and Souvenirs d’Amérique et de Grèce (1897), as well as numerous essays (1888-1898) in which he comments on the three areas already mentioned, are sources containing extraordinarily informative data on Coubertin’s assessment of American universities, the applied sport and gymnastics programs as well as the public sport scene. These sources particularly illustrate how meticulously Coubertin studied the United States in order to form his own views on the different nature and progressiveness of the New World. However, in relying on these two books and a few of the essays, authors such as MacAloon (1984) and Callebat (1988) do not thoroughly examine statements from these sources concerning Coubertin’s early educational views. Furthermore Coubertin’s reports on his experiences during his research stays in the United States, summarized in his books Universités transatlantiques and 7 Souvenirs d’Amérique et de Grèce , are dismissed as travel accounts (cf.

BOULONGE 1975, 109/cf. LUCAS 1993, 104): “Coubertin was a vigorous tourist. In

7 Whereas Universités transatlantiques was published shortly after Coubertin’s first American trip, the text on his second United States stay, Souvenirs d’ Amérique et de Grèce, was not published until 1897. The swift publication of Universités transatlantiques comprising 381 pages is explained by the fact that extensive parts of this book written by Coubertin served as a protocol model for the French Ministry of Education (cf. MACALOON 1984, 114). Parts of Souvenirs d’ Amérique et de Grèce were however published in the form of essays before 1897. Accordingly, the chapter “Sur la côte de Californie” appeared as an essay in the magazine La Revue de Paris in 1894 and the chapter “La mission des va-nu-pieds” appeared in essay form in the society magazine La Nouvelle Revue in 1896 (cf. MÜLLER/SCHANTZ 1991, 45/49). INTRODUCTION 9 four months, he made a great circle, from New York, through New England, Montreal, Toronto, Chicago, down the Mississippi to New Orleans, and back through Florida, Virginia, Washington, and Baltimore to New York” (MACALOON 1984, 114). The Coubertin bibliography (1991) published by Müller and Schantz is particularly helpful in finding essays. This bibliography provides additional references to essays on the 1896 Athens Olympic Games and their educational significance written by Coubertin and published in the American magazines The Century (1896) and The Chautauquan (1894). These two sources illuminate Coubertin’s aim of popularizing his educational views in the United States, with these being linked to the reintroduction of the Olympic Games. In addition, this study’s interpretation of Coubertin’s intentions is supplemented by examining a series of essays on French history published in The American Monthly Review of Reviews from 1896 to 1901. The essays in this American society magazine are comparable to Coubertin’s book The Evolution of France under the Third Republic (1897) and to the essays that he published in the American magazine The Century (1897/1898) and in the English/American journal The Fortnightly Review (1898-1902). The Evolution of France under the Third Republic is a translation of his book L’Evolution Française sous la Troisième République (1896). Coubertin expressly ordered a translation for the United States, a copy of which can be found in the ‘New York Public Library’ (NYPL). An analysis of this copy is hardly possible since, with exception of the preface by the American journalist A. Shaw, it only consists of fragments. The book and the essays were published in the United States after the analysis period, but the initial idea of producing these writings, clearly falls in this period thus justifying their inclusion in this study. Furthermore, during his research trips in the United States Coubertin made the acquaintance of people who helped him publish these writings in the United States. The analysis of unpublished correspondences between Coubertin and American citizens is essential for this study. These unpublished sources demonstrate Coubertin’s wide web of contacts in the United States, and they offer additional 10 INTRODUCTION valuable information enabling further conclusions on Coubertin’s assessment of American universities, university sport and gymnastic programs as well as the public sport scene. Furthermore, these unpublished sources, analyzed for the first time, illustrate that Sloane was far from being the only American citizen supporting Coubertin’s plan of reintroducing the Olympic Games. Coubertin corresponded regularly with some university presidents who instituted reforms at American universities in the second half of the nineteenth century. Coubertin’s letters to A.D. White (1889/1890/1892) of Cornell University, to D.C. Gilman of Johns Hopkins University (1889/1893/ 1894/1897) and to C. Eliot of Harvard (1898) are important for this study. A text Coubertin sent to A.D. White is of greatest importance to Coubertin and Olympic research, because this letter (1892) presents one of the earliest sources in which Coubertin formulates his plan of reintroducing the Olympic Games. This study evaluated only the correspondence between Coubertin and these American dons that directly relate to the analysis period. The aforementioned university archives harbor other later Coubertin letters addressed to White, Gilman and Eliot. Equally productive as the visits to the university archives cited above was the investigation of the Rare Manuscript Collection of the NYPL, in which correspondence between A. Shaw, the editor-in-chief of the American Monthly Review of Reviews, and Coubertin is to be found. An evaluation of the data up to 1900 shows not only the personal relationship cultivated by Coubertin and Shaw, but also Coubertin’s commitment to developing a peaceful internationalism on an academic and sport level. Again, this study analyzes only those sources that can be linked to the specified analysis period, including the correspondence between Coubertin and Shaw. Lucas (1982/83) and Barney (1998) have already partially analyzed the correspondence between Coubertin and Roosevelt, located at the Library of Congress (LC) in Washington, D.C. Since existing research dates the beginning of the correspondence between Coubertin and Roosevelt from 1901, both authors regard these sources as predominantly detached from the 1889 meetings between Coubertin and Roosevelt. This overlooks the fact that this meeting INTRODUCTION 11 clearly created the basis for an intensive exchange of information on the educational significance of athleticism. The letters that Coubertin received from Roosevelt in 1903, 1904 and 1905 as well as the letters, Coubertin addressed to the White House in 1901 and 1902 are of importance for the object of this study. This study dispensed with searching American archives for the correspondence between Coubertin and Sloane since sufficient other written sources by Sloane

(1890/1895/1921/1978) and on Sloane (COUBERTIN i.a. 1899(a), 1897(a)/SHAW

1897(a), 1898/PRESBREY, MOFFAT 1901/N.N. 1913(a),(b)/QUANZ 1993) are available and have been evaluated. The emphasis, in current research, on Sloane as the only American citizen who supported Coubertin on the reintroduction of the Olympic Games, has led to publication of isolated biographical essays, dealing with Coubertin’s contact in the United States. Certainly the information on Sloane in these essays (LUCAS 1977/1991) is rather detailed, but is not tied to Coubertin’s educational views. This is underscored by the title that Lucas chooses for his essay (1991) on Sloane: “Professor William Milligan Sloane: Father of the United States Olympic Committee.” Scherer (1993) also summarizes a lot of information on Sloane in a very condensed form. However, Scherer’s essay does not have the character of a scientific study, because he completely ignores primary sources. Group II presents published and unpublished works of Coubertin’s contemporaries, the analysis of which is essential to this study. The source material includes letters that are examined for the first time in Coubertin research as well as publications essays and conference reports that are rarely mentioned in secondary literature. The correspondence between Sloane and Gilman (1894/1895/1896), White and Gilman (1889) as well as Shaw (1893) and a club member of the NYUC are important for the analysis. The evaluation of these unprinted sources shows that Coubertin was highly regarded in the United States and that his aim of reintroducing the Olympic Games did arouse more interest than generally assumed. The correspondence between White and Gilman or Sloane and Gilman 12 INTRODUCTION was found in the archives of Johns Hopkins University. The Shaw letter to the NYUC member was in the NYPL. The analysis evaluates essays written by people in the United States, with whom Coubertin cultivated close personal contacts and whose views on national and international education issues also had a bearing on Coubertin’s early educational views. The essays include works by White (1887), Roosevelt (1889) and Sloane (1890/1895/1921). Comparing the central themes of these essays to Coubertin’s remarks, made in articles (1891(a)/1892) before 1896 on the chief characteristics of a modern education, shows how important Coubertin’s American studies on the United States are. White’s essay was found in the archive of Cornell University and Sloane’s publication from 1895 in the NYPL. D.R. Quanz previously presented the remaining essays as working materials in a 1997 colloquium at the German Sport University Cologne. In Coubertin research, the report of the inaugural sessions of the Union Française des Universités DÁmérique (UFUA) (1897), founded by Coubertin, is still unknown. This report in combination with the partial resolutions of the 3rd World Peace Conference of Rome in 1891, printed in published documentation by the International Peace Bureau (1898) on the Resolutions of the first eight Peace Congresses, 1889-1897, illustrates Coubertin’s views on the education of adolescents on a national and international level. The analyzed partial resolutions of the World Peace Conference of Rome are based on proposals made by the Englishman H. Pratt in his speech “Conférence internationale annuelle des représentants des Universités dÉurope et dÁmérique.” This speech was published in the French conference report of the World Peace Conference in 1892. Proposals made by other congress participants and which also became official resolutions are not central to this study since they hardly contribute to a clear understanding of Coubertin’s views on developing peaceful internationalism in the field of education. Quanz (1993) has already established a connection between the partial resolutions of the World Peace Congress of 1891 relevant to this study and Coubertin’s early international educational views. Quanz however, does not combine his conclusions with the report of the Inaugural Session of the UFUA. INTRODUCTION 13

This report and the documentation of the International Peace Bureau were in the archive of Harvard University. Evidence of considerable American support for Coubertin’s plans to reintroduce the Olympic Games can be found in articles published between 1894 and 1896 in the American periodicals The American Monthly Review of Reviews (1894/1896), The Century Magazine (1896), Harper´s Weekly (1896), Scribner´s Magazine (1896) and The Chautauquan (1896). All the authors of these essays dealt intensively with the educational goals that Coubertin associated with the reintroduction of the Olympic Games. Dyreson (1998) refers to these essays, but does not draw any conclusions regarding from the American influence, already evident before 1896, on Coubertin’s educational goals associated with the reintroduction of the Olympic Games. These articles were available in the Library of Congress. Sources describing events and incidents resulting from American participation in the 1896 Olympic Games are omitted. This omission begins with the 1896 Olympic Games in Athens, and only those facts pertinent to the influence that the Americans exerted over the reintroduction of the Olympic Games are addressed. Also in this context, sources pertaining to Coubertin’s contact with Sullivan and Kirby are not used. However, Coubertin’s first contact with these representatives of the AAU falls into the analysis period. As previously mentioned, neither Sullivan or Kirby supported Coubertin efforts to reintroduce the Olympic Games. Furthermore, neither can be counted among those Americans who contributed to Coubertin’s observations on academic and sport life in the United States. Therefore there is no need to include a detailed description of the cold relationship between Coubertin and Sullivan (cf. LUCAS 1977, 258ff.), “[who] seem to have disliked each other from the moment they met” (GUTTMANN 1992, 13).

14 INTRODUCTION

3. Structure

The analysis is carried out in three chapters. Chapter I lays the groundwork for the study’s design by describing Coubertin’s early thoughts on education. The review of Coubertin’s efforts to reform the educational system in France and to promote the establishment of an international sport meeting by reintroducing the Olympic Games summarizes the current state of research. This review does not address Coubertin’s research stays in the United States – apart from the note on Sloane and the previously described meeting at the NYUC in 1893. This omission is justified by the analysis design of this study aiming at the comprehensive and coherent examination of Coubertin’s stays in the United States intended to ascertain whether his studies in the United States should be more prominent in future discussions on his early education campaign. The meager works in current research on Coubertin’s research trips in the United States are integrated in the content of chapters II and III. These works combined with newly employed source material provide sufficient coverage of the period. In contrast to these two chapters the analysis in chapter I is mainly based on secondary literature on Coubertin. The analysis of Coubertin’s national educational views commences with a summary of Coubertin’s upbringing and education in the Third Republic, since the impact of these two experiences is regarded as the prime cause of Coubertin’s national reformatory efforts. Since Coubertin particularly sees the Anglo-Saxon education concept as the basis for his national reform efforts, a detailed description of Coubertin’s outlook on English private boarding schools and universities is required. If American influence on Coubertin’s educational views is to be analysed, it is necessary to begin by describing the influence of English educational reforms on Coubertin because in current research this is portrayed as the almost exclusive genesis of his national reform plans. Coubertin’s difficulties in popularising the English education principles in France must not be omitted either in the analysis of current research. The legitimisation of this aspect results INTRODUCTION 15 from the question of whether Coubertin’s stays in the United States were merely to serve the Olympic project or also his national education agenda. The current literature on Coubertin’s international education campaign describes his efforts to publicly present the idea of reintroducing the Olympic Games and to find support for this project. Furthermore, current research uses Coubertin’s campaign to reintroduce the Olympic Games as a way to explain the connection between of his national education campaign and his desire to promote understanding among nations. Naturally this gives rise to the controversy concerning Coubertin’s “true” motivation for committing the Olympic Games to the idea of promoting understanding among nations. Were the Olympic Games merely an instrument for Coubertin to support his national education campaign, or were they truly an expression of Coubertin’s affinity to internationalism that started to take shape in the late nineteenth century? The evaluation of Coubertin’s studies in and on the United States is meant to contribute to the resolution of this controversy. After the basis for the analysis design has been established, Chapter II will deal with a thematically orientated analysis of Coubertin’s research trips in the United States. This procedure does not follow a typical chronological approach. It will explain how intensively Coubertin observed the American university system and the athletic and gymnastic activities practised there as well as the sport scene outside universities. The fact that Coubertin was interested in more than just promoting his Olympic idea in the United States makes clear the necessity of including this chapter. Furthermore the importance of this chapter can be justified by a variety of new data on Coubertin‘s visits to the United States. Historical introductions concerning the development of the American university system, university sport and gymnastics programmes and the public sport scene by the end of the nineteenth century are embedded in Coubertin’s observations or presented separately. This historical introduction creates a context for the reader, making him familiar with the Coubertin’s studies and with what Coubertin expected in the ‘New World’ in the last decade of the nineteenth century. A second reason for the detailed historical introduction is the need to create a 16 INTRODUCTION historical classification for Coubertin’s observations and statements on the university system, university sport and gymnastics programmes, and the American public sports scene in order to point out how intensively he dealt with these three areas. Building on the thematically orientated analysis of Coubertin’s study trips to the United States Chapter II, Chapter III examines what effect Coubertin’s studies in the United States have on the analysis of his national and international education campaign. First, it explains the degree to which Coubertin’s education views were confirmed and strengthened by his studies in the United States. In this context, the chapter examines the influence of various American citizens on Coubertin’s educational views. At this stage it must once more be explicitly emphasised that the arguments regarding American influence on Coubertin’s national education campaign are difficult to understand without the historical background on the university system, university sport and gymnastics programmes, and the public and private sport scene in the United States presented in Chapter II. Subsequently, the importance of the American influence for the analysis of Coubertin’s international education campaign is examined. The starting point is Coubertin’s critical stance towards the increasingly aggressive American foreign policy of the late nineteenth century that in his eyes led to tensions between the “Old” and the “New” World. The descriptions of Coubertin’s efforts as a representative of the Third French Republic on behalf of an improvement of the relations between France and the United States are intended to render Coubertin’s views on the adolescent education more comprehensible nationally and internationally. The conclusions based on this information concerning Coubertin’s motives for promoting the establishment of an international sport festival by reintroducing the Olympic Games are presented in this chapter. It is hereby imperative to ask why a circle of people consisting mainly of university dons and well-known journalists formed in America to support Coubertin’s Olympic plan. COUBERTIN’S EARLY EDUCATION CAMPAIGN 17

Chapter I:

Coubertin’s early national and international education campaign as portrayed in current research

1. Coubertin‘s national education campaign

1.1 Reasons for the genesis of Coubertin’s early reformative attitude

An evaluation of the Coubertin bibliography published by Müller and Schantz illustrates not only the immense extent of his writings, estimated by the publisher 1 at 15,000 printed book pages of medium format (cf. MÜLLER/SCHANTZ 1991, 27) , but also Coubertin’s manifold interest in sport, educational, sociological, political, psychological and aesthetic topics. According to Alkemeyer the difficult task of categorizing of Coubertin’s extensive works can only be satisfactorily solved by interpreting Coubertin’s “work as an answer to pressing social and political problems of the industrial society in the late nineteenth century” (ALKEMEYER 1996, 44). The standard starting point for describing Coubertin’s reform efforts aimed at solving national crises is biographical data as well as information on political and social problems that Coubertin was confronted with in the last third of the nineteenth century. Apart from information on Coubertin’s aristocratic descent and his social 2 involvement in royalist circles the biographical data concentrates on his schooling and professional career. This information appears especially important as a way to illustrate Coubertin’s reformative response to conservative thinking and behavior in his own aristocratic environment. In this context Coubertin’s

1 This does not include ensuing editions, translations and copies (cf. MÜLLER/SCHANTZ 1991, 27). The estimates by Müller/Schantz correct the statements of a Coubertin bibliography from 1933 setting the extent of Coubertin’s writings at 60,000 printed pages (cf. IBID., 30). 2 With Eyquem 1972, 19ff.; Mandell 1976, 59ff.; MacAloon 1984, 8ff./27ff.; Loland 1995, 51 detailed information is to be found on the genealogy of Coubertin’s family and Coubertin’s connections to French royalist societies. On this also see Coubertin 1897(b), 643ff. 18 COUBERTIN’S EARLY EDUCATION CAMPAIGN education at the austere Catholic Jesuit Theological College of Saint Ignace is 3 referred to (cf. MACALOON 1984, 32ff.) . This college with its authoritarian methods of education, its focus on religious upbringing and a curriculum focused 4 on Latin and Greek (cf. LOLAND 1995, 52), corresponded precisely to the views of traditionalist aristocratic households in which parents wanted to keep their children away from republican and liberal ideas (cf. MACALOON 1984, 34). Republicans regarded the strict schooling of the Jesuits as inappropriate and antiquated because they did not want to create a French national unity based on 5 religious values. The laical policy introduced by J. Ferry aimed at emancipating the state from the church by reducing the influence of church congregations 6 generally, and that of the Jesuits particularly, at the school and university level

(cf. CARON 1991, 369ff.). The church’s answer to this secularism grounded in rationalism and positivism was to reinforce its conservative stance by allying itself with politically reactionary movements (cf. GALL 1997, 75). Although Coubertin was aware of the explosive political orientation of Jesuit schools, he rarely revealed his critical thoughts at school, but often expressed them within the family circle (cf. MACALOON 1984, 37). Only after Coubertin had passed his baccalaureate with very good marks at the Jesuit school in 1880, did he go against class customs regarding his professional education by choosing neither a military nor diplomatic career (cf. MÜLLER 1983, 19). In contrast to his brothers, Coubertin discontinued his training at the French officer’s academy St. Cyr, which was a gathering point for monarchists and traditionalists whom the progressively thinking Coubertin opposed (cf. MACALOON 1984, 40). To illustrate Coubertin’s decision to discontinue his training as an officer, MacAloon refers to

3 See also Eyquem 1972, 31ff.; Mandell 1976, 63; Müller 1983, 19; Alkemeyer 1996, 82. 4 This classical orientation of the curriculum entails a neglect of natural and social scientific subjects (cf. MACALOON 1984, 35). 5 In between his two terms of office as Minister President (1880 – 1881 und 1883 – 1885) the republican Ferry also was Minister of Education (cf. SIEGBURG 1997, 153). 6 Apart from restricting church influence on supreme school authorities and the abolishment of the equal status of Catholic and state universities, the liquidation and persecution of the Jesuit order was initiated by decree (cf. CARON 1991 369f.). Laws passed in 1884 and 1886 prohibited members of the order from teaching at public schools, the subject religion was abolished and only worldly teachers were employed (cf. ERBE 1992(a), 154ff.). COUBERTIN’S EARLY EDUCATION CAMPAIGN 19

Coubertin’s claim that he wanted to avoid “[becoming] a gentleman of the old world imprisoned . . . in the ruins of a dead past” (COUBERTIN quoted according to

IBID., 40). This quotation is taken from Coubertin’s novel Le Roman d’un rallié, which has some autobiographical elements (cf. WIRKUS 1990, 106) related to Coubertin’s youth expressed through the character of Étienne. MacAloon regards this novel as very meaningful and even calls it an educational novel, which reliably comments on contemporary social and political conditions (cf. MACALOON 1984, 24). In current research, Coubertin’s departure from the officer’s academy and his studies at the École libre des sciences politiques in 1884 mark the break 7 from his conservative family influence (cf. MÜLLER 1983, 19) . MacAloon’s comments on the École libre des sciences politiques lead to the justifiable assumption that Coubertin’s reformist attitude was decisively influenced there. The founders of the École libre des sciences politiques, E. Boutmy and H. Taine, rejected the idea of specialized training and favored a comprehensive general education providing French citizens with a deep political understanding was considered necessary for assessing the competing political principles in the Third Republic. References by MacAloon to Coubertin’s essay The Revival of the French Universities, published in 1897, point out Coubertin’s affinity to these liberal and republican academic institutions whose progressiveness he ascribes mainly to their comprehensive preparation for an administrative, diplomatic, military or political career. This stands in contrast to university education with its traditional teaching methods experienced by Coubertin after enrolling at the Faculté de 8 droit . MacAloon supports this view with the following quotation of Coubertin (cf.

MACALOON 1984, 54ff.):

7 See also MacAloon 1984, 54ff.; Guttmann 1992, 7f.; Hill 1996, 5. 8 Before Coubertin attended lectures at the École libre des sciences politiques, he enrolled at the ‘faculté de droit’. MacAloon’s comment that Coubertin wanted to thereby meet with his father’s demand of rank befitting education (cf. MACALOON 1984, 54), is based on statements made by Eyquem, which he is supposed to have taken from unpublished manuscripts. According to the Coubertin researcher Boulonge the manuscripts were destroyed by members of Coubertin’s family (cf. IBID., 292). Coubertin’s criticism of the Faculté de droit also derives from this apparently destroyed source material: “Legal studies were horribly repelling to me. It was a torment to me, on the day of the annual examinations, to have to put on my back one of those black robes with the white sash that were then 20 COUBERTIN’S EARLY EDUCATION CAMPAIGN

“The school was intended to prepare young men for the civil service or diplomacy. It meant to provide the state with good financial surveyors and administrative officers. But the vast majority of those who heard the lectures of its improvised professors were improvised students, men of leisure, post-graduates, who felt eager to learn without a definite object. And so it happened that the school partook in some way of that purely scientific and sacred character of the Athenian gymnasium” (COUBERTIN quoted according to IBID., 55).

The conflicts between Coubertin and the traditional customs and views of his family present a picture of a critically and progressively thinking Coubertin whose patriotic and republican stance is explained in current research as a reaction to the foreign and domestic problems of the former ‘Grande Nation’. Coubertin’s discontent with the state of French foreign affairs stems mostly from the defeat of French troops in the war against Prussia 1870/71 and the 9 resulting loss of Alsace-Lorraine (cf. GUTTMANN 1992, 7) . Scholarship on nationalism establishing a clear correlation between a sense of national identity and the loss or gain of territory (cf. BUDE 1992, 46ff.), suggests that this incident must have had a lasting impression on Coubertin (cf. ALKEMEYER 1996, 56). In this context Müller refers to the fact that in spite of Coubertin’s injured national pride he was not a member of any radical national group (cf. MÜLLER 1983, 19, 10 cultivating military and revanchist views . In view of this work’s later analysis of Coubertin’s view on sport in education, it should be noted that current research places great importance on the shameful French defeat by the Germans and refers to the fact that Coubertin attributed this defeat down to the poor physical condition of the French soldiers (cf. YOUNG 1996, 68). Thus Coubertin is among those social critics focused not only with the

mandatory for the candidates. How I had gotten into such straits, God only knows” (COUBERTIN quoted according to IBID., 54). 9 See also Mandell 1976, 63; Müller 1983, 19; Blödorn 1984, 22; MacAloon 1984, 21; Holt 1989, 94; Wirkus 1990, 106; Lucas 1988, 90/1992, 37; Alkemeyer 1996, 56; Young 1996, 68. 10 Radical national views were particularly at home in the ‘ligue des patriotes’ founded by P. Déroulède in 1882. Supporters of this organization tried to go against the feared loss of national identity by consciously keeping alive revanchist ideas towards the German neighbor by organizing large national festivities and the conscious cultivation of national symbols (cf. SCHULZE 1999, 247f.). COUBERTIN’S EARLY EDUCATION CAMPAIGN 21 problems of individual cities resulting from industrialization (cf. PFEIFFER 1996,

12), but also on the health and vitality of the entire French nation (cf. ALKEMEYER 1996, 57). Coubertin’s criticism of the domestic situation consisted mostly of short commentaries on the political instability of the Third Republic, which ever since being proclaimed in 1870 had been jeopardized by the political aims of supporters 11 of the former authoritarian government (cf. MACALOON 1984, 5) . Furthermore, current research often refers to the fact that Coubertin also attributes the political turmoil of the Third Republic and the resulting slow pace of national recovery to the frequent changes to the form of government since the revolution in 1789:

It is not so easy to form an idea of the public opinion in France around 1880. . . . The French . . . were discontent with themselves. The forms of government . . . did also not satisfy the republicans. . . . All increasingly experienced the feeling of national impotence hampering the development of a solid state. Three monarchs, two empires and three republics in less than a hundred years; that was a lot even for a people of such power sources as the French . . . The Revolutions of 1830, 1848 and 1870, the coups of the 18th Brumaire and 2nd December were incidents which made me feel humiliated. My national pride was already deeply offended by the fact that I had coins with different effigies in my pocket. Does this not especially emphasize our constant shattered state and our preposterous insecurity? 12 (COUBERTIN 1974, 11) .

This quotation expresses not only Coubertin’s French nationalism, but also his rejection of extreme political attitudes. He condemns the radical democratic efforts of the 1848 uprisings as well as the authoritarian antidemocratic form of government of Napoleon I. Quanz points out in his article “Early Coubertin – Internationalism, Democracy and Peace” that Coubertin was also not a supporter of a constitutional monarchy represented by Louis XVI 1790, Louis XVIII 1814

11 Apart from slower economic growth, falling far behind German and English industry and the discontent of workers with their working conditions and lacking social reforms expressed in strikes, it was particularly political scandals and intrigue such as the Wilson affair (cf. CARON 1991, 400), the Panama scandal (cf. SIEGBURG 1997, 155) and the Dreyfus scandal (cf. CARON 1991, 466ff.) that fostered the growth of national anti-republican groups. Coubertin research mainly mentions the affair concerning the French captain Dreyfus which led to a serious domestic crisis in France (cf. MANDELL 1976, 72f./cf. WIRKUS 1990, 107/cf. ALKEMEYER 1996, 56). 12 Authors such as Alkemeyer 1996, 55; Eyquem 1972, 22; Mandell 1976, 64; MacAloon 1984, 27; Loland 1995, 52 and Herms 1997, 54 refer to this quotation. 22 COUBERTIN’S EARLY EDUCATION CAMPAIGN and Duke Louis-Philippe of Orléans 1830 (cf. SIEGBURG 1997, 223ff.), but rather felt bound to the Third Republic. Quanz underlines Coubertin’s political orientation with references to Coubertin’s 1897 essay “Royalists and Republicans. Notes of a Parisian,” which pointedly disparages the political performance of monarchist politicians while praising the political views and performances of republican 13 politicians like Carnot and Ferry (cf. QUANZ 1998, 257). This political 14 classification of Coubertin as a moderate republican makes the picture of a progressively thinking persona more clear and reinforces Wirkus’ statement that Coubertin’s early years mirror the challenge posed by progressive liberal and republican views to the inherited social and political order (cf. WIRKUS 1990, 106f.). Accordingly Coubertin symbolizes, in a moderate form, Nietsche’s observation that the “chance of the new” (NIETZSCHE quoted according to RÖHRS 1980, 155) always has its starting point in youth whose oppositional character is determined by the constraints of traditional and rigid contemporary living conditions (cf. RÖHRS 1980, 155). Although current research constantly refers to Coubertin’s efforts to overcome social tradition, it does not give the impression of an uncritical supporter of contemporary progress and modernization. Rather, Coubertin is described as a

“seismograph . . . of the fin de siècle” (ALKEMEYER 1996, 44) cognizant of disturbances and grievances caused by social, political, economic and technical changes. Accordingly Alkemeyer contends that Coubertin believed that the main threats to civilization and morality were fast-moving modernity, the loss of religious and social reference systems, individualization, profit seeking as well as labor differentiation and specialization (cf. ALKEMEYER 1996, 49ff.). Political and social grievances led Coubertin to believe in the necessity of comprehensive reform especially in the education sector to prepare adolescents for modern living (cf. HERMS 1997, 54f.):

13 Carnot was French President from 1887 to 1894. He replaced President Grèvy (cf. SIEGBURG 1997, 155), who had been forced to resign from his ministerial cabinet because his son-in-law D. Wilson had carried out lucrative business with state decorations (cf. CARON 1991, 400). Ferry intensively pursued the controversial colonial expansion of France (cf. IBID., 369ff.) and was a strong supporter of laical policy leading to a separation of state and church in France in 1906 (cf. GALL 1997, 23). 14 See also Mandell 1976, 64 and MacAloon 1984, 6. COUBERTIN’S EARLY EDUCATION CAMPAIGN 23

“Education especially education of youths and not yet trained adults dominates the main part of the problems of humanity. In this case society resembles those olde towns where the streets no matter how different and complicated they may appear always lead us to same main crossing. This was often called cathedral or market square. Today it is rather the square of education - pedagogy. Everything leads to it and springs from it.” (COUBERTIN quoted according to BOULONGE 1996, 15 40). This distinct pedagogic optimism, which is rare today, inspired Coubertin while still in his teens to become an education reformer and thereby associate his 16 “name with a great education and schooling reform” (COUBERTIN 1974, 11) .

1.2 The focus on Coubertin’s orientation towards England

Coubertin’s attempt to overcome political and social problems through comprehensive education reforms (cf. HERMS 1997, 57) is proof in and of itself of a moderate attitude that could not be taken for granted in the politically explosive atmosphere of the Third Republic. Hojer in particular emphasizes this point noting that Coubertin wanted to stabilize the Third Republic by restoration of the interior construction rather than destroy the exterior (cf. HOJER 1972, 10). Coubertin received decisive encouragement for his reform efforts on his 17 18 research trips to England , during which he visited the public schools Harrow, Eton, Rugby, Wellington, Charterhouse and Malborough as well as the elite universities of Oxford and Cambridge (cf. MACALOON 1984, 52). Coubertin

15 Ullrich and Alkemeyer elucidate Coubertin’s education optimism by adding that Coubertin regarded a completely reorganized education as the “only effective remedy” (COUBERTIN quoted according to ULLRICH 1982, 17/quoted according to Alkemeyer 1996, 69). Hojer and Loland elaborate on this with references to Coubertin’s view that almost all causes of national problems are due to education (cf. HOJER 1972, 10/cf. LOLAND 1995, 54). 16 In his critical dogma history on reform pedagogy Ölkers points out that the education optimism is a necessary requirement for reformative actions (cf. ÖLKERS 1989, 35). 17 Coubertin already undertook his first research trip to England in 1883. Further trips to England ensued in 1886 and 1887 and he used these for studies on the public school system (cf. MACALOON 1984, 52). 18 In the 17th century public schools were the education institutions of the lower social classes. Restructuring in private boarding schools in the 18th century made public schools elite education institutions of the upper class and inaccessible to pupils of the lower classes due to their class status and costly school fees. This can also be deduced unmistakably from the German translation (cf. KRÜGER 1988, 87). 24 COUBERTIN’S EARLY EDUCATION CAMPAIGN experienced a school and university life in which, in contrast to French institutions, the daily routine was loosened by colorful extra-curricular events organized and run by the pupils and students themselves. For Coubertin this freedom of the pupils and students to organize themselves in associations embodies the educational effort of the English system to develop citizens’ conscious of their rights, duties and obligations. (cf. COUBERTIN 1972, 143f.). Thus Coubertin recognizes that the organization and maintenance of debating clubs, reading clubs, literature and sport clubs familiarize pupils and students with democratic principles such as free speech, forming opinions, willingness to communicate, regular votes, electing leaders and recognizing legitimate authority 19 (cf. COUBERTIN 1977, 405ff.) . In addition to the teaching of democratic behaviors, Coubertin sees other educational benefits in these associations of pupils and students, particularly in the popular sport clubs (cf. GUTTMANN 1992, 20 8) : “I was before something completely new and unexpected, ‘sport education’. There was a whole plan of moral and social education under the cloak of school sport” (COUBERTIN 1974, 12). But Coubertin had already learned about sport education at private boarding schools and universities before his first research trip to England. His interest in the English education system was aroused by Notes sur Angleterre, a book written by the French historian and philosopher Taine and published in 1872, based on two years of travel and research in England, in 1859 and 1862 (cf.

19 Coubertin, however, sees the implementation of the principle of pupil self-administration (cf. MCINTOSH 1987, 224) not only in self-organization of leisure activities alone, but also in the organization of a system of tutors in which pupils of higher years took over the administration of the dormitories. For Coubertin this system of house tutors was an essential democratic principle where precise distribution of authority – be it only in a state or in a social subsystem like school – gives more clarity to the difference between the governing and governed. With traditional authoritarian systems determined by missing connections between governing (teachers) and governed (pupil representatives) giving way to representative democratic structures, Coubertin sees an important medium for upholding political order of school (cf. ALKEMEYER 1996, 80f.). It is obvious that Coubertin’s completely positive assessment of this tutor system does not properly evaluate the wide spread public school tradition of the ‘prefect- fagging-system’ (cf. MACALOON 1984, 69f.). In the ‘prefect-fagging-system’ pupils of the lower years had to perform tasks given to them by pupils of a higher year (prefects) whereby the border of morality was often disregarded (cf. RÜHL 1987, 122). 20 Annotations and references concerning Coubertin’s orientation towards the English education system can be found with Mandell 1976, 66ff.; Müller 1983, 19f.; MacAloon 1984, 43ff.; McIntosh 1987, 223; Meinberg 1993, 219ff.; Alkemeyer 1996, 68ff.; Pfeiffer 1996, 14; Bausinger 1997, 18; Herms 1997, 54. COUBERTIN’S EARLY EDUCATION CAMPAIGN 25

WIRKUS 1990, 108). Taine undertook these trips on the premise that only a profound knowledge of other countries could produce a critical assessment of one’s own society (cf. MACALOON 1987, 202). Based on insights gathered on both trips, he denounced the French education system as backward and out-of-touch 21 with life (cf. ALKEMEYER 1996, 75) . In his book Taine reports on life at English public schools and discusses one aspect particularly important to Coubertin: that individual and team sport competitions in the Anglo-Saxon education system were regarded as educational endeavors fostering virtues such as respect, honesty, camaraderie, and willingness to compromise and subordinate. Taine elucidates his enthusiasm for the modern English education system and his criticism of the antiquated, purely mind-orientated French education system in the following excerpt: “The English pupils have at the most six working hours a day, mostly only six or seven, in contrast we have eleven, which is not sensible. Each adolescent needs physical activity, it is against nature wanting to force him to be merely a brain, a sitting cripple. Here athletic games, football, tennis, running, rowing and especially cricket constitute a part of each day” (TAINE quoted according to MANDELL 1976, 66). In addition to Taine’s book, which mentions the educational utilization of sport rather casually, specialized literature regards the novel Tom Brown’s School 22 Days by T. Hughes and the biography The Life and Correspondence of Thomas 23 Arnold by A.P. Stanley as important sources in the development of Coubertin’s

21 Alkemeyer thereby refers to LeBon, who quotes Taine as follows: “. . . instead of making people more competent they [the schools] make him [young person] incompetent for his future position. Therefore after leaving school his first steps in the field of practical knowledge are nothing but a series of painful defeats from which he emerges crippled after being wounded and for a long time worn down.”(TAINE quoted according to ALKEMEYER 1996, 75). 22 Initially Tom Brown’s School Days appeared in France as a sequel novel in the Journal de la Jeunesse. Only later was it published as a book with the title Les années de collège de Tom Brown. Furthermore Mandell argues that Coubertin was encouraged by Taine’s book to once again occupy himself with Hughes’ novel because Taine had referred to this several times (cf. MANDELL 1976, 66f.). Coubertin had already read this book once before as a child without the intention, however, of gleaning information on the English education system (cf. LOLAND 1995, 55). According to Young Coubertin is supposed to have used the book as a sort of research guide for public schools on his first England trip in 1883 (cf. YOUNG 1996, 69). 23 Like Hughes Stanley was also a pupil at Rugby’s public school at the same time as Arnold. MacAloon remarks that Hughes and Stanley paint two different pictures of Arnold. Hughes’ idealized and uncritical description of Arnold is dampened by Stanley’s biography which MacAloon regards as being 26 COUBERTIN’S EARLY EDUCATION CAMPAIGN concept of sport education implemented at elite private boarding schools (cf.

MACALOON 1987, 203). Based on a mixture of fact, fiction and biographical data, Coubertin ascribes the introduction of sport associations to Th. Arnold (cf.

COUBERTIN 1967, 55), who was headmaster at the public school in Rugby from

1828 to 1842 (cf. MCINTOSH 1952, 17). Coubertin deduces four basic principles from the analysis of the extra-curricular school and university sport at elite education institutions in his formulation of a “Pédagogie sportive” (COUBERTIN quoted according to GRUPE/MIETH 1998, 385):

1. Coubertin’s understanding of the English public schools educational concept convinced him of the need to give sport education and intellectual education 24 equal status . According to Malter this balance of body and mind corresponds to Coubertin’s anthropological conception that rejects the philosophical approach propagating instrumentalization of the mind by the body as well as the idealistic approach of utilization of the body by the mind. Although Coubertin considered mind and body to be connected (cf. COUBERTIN 1971, 2), he believes in the independence of body and mind, and regards sport as possibly being able to harmonize the two elements of Cartesian duality: “res cogitans” and “res extensa” (cf. MALTER 1996, 10). Malter, in the following citation, argues that experiencing this harmony of mind and body is important: “But there is a heathenism – the true – from which humanity will never free itself and – I dare say the apparent blasphemy, - from which a liberation would not be good at all: I mean the cult of the nature of ‘man’, the human body, the mind and flesh, the feeling and desire, instinct and consciousness. Soon flesh, feeling, instinct, soon mind, will, and consciousness will prevail, for precisely these two despots are

more realistic. Coubertin tends to overlook Stanley’s criticism of Arnold’s authoritarian education methods and only filter out the information that corresponds to the idealized picture of Hughes (cf. MACALOON 1984, 60ff.). 24 McIntosh refers to the fact that sports fields of public schools were not dismissed as mere places of training and relaxation, but were considered to be similar to classrooms where educational work was performed (cf. MCINTOSH 1987, 67). COUBERTIN’S EARLY EDUCATION CAMPAIGN 27 fighting a battle within us and their clash often cruelly tears us apart” (COUBERTIN 25 quoted according to MALTER 1996, 11) . 2. Coubertin’s praise of the ideal of body and mind unity demonstrates that for Coubertin participation in sport activities goes far beyond the mere objective of optimizing physical abilities. Coubertin sees the “origin of Anglo-Saxon power”

(COUBERTIN quoted according to HERMS 1997, 55) mainly in the fact that sport not only serves as an outlet for widespread problems at elite education institutions such as alcohol, brutality, vandalism and gambling (cf. COUBERTIN 1974, 13), but also as a medium for the developing of character of adolescents. Apart from developing and reinforcing personal experiences such as self-discipline and self- confidence, Coubertin also sees the educational value of pursuing sport as contributing to the development of determination, continual striving for of improvement, drive, self-assertion, decisiveness and flexibility. Coubertin believes in a transfer of these characteristics developed in agonal sport to daily life and consequently regards English school and university sport as a “pre-school period of life (COUBERTIN quoted according to ALKEMEYER 1996, 76), which prepares the 26 adolescent for the modern struggle for life (cf. ALKEMEYER 1996, 99) . This leads Coubertin to believe that competitive sport leads to a selection of a performance elite determined to take over leading positions in politics, the economy, the army, administration and diplomacy. In this context Krüger points out that Coubertin regarded the precise development of a performance elite as particularly desirable because he was a supporter of the pre-Darwinist theory of Lamarck (widespread in the Anglo-Saxon world and France), which states that not only innate but also acquired abilities are hereditary (cf. KRÜGER 1994, 41)

25 In current research on the modern Olympic movement, the alliance between mind and body is interpreted as the main principle of Olympic education (cf. GRUPE 1999, 24). The problem of constantly progressing professionalization and the neglect of the mind are cited as reasons for adopting an Olympism orientation that promotes a harmonic development of body and mind is called for (cf. GRUPE 1996, 26). By pursing the unity of body and mind, athletes are to find security and inner balance in performance orientated Olympic sports (cf. GRUPE/KRÜGER 1997, 334). 26 Mangan describes how in the nineteenth and twentieth century English private boarding schools constitute a miniature world in which there should be the same customs and rules as in the real world. Using statements made by pupils he points out the doubtful education methods (not only in sport) with which pupils were to be prepared for life’s struggle (cf. MANGAN 1987, 142ff.). 28 COUBERTIN’S EARLY EDUCATION CAMPAIGN

The combination of Coubertin’s selection-based elitism, in which he regards the formation of a clear elite as more sensible than “wide spread mediocrity”

(COUBERTIN quoted according to ALKEMEYER 1996, 71), together with his aristocratic origin and his positive assessment of exclusive English education institutions frequently leads to a socially limiting “upper class” orientation in his education ideas. Boulogne qualifies this conclusion by pointing out that Coubertin strongly believed that that education should be accessible to all in order to break down rigid social stratifications that in his eyes inhibit the necessary development of social justice and progress (cf. BOULOGNE 1996, 39). Thus Coubertin welcomed republican school policy (cf. MACALOON 1984, 74), which laid the foundation for the democratization of the school system by introducing compulsory school attendance up to the age of thirteen while abolishing school fees for nursery and primary schools (cf. CARON 1991, 377ff.). Although the demands for abolishing school fees for secondary schools were not met until 1933 (cf. SÜSSMUTH 1976, 101), Coubertin shows great interest in the availability of school education throughout all social classes, as proven by his special publications on social- 27 orientated education projects and his support of the foundation of working class universities (cf. MACALOON 1984, 74). MacAloon, who in turn establishes a connection to Arnold, explains that Coubertin viewed social stratifications and hierarchies as acceptable as long as they are due to just and comprehensible performance attributes. Coubertin’s criticism is directed especially towards the silly custom in France of appointing someone to an office of state not on the basis of merit, but rather on criteria such as family origin or relations (cf. MACALOON 1984, 72). But with Coubertin rejecting these artificial performance criteria, his belief in the true principles of merit oblige him to also reject egalitarian democracy (cf. HOJER 1972, 13). In this rejection of

27 Thus in 1887 Coubertin reports in the French magazine La Réforme Sociale on the ‘Toynbee Hall’ (cf. COUBERTIN 1887(a), 227ff.), an education institution, which was founded for the inhabitants of the London slum ‘Whitechapel’ in 1884. The initiator of this institution was a group of academics that under the guidance of the clergyman Barnett lived in the slums for several months in order to better analyze the social grievances. The project of ‘Toynbee Hall’ can be regarded as the model for the ‘Settlement House’ movement made popular in the USA by J. Addams (cf. CREMIN 1961, 59ff.). COUBERTIN’S EARLY EDUCATION CAMPAIGN 29 the traditional Jacobite demand, MacAloon sees the influence of Coubertin’s great idol Arnold, who expressed similar views fifty years earlier:

The Aristocrat aims to reduce all ranks but his own, the Jacobin to reduce all ranks to the lowest level . . . our business is to raise all and to lower none. [Absolute] equality is the dream of a madman or the passion of a friend. Extreme equality or high comfort and civilization in some, coexisting with deep misery and degradation in others is no less a folly and a sin. But an inequality where some have all the enjoyments of a civilized life, and none are without its comforts – where some have all the treasures of knowledge and none are sunk in ignorance, that is a social system in harmony with God’s creation in the natural world” (ARNOLD quoted 28 according to MACALOON 1984, 73) .

3. By securing the ideal of fair-play, which according to Coubertin, distinguished the competitions at public schools and universities (cf. Coubertin 1974, 12), the French Baron sees an effective means of expanding the character formation capabilities attributed to agonistic sport (cf. Guttmann 1987, 13). The development of the moral self is to be supported by the adherence to the rules as well as acceptance of the umpire’s decisions and correct behavior towards the opponent (cf. IBID., 11), which is expressed by tolerance, acknowledging the opponents performance, respect and consideration. Thus, the practice of sport serves moral improvement and moral recovery, and can be interpreted as a special form of moral education (cf. MEINBERG 1993, 227). Coubertin attributes this discovery regarding the moral effect of sport to Arnold, who was not mentioned in the historiography of pedagogy. This probably prompted Coubertin to call him the “greatest educator of modern time” (COUBERTIN 1972, 97) (cf.

28 As with the analysis of Coubertin’s esteem of harmonic education of body and mind, the character forming effect of pursuing sport performance that Coubertin discovered at public schools has similarities with fundamental basic statements of Olympic education. Lenk describes the educational claim of Olympic performance, which could also easily and superficially be described with the often quoted Olympic comparatives “citius altius fortius”, as follows: “To have given your best, to have made a complete effort, to have fought well . . . that is the nucleus of the Olympic idea” (LENK 1996, 120). This quotation shows that the Olympic performance motive is legitimized rather by the belief of gaining personal experiences e.g. self-knowledge, self-assessment and will-power in pursuing sport performance, than by the mere orientation towards the victory-defeat codex (cf. IBID., 118). The competitor develops his personality with demanding work on himself and constant future related qualifying of his performance. The pursuit of perfection in sport ennobles the competitors to an elite, to a performance aristocracy, which Coubertin regards as being of “completely the same origin . . . and is only determined by physical superiority and muscle power of the individual]” (COUBERTIN quoted according to LENK 1996, 119). Coubertin’s demand for equal starting conditions only permits competence and readiness as the sole criteria of advancement and further development. 30 COUBERTIN’S EARLY EDUCATION CAMPAIGN

MEINBERG 1993, 222ff.). By praising the moral value of fair play, Coubertin seeks to illustrate that sport activities effectively support school education and that positive characteristics acquired in sport extend to other non-sport areas of life: “Now real men emerged from the colleges, energetic, upright and clean. And these men performed a silent revolution of morals, from which the Anglo-Saxon power of our day evolved. . . . From the day when the first generation of the education reform took over the leadership of public affairs and administration, ideals and methods changed. The country was dominated by the care for public welfare, the power of the nation was more coordinated and disciplined, the whole state machinery was so to speak sorted out; . . .” (COUBERTIN 1974, 13) 4. Coubertin’s comment “the role played by sport is what appears most worthy of notice in English education” (COUBERTIN quoted according to HOLT 1989, 1) is based on high regard for the amateur. Thus according to his views, character development and moral educational can only be accomplished through sport if the interest in material profit, the “business spirit” (COUBERTIN 1971, 2), does not 29 become the dominating motive : “Sporting can only produce good moral effects, can, indeed, maintain its existence, only as it [is] founded upon disinterestedness, loyalty, and chivalric sentiment” (COUBERTIN 1894(b), 699)”. Coubertin’s high opinion of the amateur code was influenced primarily by the insights he gained regarding the educational utilization of sport at private English boarding schools and universities (cf. KRÜGER 1988, 90). Here the moral virtues and personal experiences to be gained from sport were interpreted as traits of character, required for a gentleman who after his school and university career was interested in a position of leadership in military, administrative, political or diplomatic services (cf. HOLT 1989, 75ff.). In accordance with the education of a gentleman, school and university sports had to be protected from the dangers of professionalism (cf. MORFORD/MCINTOSH 1993, 55). Professional athletes were accused of ignoring the values of fair play in favor of profit-mongering by

29 Diem comments on the educational devaluation of sport brought about by this material profit- mongering, “that where sport is performed for money, arrangements and deceptions become more frequent” (DIEM 1959, 14). COUBERTIN’S EARLY EDUCATION CAMPAIGN 31 violating rules, lacking the necessary respect for the opponent and manipulating the results of competitions (cf. MCINTOSH 1987, 192). Thus professional athletes 30 were also termed ‘low’, ‘tricky’ or ‘money-hungry’ (cf. COHEN 1980, 67) . As has been mentioned, Coubertin ascribes, without hesitation, the introduction and educational orientation of athleticism at Public Schools to Arnold (cf. MANGAN 1981, 16), whom he honored all his life and whose views on sport education he considered “a cornerstone of the British Empire” (COUBERTIN quoted according to

LENK 1972, 12). Malter verifies Coubertin’s idealized picture of Arnold’s education reform with the following quotation: “The world has forgotten which moral and social power organized sport is capable of fostering and how it is from this point onwards able to play a direct role in the fate of the nation; it has forgotten to such an extent that England and then the entire British Empire were initially only subconsciously pervaded by the teachings and example of Arnold and that these were only spread very gradually; so much so that the Rugby College must be basically be considered the starting point of British revival” (COUBERTIN quoted according to MALTER 1969, 12). However, in current research there is agreement that Coubertin’s euphoric expression “le regime Arnoldien” (COUBERTIN quoted according to MANDELL 1976, 69), is based on a strongly transfigured picture of Arnold, which in many points does not correspond with reality (cf. MEINBERG 1993, 220). Two faulty interpretations by Coubertin in the assessment of Arnold’s efforts are referred to in particular: A) It is historically proven that rugby and cricket were already practiced in Rugby before Arnold became headmaster there (cf. RÜHL 1987, 142) and that the introduction of swimming, rowing, hiking and athletic competitions can not be

30 Diem regards amateurism as the “nucleus of the Olympic idea” (DIEM quoted according to NOC 1949, 20). Although the ideal of the amateur does not exist any more for most Olympic participants and is also not established in the Olympic Charter, the discussion over basic principles of Olympic education adheres to this apparently anachronistic ideal (cf. GRUPE 1999, 25). But only under the condition of self-determined, intrinsically motivated sport exercise, can the potential educational value of sport be released. Self-discipline and the aim to draw one’s motivation for exercising, regardless of the omnipresent extrinsic factors in form of a financial or material incentive sport, from an inner devotion (DIEM 1967, 8 /12), are regarded as legitimization for the amateur conviction, which can still have a pedagogic-moral meaning in Olympic sport endangered by relentless commercialization (cf. GRUPE 1996, 26). 32 COUBERTIN’S EARLY EDUCATION CAMPAIGN ascribed to Arnold’s initiative (cf. LUCAS 1975, 456). Furthermore Coubertin’s statement that Arnold was the first English pedagogue “[who] gave a place in the curriculum of pedagogy to the role of athletics” (COUBERTIN 1894(b), 698), is not correct; for sport was not included in the school curriculum until 1850, eight 31 years after Arnold’s death (cf. MANGAN 1981, 16f.) . B) It was the headmasters a generation after Arnold that acknowledged the educational function of sport, supported its inclusion in the school curriculum and 32 applied the principle of pupil self-administration to sport (cf. IBID., 18) . As the 33 following quotation of Thring, whose views were known to Coubertin , illustrates, the headmasters recognized the necessity for a harmonic education of body and mind: “Life is one piece [.] health of body, health of intellect, health of heart all uniting to form the real man” (THRING quoted according to MANGAN 1981, 46).

1.3 The focus on Coubertin’s French mentors

Each time Coubertin returned to France from his England trips, he recognized the necessity for reform of French education institutions. In addition to his remarks about the educational narrow-mindedness of viewing student associations critically or even objecting to them (cf. COUBERTIN 1892, 521ff./COUBERTIN 1897(c),

55), Coubertin and some of his contemporaries criticized (cf. MACALOON 1984, 35) the repressive educational methods, the unfriendly learning environment, the

31 In 1834 Arnold describes the content and structure of English curricula in the English magazine Quarterly Journal of Education without going into detail on the educational values of sport (cf. MANGAN 1981, 17). Arnold’s merit as headmaster does not lie in the introduction and promotion of athletics, but rather in the upholding of discipline by promoting the prefect-fagging system (cf. MCINTOSH 1952, 30). Arnold attached great importance to a Christian education of the pupils and therefore made the church and not the sports field the center of public schools (cf. RÜHL 1987, 143). Coubertin does not consider it too important that Arnold’s focus of education was mainly on the religious sector (cf. MACALOON 1984, 63). 32 In this context the following headmasters must be mentioned: C. J. Vaugham, who became headmaster of Harrow in 1845, G. L. Cotton, headmaster at Marlborough’s public school in 1852, H. H. Almond, who became headmaster of Loretto in 1862, H. Walford, who commenced his job as headmaster of Lancing in 1859, and E. Thring, who became headmaster of Uppingham in 1853 (cf. MANGAN 1981, 18). These headmasters were themselves enthusiastic athletics participants and let their views on education merge with the principles of the ‘Muscular Christianity’ movement associated with the name of C. Kingsley (cf. RÜHL 1987, 144/MACALOON 1984, 78). 33 It is doubtful whether Coubertin ever met Thring personally. However, a speech made by Coubertin illustrates that he was familiar with the education principles of Thring and that he knew his book Education and School (cf. MACALOON 1984, 303). COUBERTIN’S EARLY EDUCATION CAMPAIGN 33 corporal punishment, the lack of free time and the encyclopedic transmission of knowledge (cf. ALKEMEYER 1996, 74). Coubertin regards the transmission of ‘know- it-all’ education as the cause of a developing disorientation among adolescents: “Meanwhile youths are increasingly lost in the maze of a constantly expanding town. Efforts are made to teach them all the street names as well house numbers for each district – real orientation possibilities can however not yet be offered”

(COUBERTIN quoted according to HOJER 1972, 10). In the article “Le Surmenage,” published in 1887, Coubertin takes up this criticism and offers the possibility of counteracting this intellectual overtaxing of the pupils by means of sport activities, which must no longer be considered incompatible with intellectual education (cf. HOJER 1972, 7). Although reform measures were already much discussed in France, Coubertin was the only French 34 reformer, who was in favor of athleticism (cf. MÜLLER 1983, 19). Coubertin believes that granting pupils the freedom to do athletics and organize themselves (cf. COUBERTIN 1892, 536) is more efficient than the compulsory 35 subject of gymnastics introduced by G. Duruy in 1869 and the ‘bataillons scolaires’ introduced in 1882, in which uniformed youths from the age of twelve participated in collective paramilitary gymnastics exercises (cf. ALKEMEYER 1996, 88). His criticisms of gymnastic and athletic exercises are directed against the dominance of the militaristic and artificial aspects of this form of movement, leading to the degradation of individual self-reliance and decision-making ability, which (in Coubertin’s opinion) would raise exactly the type of citizen who is characteristic of an authoritarian state (cf. ALKEMEYER 1996, 87ff.). Thus, Coubertin repeatedly emphasizes that the still young French Republic needs more

34 The terms athleticism and sport are used as synonyms in this study. In the nineteenth century both terms served as a generic term for the “various physical exercises, games and competitions performed according to certain rules” (GRUPE/MIETH 1998, 478). Later in this study, references to “sport” and “athleticism” exclude gymnastics exercises and include English individual and team sports based on the principles of agon, competition, measurability and comparability of fair play. 35 Duruy was Education Minister from 1863 to 1869. Although his demands for introducing comprehensive and free compulsory school attendance as well as non-monastic school education for girls were rejected by other ministers, these demands formed the basis for the democratization of schooling introduced in the Third Republic (cf. CARON 1991, 136, 377). 34 COUBERTIN’S EARLY EDUCATION CAMPAIGN responsible citizens as soldiers and that education must emphasize the component of freedom and not the military one (cf. COUBERTIN 1986, 78f.). In addition, Coubertin states that the gymnastic system lacks exactly those social and moral educational influences whose formation he sees in the agonistics of competitive sports. For Coubertin the competition idea of sport corresponds to the basic need for comparison of performance, rooted in human character (cf.

COUBERTIN 1891(a), 194ff.). Coubertin does not consider these needs satisfied by Ling’s Swedish gymnastics and their motto of “One should work for oneself, and not to be compared to others.” (IBID., 195) nor by Jahn’s gymnastics: “I have said that German gymnastics are energetic in their movements. . . . But, in order that this energy may be maintained, it is necessary that the gymnast be in a warlike state of mind. The idea of war must not cease to hypnotize him”

(COUBERTIN 1894(b), 697). The results of the studies Coubertin conducted in 1887 on the importance of sport education at church and state institutions clearly pointed out deficiencies to him. Even when directors of state grammar schools were in favor of Coubertin’s reform efforts, superiors prevented them from implementing the reforms at their 36 schools . The objections raised by church-run schools mostly concerned their pupils inevitably mingling with pupils from state and undenominational schools during competitions (cf. COUBERTIN 1974, 20f.). Noteworthy exceptions were the reform efforts of the Dominican father H. Didon, the headmaster of the Albertus Magnus Collège in Arcueil, as well as the involvements of M. Godart, the headmaster of the École Monge. MacAloon notes that Godart was a very progressive headmaster unafraid of introducing and implementing education reforms, an attitude very extraordinary for a member of the rather conservative Conseil supérieur de l’instruction publique. Besides Godart, who only started supporting the introduction and popularization of sport

36 Coubertin writes the following on the lack of autonomy of French grammar schools: “The headmasters of the grammar school in the Académie de Paris were treated like slaves. A file was kept at the Sorbonne of each one of them and they also knew about this. One of them actually even confessed this to me at a time when he was very angry with one of his superiors. . . . There is only one possibility of putting the French grammar school into the position of fulfilling its tasks and that is autonomy.” (COUBERTIN 1974, 20f.). COUBERTIN’S EARLY EDUCATION CAMPAIGN 35 at the École Monge under Coubertin’s influence by founding sport communities as well as organizing running and cricket contests in the Bois de Boulogne, Didon valued sport as a means of education (cf. MACALOON 1984, 100). Strongly orientated towards the Anglo-Saxon model and thus consistent with Coubertin’s views, Didon regarded the pursuit of sport as a possible means of character development that could practically prepare the adolescents for the competition 37 dominating everyday life . Didon’s case demonstrates that the introduction and popularization of sport education in French school system was achieved only with a high degree of self-initiative. He used a percentage of the profits from his 38 books to build a park and large swimming pools. Coubertin owed Didon thanks on the one hand for the support of sport education plans and on the other hand for the Latin phrase “citius, altius, fortius,” which Coubertin elevated to the Olympic motto at the founding congress, in 1894 in Paris, on the reintroduction of the Olympic Games. He was encouraged by a sport event for pupils organized and held under this motto by the Dominican Didon in 1891 (cf. MÜLLER 1996, 49ff.). Coubertin was also influenced by the political and educational theories of the social reformer F. Le Play, who died in 1882. Even a reduction of Le Play’s political and social theories to a few words, which he published in numerous works during the 1860’s and 1870’s, illustrates why Coubertin pronounced him to 39 be his mentor next to Arnold (cf. MACALOON 1984, 83) . Apart from Le Play’s demands for consolidating democracy and parliamentarianism, social peace and 40 political stability (cf. Wirkus 1990, 109) it was particularly the belief in

37 As Müller proves, Didon formulates his views on the necessity of sport education in his book L’éducation présente published in 1898 (cf. MÜLLER 1996, 54). 38 Didon achieved national and international recognition with his books Les Allemands (1884/30 edition) and La vie de Jésus-Christ (1890/45 edition (cf. MÜLLER 1996, 53) which were translated into several different languages. 39 Coubertin’s esteem for Le Play and Arnold is impressively illustrated by a remark made by him when old: ”Le Play was, with Arnold, the master to whom my gratitude goes now that the night is approaching. To these two men I owe more than I can say” (COUBERTIN quoted according to MACALOON 1984, 83). 40 Coubertin’s assessment of the aspects of domestic crises is extraordinary similar to the following remark made by Le Play: ”Since 1879, ten regimes have governed France. Each of these has been set up and then overthrown by force. These unstable and uncertain conditions are without parallel” (LE PLAY quoted according to MACALOON 1984, 84). 36 COUBERTIN’S EARLY EDUCATION CAMPAIGN education as a cure for the grievances of civilization that attracted Coubertin to

Le Play (cf. LOLAND 1995, 53). The Société d´Economie Sociale, founded by Le Play in 1856, offered Coubertin an opportunity to inform the French public of the advantages of the English education conception by holding lectures in 1886 (cf. 41 COUBERTIN 1974, 18) and by publishing essays in the journal La Réforme Sociale

(cf. GUTTMANN 1992, 7f.). Current research portrays the founding of the Comité pour la propagation des exercises physiques dans l’ éducation in May 1888 as the first success of 42 Coubertin’s pedagogic efforts (cf. MÜLLER 1983, 20) . The founding of this committee for spreading physical exercise is closely linked to the republican J. 43 Simon , whose assessment of the French education system was almost the same as Coubertin’s. However not until 1887, when Simon praised the educational value of English sport in his inaugural speech of the annual congress of the Société d´Economie Sociale, did Coubertin discover that Simon was one of his few supporters (cf. MACALOON 1984, 97ff.): “The right which I demand back for our children is the right to play. . . . I entreat for active games, what the English call athletic games. I am willing to have gymnastics, provided that you get rid of all your trapezes and your showman’s apparatus; I accept military exercises which the boys like; but what I ask for, above all, are games, the development of physical strength in joy and liberty. . . . I want races, wrestling and ball games, in

41 The magazine La Réforme Sociale was the publication organ of the Société d’Économie Sociale founded in 1856 by Le Play – an amalgamation of industrials, merchants, natural and social scientists that wanted to pursue a sound social policy on the basis of field studies on the life of working class families. Le Play had already carried out field studies in 1855 in order to describe the situation of workers in the essays Les ouvriers européens (cf. CARON 1991, 97f.). Another branch of the ‘Société d’Économie Sociale’ was the ‘Unions de la Paix Sociale’ also founded by Le Play in 1871 (cf. MACALOON 1984, 86), of which Coubertin was a member as early as 1883 (cf. LOLAND 1995, 53). The titles of the articles published in Le Play’s magazine La Réforme Sociale by Coubertin in 1886 und 1887 are only printed in the Coubertin – bibliography published by Müller/Schantz (cf. MÜLLER/SCHANTZ 1991, 31f.). 42 See MacAloon 1984, 97ff.; Wirkus 1990, 109; Loland 1995, 54; Young 1996, 73. 43 As Education Minister (1871-1873) and Minister President (1876-1877) of the Third Republic Simon pursued the construction of a solid republican type of state superior both to the monarchist restoration ambitions and the political dangers from the extreme left and right (cf. CARON 1991, 266/cf. SIEGBURG 1995, 348). Coubertin expresses his esteem for Simon’s republican attitude and his political far- sightedness in the article Royalists and Republicans. Notes of a Parisian published in 1897 (cf. COUBERTIN 1897(b), 653f.). COUBERTIN’S EARLY EDUCATION CAMPAIGN 37 the open air, not in your pestilential halls, in the country air, if possible.].” (SIMON quoted according to IBID., 1984, 98). Equipped with the results of his survey on the neglect and backwardness of sport education at French schools, Coubertin made contact with Simon whose popularity and good reputation he wanted to utilize in implementing his sport education plans. Since Simon was convinced of the necessity of spreading sport education, he was willing to become chairman of the Comité pour la propagation des exercises physiques dans l’éducation. Furthermore, he wrote the preface to Coubertin’s work L´Education anglaise en France published in 1889, in which he discusses, among other things, Coubertin’s research trips in England (cf.

MACALOON 1984, 99ff.):

But he visited the English universities and schools where cricket and rowing are institutions. He saw in London parks the whole youth of both sexes on horseback. . . . We barely have, here and there, a jeu de paume. . . . The blood rose to Coubertin’s forehead because of this. Here is a defect to be repaired, a situation to be overcome, so he said to himself. And what is required to do it? State intervention? Not at all. Money? Not very much. . . . What therefore is required? Quite simply, to put athletic education in fashion” (SIMON quoted according to MACALOON 1984, 102).

In addition to academic and political personalities, Simon and Coubertin also successfully recruited the representatives of some already well-known sport associations (Racing Club, Cercle Nautique de France) to be members of their committee (cf. COUBERTIN 1974, 27f.). One of the committee’s first successes was a paper-chase carried out between pupils of the École Monge, the École Alsacienne and the École Sainte-Barbe on July 8, 1888. The backwardness of French sport development is demonstrated by the fact that the chase had to take place in the woods of Ville d’Avray because adequate sport facilities were lacking

(cf. COUBERTIN 1974, 31). To further popularize athleticism Coubertin advocated a fusion of the Comité pour la propagation des exercises physiques dans l’ éducation and the Unions des Sociétés Françaises de Courses à Pied, founded in 1887 and comprising four school and three non-school sports clubs. The Union des Sociétés Françaises de 38 COUBERTIN’S EARLY EDUCATION CAMPAIGN

44 Sports Athlétiques (USFSA) emerged in early 1890 from the fusion of these two organizations. The USFSA, to whose weekly journal Les Sports athlétiques 45 Coubertin provided articles just as did with the Revue athlétique that he founded himself, represented the concept of a consolidation of sport clubs favored 46 by Coubertin and his supporters (cf. MACALOON 1984, 158) . Coubertin saw this as necessary because he had noticed that the French public was inexperienced in regard to clubs (cf. COUBERTIN 1892, 528). Initially defusing the Anglophilia so inhibiting to the project of reform was impossible because this was also stirred up by the Ligue Nationale de l’Education

Physique founded in 1888 by P. Grousset (cf. YOUNG 1996, 73f.), who demanded the execution of collective gymnastics exercises for the upholding of paramilitary education (cf. ALKEMEYER 1996, 88). If members of the Ligue now and again did play football, Grousset encouraged them to strictly avoid using the English name of this game (cf. GUTTMANN 1992, 10). Coubertin condemned this national narrow- mindedness and considered charges of Anglophilia completely unjustified since the roots of agonal sports were not to be found in England, but rather in ancient

Greece (cf. LUCAS 1978(a), 22). Thus Coubertin refers to Greek gymnasia whose renaissance he and his German source C. Diem demanded incessantly (cf.

MEINBERG 1993, 220). Coubertin emphasizes that the belief in the educational value of sport was merely adopted in England and transferred to modern living conditions: “It was left to the great Englishman Thomas Arnold to there take up again the Greek work where it had been interrupted by sheer fate, and to give it a pedagogic formula which fulfilled the conditions of modern times” (COUBERTIN 1967, 55).

44 The fusion of these two organizations is symbolized in the trademark of the USFSA by two rings crossing each other (cf. BORGERS/QUANZ 1996, 85). 45 The Coubertin-bibliography by Müller and Schantz contains lists of articles which Coubertin published in these two journals (cf. MÜLLER/SCHANTZ 1991, 35ff.). 46 Coubertin was supported with the founding of the USFSA by G. Saint-Clair, who was the presiding chairman of the ‘Union des sociétés françaises de courses à pied’ (cf. MACALOON 1984, 157). COUBERTIN’S EARLY EDUCATION CAMPAIGN 39

2. Coubertin’s international education campaign

2.1 Controversial interpretations of Coubertin’s motivation to reintroduce the Olympic Games

47 On the occasion of the five-year jubilee of the USFSA in November 1892 Coubertin publicly declares his desire to develop international sport competitions and reintroduce the Olympic Games: “We want to send rowers, runners and fencers abroad; that is the true free trade system of the future. When this practice has become commonplace in old Europe then the case for freedom has received new and strong support! . . . I hope to be assured, as I always have been, of your support and to be allowed, on the basis of current living conditions, to continue and complete this wonderful and blessed work together with you: the

Olympic Games shall re-emerge” (COUBERTIN 1974, 75). Because the audience reacted to Coubertin’s proposal merely with great 48 astonishment (cf. GUTTMANN 1992, 12), however, he tried once more, two years later, to encourage the development of international sport by reintroducing the Olympic Games. Notwithstanding 1892, Coubertin did not want confine himself to merely launching a “sounding balloon” (HÖFER 1994, 51) and intensified congress preparations by trying to gain personal support for his Olympic plans in America and England (cf. ALKEMEYER 1996, 135). The meeting held in the ‘London Sports Club’ in February of 1894, according to current research, resembled his America trip during which he was able to win over only the American professor Sloane from Princeton to the idea of reintroducing the modern Olympic Games (cf. YOUNG 1996, 88). Guttmann states, however, that “the British were somewhat more receptive” (GUTTMANN 1992, 13).

47 Bringing forward the jubilee celebration by three years was justified by the fact that the ‘union des sociétés françaises de courses à pied’, whose fusion with the ‘comité pour la propagation des exercises physiques dans l’éducation’ led to the founding of the USFSA in 1890, had already been founded in 1887 (cf. GUTTMANN 1992, 12). 48 International sport competitions in rowing, sailing and athletic disciplines had already been held between American and English club and university teams. As early as 1869 the America’s Cup was held as a race between a American and an English sailing crew (cf. COHEN 1980, 279). In the same year the rowing competitions between English and American universities took place. Lanier describes their tradition in his article The World’s Sporting Impulse published in 1896 (cf. LANIER 1896, 61f.). 40 COUBERTIN’S EARLY EDUCATION CAMPAIGN

Besides gaining the support of Herbert, the general secretary of the ‘Amateur Athletic Association’ (AAA), Coubertin also enlisted the Prince of Wales and J. Astley as Olympic supporters, whereby the latter even welcomed Coubertin as

“the prophet of a new era” (ASTLEY quoted according to ANTHONY 1993, 43). In contrast the Englishman J. Astley Cooper rejected Coubertin’s plans to reintroduce the Olympic Games. Cooper had already announced in 1891 his plan of organizing a ‘Pan Britannic Festival’ and only inviting athletes from the British Empire and the 49 USA . Cooper’s aim was to strengthen the friendship between England and the

USA and to demonstrate the supremacy of the Anglo-Saxon people (cf. GUTTMANN 1992, 9). His plan of restricting the participants to the “flower of the race”

(COOPER quoted according to REDMOND 1988, 83), prevented the staging of this event. Cooper strongly criticized the first Olympic Games held 1896 in Athens and in 1908 even called them “a hybrid, Babel gathering” (COOPER quoted according to 50 IBID., 83) . Coubertin together with the Englishman Herbert and the American Sloane organized an international sport congress from June 16 to 24, 1894, at Paris’ 51 Sorbonne University . While Sloane focused on the American continent and Coubertin on continental Europe, Herbert’s responsibility was England and its colonies (cf. YOUNG 1996, 88) because as secretary of the AAA he had many international contacts that he could use in preparation of the congress (cf.

LOVESEY 1979, 47). Coubertin named the USFSA as the institutional executive organ (cf. GUTTMANN 1992, 10). The decisions of the 1894 congress to reintroduce the Olympic Games and standardize international amateur rules as the prerequisite for a smooth and

49 After Cooper had initially reported on his project Anglo-Saxon-Olympiad in the journals Greater Britain (1891) and Nineteenth Century (1892)as well as the newspaper The Times (30 October 1891), he in 1893 published an article on The Pan-Britannic Gathering again in The Nineteenth Century (cf. REDMOND 1988, 82f.). 50 MacAloon suspects that J. Astley and J. Astley Cooper is the same person (cf. MACALOON 1984, 168). However since J. Astley already died in 1894 (cf. COUBERTIN 1974, 176) and J. Astley Cooper in 1908 still strongly criticized the 1896 Olympic Games, this assumption can only be false. 51 The Sorbonne as congress site and the festive atmosphere gave the sport congress respectable surroundings. COUBERTIN’S EARLY EDUCATION CAMPAIGN 41

52 uncomplicated process of international athletic competitions are based on the advice of two congress commissions that submitted their recommendations for a vote at the general assembly. Whereas the proposals of the consulting commission on the requirements for reintroducing the Olympic Games were accepted in the general assembly without discussion, it was not so easy to achieve consent on the question of amateur rules. The English Amateur Rowing Association favored a socially distinctive amateur rule according to which workers and craftsmen were to be excluded from amateur competitions (cf. LENK 1972, 53 198). But the congress participants opted for a democratic and thus up-to-date amateur definition: “Anybody who did not take part in competitions open to all, is an amateur athlete; who never participated in a competition for money or prize money, no matter what origin and especially for entrance fees; who never competed with professional athletes and never was a sports teacher or paid trainer” (BULLETIN DU COMITÉ INTERNATIONAL DES JEUX OLYMPIQUES (1894), no. 1 quoted according to MÜLLER 1983, 28). Moreover, after the congress adopted the commission’s resolutions and selected Athens as venue of the first modern Olympic Games, it determined the personnel of the first IOC. There was no discussion on this point because the congress 54 accepted Coubertin’s list of names without objection (cf. GUTTMANN 1992, 14) . Coubertin, who himself was not a member of either of the two congress commissions and was mainly concerned with the organizational leadership of the congress (cf. MÜLLER 1994, 29), had proposed holding the first Olympic Games

52 There was indeed dissent on competition rules and participation conditions that impeded the organization of international sport festivities. Rules and participation conditions had to be arduously negotiated before each competition (cf. KRUGER 1993, 65). 53 The congress had approximately 2,000 participants. However, it must be remembered that apart from the congress leadership consisting of 10 people, only 37 sport associations with altogether 78 delegates were represented. This number loses even more of its impact due to the fact that 58 delegates alone represented 24 French sport associations. Foreign participation was confined to 20 delegates from 8 countries (cf. MÜLLER 1994, 29). 54 Whereas Mandell and Müller provide a comprehensive overview of the people of the newly founded IOC (cf. MANDELL 1976, 96/cf. MÜLLER 1983, 30), Morbach specifically deals with the person of Vikélas, the first IOC president elected at the congress. Morbach among other things treats Vikélas’ engagement in the founding and early phase of the Olympic Games, which Morbach attributes to a complex of personal and patriotic motives (cf. MORBACH 1998, 158ff.). It is remarkable that Vikélas was also familiar with Hughes’ novel Tom Brown’s School Days and regarded this as main source of information of the English education system (cf. IBID., 159). 42 COUBERTIN’S EARLY EDUCATION CAMPAIGN during the World Exhibition in Paris in 1900; a proposal that according to Alkemeyer demonstrates Coubertin’s close connection to the World Exhibition (cf.

ALKEMEYER 1996, 187). The congress participants, however, argued for a swift implementation of the Olympic project and on Vikélas’ proposal decided to hold the first Olympic Games in 1896 in Athens, thus rejecting London, the rival 55 contending city (cf. MÜLLER 1994, 34/cf. MORBACH 1998, 159ff.) .

2.1.1 The blossoming internationalism as the basis of the foundation of Coubertin’s Olympic plans

Coubertin’s self-confessed passionate interest in contemporary history (cf.

COUBERTIN 1974, 11) is not only directed towards the national context, but also includes problems and questions of a slowly forming internationalism. While the political and social tension areas so characteristic of the consolidation process of the Third Republic were the breeding ground for Coubertin’s focus on national issues, the World Exhibitions served as the stimulus of Coubertin’s interest in contemporary internationalism. At the first World Exhibition in 1851 at London’s Crystal Palace, Queen Victoria articulated an essential objective of the world exhibition, which remains a tradition today: “It is my anxious desire to promote among nations the cultivation of all those arts which are fostered by peace, and which in return contribute to maintain the peace of the world” (QUEEN VICTORIA quoted according to BORGERS/QUANZ 1996, 80). What is remarkable about this group of activities is that the peaceful competition between nations evident in the most varied areas of technology, science and culture at the World Exhibition was compared with the Olympic Games. What the British newspaper The Spectator called the “Olympic Games of

Industry” in 1851 (The Spectator quoted according to LOLAND 1995, 59), was commented on by Napoleon III. in 1867 at the second World Exhibition in Paris as

55 Morbach points out in detail that momentum at the Sorbonne congress had developed for Vikélas, who during the week of the congress developed from being the representative of the Athens gymnastics club and from a passive congress participant, to the president of the commission to reintroduce the Olympic Games and a dedicated congress participant supporting Athens as location for the first Olympic Games of modern times (cf. MORBACH 1998, 163ff.). COUBERTIN’S EARLY EDUCATION CAMPAIGN 43 follows: “The ancient poets sang about the festive games in which the various peoples of Greece competed for the prize. What would they say today if they attended these Olympic Games of the whole world where all peoples in the battle of intelligence race alongside each other in the never-ending lane of progress towards an ideal, which is unceasingly approached but never reached” (NAPOLEON

III quoted according to BORGERS/QUANZ 1996, 81). The international flair emanating from the World Exhibition induced an

“awakening”, as Coubertin puts it, (COUBERTIN quoted according to QUANZ 1993, 205), which he experienced as a fifteen-year-old while visiting the fourth World Exhibition in Paris in 1878. Moreover his interest in the World Exhibition was aroused early by his mentor Le Play, who took over the function as general commissioner of the 1867 World Exhibition, had planned the construction of the exhibition hall which had the shape of a stadium (cf. BORGERS/QUANZ 1996, 81). The twenty-six-year-old Coubertin was personally involved in the World Exhibition of 1889 managed by Simon. As general secretary of the committee for promoting physical exercise he organized the congress on matters of physical exercise (cf. QUANZ 1993, 198). Simon’s vivid description of the Eiffel tower, which was the emblem of the World Exhibition in Paris, shows his deep connection with the intention of the World Exhibition. Simon saw an element of international understanding in the decoration of the Eiffel tower with the tricolor and the names of seventy-two international scientists: “Here there are no more arguments on world outlook and nationalities, we are all citizens of the Eiffel tower” (SIMON quoted according to ALKEMEYER 1996, 188). In accordance with the objectives of the World Exhibition, Coubertin as part of his congress preparations gave his sport education campaign an international character by initiating a worldwide survey on the role of school sports (cf. QUANZ 1993, 205). Coubertin gives a very detailed account in the congress report of receiving written replies from the USA, England, Canada, Australia and many other very remote English colonies. He was thus able to demonstrate an impressive worldwide interest in the topic of sport and education (cf. COUBERTIN 1889(a), 1ff.). Coubertin organized athletic and fencing competitions between 44 COUBERTIN’S EARLY EDUCATION CAMPAIGN

Parisian grammar schools and boarding schools in support his congress’ theme

(cf. COUBERTIN 1974, 36f.). This congress took on an even more international character with the presentation of basic elements of Swedish gymnastics directed by the Swedish major-general V. Balck (cf. QUANZ 1993, 205). Quanz sees Coubertin’s contacts with the emerging peace movement taking place at its international center, Paris, in the temporary and personal environment of the World Exhibition (cf. QUANZ 1993, 197). The consolidation of the hitherto widely scattered peace movement occurred during the preparation and implementation of the World Exhibition. Thus, the founding of the 56 Interparliamentary Union (IPU) in Paris 1888, and the preparations for the first world peace congress to be held in 1889 can be traced to the end of 1888. Like the annual world peace congresses, the IPU’s yearly congresses were meant to guarantee the continuity of specific political and economic co-operation at international level and to promote the introduction of international arbitration (cf.

KLEBERGER 1988, 73). The inaugural sessions of these two organizations took place during the 1889 World Exhibition and immediately after the congress that Coubertin organized on physical exercise. Coubertin’s relationship with his mentor Simon now makes it possible to interpret the World Exhibition and its preparation period as an early point of contact between Coubertin and representatives of the world peace movement. Simon was not connected to the World Exhibition not only through his involvement in the preparations for Coubertin’s physical education congress, but also by his involvement in the IPU, which he founded together with F. Passy. Passy, who had taken become the IPU chairman and was co-founder of the

Society of Peace Friends of Paris (cf. KLEBERGER 1988, 95), in turn organized together with the Englishman H. Pratt the aforementioned World Peace Congress of 1889. Pratt himself was inaugurator and chairman of the ‘International Peace and Arbitration Association’ founded in London. In addition, Pratt had founded

56 The members of the IPU were parliamentarians from various states (cf. KLEBERGER 1988, 73). The ‘interparliamentarian office’ brought about as agency of the IPU in Bern in 1892 refers to its claim of neutrality under international law (cf. QUANZ 1993, 198). COUBERTIN’S EARLY EDUCATION CAMPAIGN 45 peace societies in Stuttgart, Rome, Milan, Sweden, Norway, Denmark and Berlin

(cf. IBID., 53f.). Even though Coubertin, who in 1889 already had included a discussion of the Paris World Peace Congress in his essay “L’Education de la paix,” published in the journal La Réforme Sociale […], cannot be regarded as a representative of the emerging peace movement, his early personal ties to this movement cannot be overlooked (cf. QUANZ 1993, 197ff.). Similarly Coubertin’s intellectual affinity to the flourishing internationalism is evident. Coubertin’s use of the term “Exposition athlétique” at the Paris World Exhibition illustrates how he equates its objective of contributing to the “work of 57 peace and fraternalism” (CARNOT quoted according to BORGERS/QUANZ 1996, 83 ), to the realm of sport in which internationalism already was dimly recognizable. Coubertin explicitly expresses the relevance of sport to the World Exhibition in his speech, “L’ athlétisme – son rôle, son histoire,” addressing the Young Men’s Christian Association (YMCA) in Paris in 1891: “It is apparent that the telegraph, the train, the telephone, passionate scientific research, the congresses, the exhibitions have done more for peace than all treaties and diplomatic agreements. Furthermore I am hopeful that athleticism can also contribute a lot more. Let us launch them, let us export rowers, runners, fencers: they will be ambassadors of peace” (COUBERTIN quoted according to BORGERS/QUANZ 1996, 87). This quotation shows that in Coubertin’s eyes improved communications and international activities in science, technology, art, culture and sport offer meaningful possibilities for supporting the political work of the peace movement. In this context Coubertin’s particular target group is students who were to make contacts through international meetings (cf. COUBERTIN 1891(a), 204). Pratt’s speech given at the world peace conference in Rome in 1891 confirmed Coubertin views on the importance of international student meetings. Thus Quanz points out that Pratt proposed holding annual student meetings to promote peaceful internationalism. Literary, artistic and sport competitions held at these meetings would enable the students get to know each other (cf. QUANZ 1993, 201/206).

57 Quotation taken from the speech of the State President Carnot given at the opening of the World Exhibition of 1889 (cf. BORGERS/QUANZ 1996, 83). 46 COUBERTIN’S EARLY EDUCATION CAMPAIGN

Coubertin’s speech at the Sorbonne in 1892 proves that his early Olympic planning already included these ideas for developing peaceful internationalism. His Sorbonne speech was based on passages taken from his speech in 1891 to the French YMCA. He broadened his 1891 speech simply by adding the proposal to reintroduce the Olympic Games. Therefore his speech given in 1891 “can be regarded as the actual founding text of the Olympic Games” (IBID., 208). Quanz also sees important connections between the congress founding the Olympic Games and the world peace movement. In this context his starting point is the “often disparaged honorary members list of the 1st Olympic congress of

1894” (IBID., 192). Quanz does not regard the extraordinary collection of 58 members of European high aristocracy and international representatives of 59 politics, the intellectual elite and the known sport societies as just a mere function of “name dropping” (LUCAS quoted according to IBID., 195), or the function mentioned by Morbach of increasing the respectability of an international sport congress (cf. MORBACH 1998, 159), but also and especially as a conscious

“massive peace patronage” (QUANZ 1993, 203) for the stimulation and codification of international sport events. Quanz states in detail that not only the presidents of the world peace congress of 1889, 1890, 1891 and the secretaries of the congresses of 1894 and 1896 are listed as honorary members, but also the aforementioned founding members of the IPU together with representatives of the international peace bureau founded in 1892 in Bern. This bureau, that functioned as a supervisory administrative body connecting all national and international peace organizations, was the organizational authority of the world peace congresses as well as the executive organ for the decisions made during the congresses. The fact that one third of the listed honorary members belonged to the contemporary peace movement clearly shows Coubertin’s objective of establishing contacts with this movement (cf. IBID., 199/203).

58 The emphasis on high aristocracy is made in particular by putting their names at the top of the list in larger and bold print. 59 The list of honorary members printed in the appendix on p. 213 provides further data on the personnel constituting the congress. COUBERTIN’S EARLY EDUCATION CAMPAIGN 47

The American J. Hoberman, who referred to Quanz’s thesis as “pioneering work 60 on Olympic history” (HOBERMAN quoted according to IBID., 192) , also discusses the use of Olympic sport for promoting peaceful internationalism. In concert with Quanz and therefore in contrast to the method of analyzing the late nineteenth century via the phenomena of “nationalism” and “imperialism” (cf. IBID., 197), Hoberman’s research examines the emerging internationalism of the late nineteenth century and notes that the founding of the Olympic movement in 1894 coincides “with the sharply accelerated formation of a broad range of international organizations during the last decades of the nineteenth century”

(HOBERMAN 1995, 3). In 1863 the International Red Cross was founded, and in

1887 the Esperanto movement emerged (cf. IBID., 3/8). Whereas the Red Cross functioned as an international organization dealing with the aftermath of war and the treatment of prisoners of war, the ‘Esperanto movement’ created an auxiliary world language aimed at facilitating international communication (cf. ALKEMEYER 1996, 185). A. Fried, the Nobel peace prize winner of 1911 and a leader of the European peace movement before the First World War, mentions that a net of international organizations already existed in the second half of the nineteenth century and did not have to be created (cf. JOSEPHSON 1985, 303f.). In his work, Das internationale Leben der Gegenwart, Fried lists 244 international organizations founded between 1850 and 1907 (cf. FRIED 1908, IIIff.). In addition to scientific organizations (e.g. International Committee of Physiologists, 1904), women’s movement groups (e.g. International Women’s Council, 1880), humanitarian societies (e.g. Salvation Army, 1865), political associations (e.g. Interparliamentary Union for Arbitration, 1888), associations for promoting international traffic and trade (e.g. Permanent International Association of Navigation Congresses, 1885), Fried also mentions the IOC founded in 1894 (cf.

IBID., 6ff.). Fried sees the main reason for the development of internationalism as an adaptation to environmental changes resulting from technology: “The mighty

60 MacAloon similarly assesses the Quanz’s research, which in the American’s opinion point out new paths in Coubertin research (cf. QUANZ 1993, 192). 48 COUBERTIN’S EARLY EDUCATION CAMPAIGN development of technology with its direct consequences for the changes in traffic and trade is the material basis for modern internationalism. This modern internationalism is no more than the adaptation of life activities to newly developed living conditions due to technical changes” (IBID., 14). With this information on the close connections between the modern Olympic project and the flourishing of peaceful internationalism in the late nineteenth century, only one more clue is required to conclusively establish that Coubertin wanted to make a specific contribution to international understanding by reintroducing the Olympic Games. In agreement with basic views of the peace movement, Coubertin argues that “properly understood . . . , peaceful . . . internationalism” (COUBERTIN 1967, 10) can correct narrow-minded nationalism, but the differences and uniqueness of each nation would still be acknowledged in order to distinguish it from the contemporary superficial cosmopolitanism which society’s elite cultivated on an academic, artistic, economic, and political level in the late nineteenth century (cf. COUBERTIN 1898(a), 429ff.). In contrast to this

“mix of uniformity” (QUANZ 1993, 202) or “mix of states” (FRIED quoted according to IBID., 203) “properly understood . . . , peaceful . . . internationalism” (COUBERTIN

1967, 10) “practically demands a national factor” (FRIED quoted according to

QUANZ 1993, 202), whose own character is to be preserved by the international comparison with other nations. Coubertin regards getting to know one another, for which peaceful competition provides an ideal basis, as an indispensable requirement for this interplay of nationalism and internationalism: “. . . they were in contact with the actual soul of the opponent nation, embodied in this generation that draws the secret wishes and complex passions from it. They feel it vibrate, this soul, linked to their own, in the excitement of a beautiful and good, a heated and loyal fight. The world has not yet found a better way for young men to get to know and respect one another” (COUBERTIN quoted according to NIGMANN 1996, 70). Fried also highly values sport competitions between nations as a desirable, humane alternative to armed conflict. In this context Fried in his writings published at the beginning of the twentieth century repeatedly pays tribute to COUBERTIN’S EARLY EDUCATION CAMPAIGN 49 modern Olympic Games as a medium for international understanding (cf. QUANZ 1993, 201). Therefore the modern Olympic Games were planned as a “possibility of international contact” (LENK 1972, 120), with the chance of representing one’s own nation with dignity in sport competitions as well as getting to know the characteristics of other nations. This process of athletes and spectators meeting each other was supposed to lead to a reduction of hate, distrust and prejudices towards other nations and thereby curb the impetus encouraging armed conflict

(cf. IBID., 120/284). Coubertin was realistic enough to recognize that wars could not be prevented in this way (cf. COUBERTIN 1967, 154), but could be weakened in their “barbaric and merciless” character (cf. Coubertin 1967, 10). Feeding on this optimism Coubertin comes back to the importance of personal meetings in his 1915 work Le Respect Mutuel, published as the third volume of the trilogy L’ Éducation des Adolescents au XXe Siècle (cf. COUBERTIN 1988(a), 25). In this publication Coubertin differentiates between the principle of mutual respect and the principles of tolerance and faith. In Coubertin’s view, faith demands too much of humanity and he regards the principle of tolerance merely as a form of indifference lacking the act of getting to know each other as a requirement. According to Coubertin the principle of mutual respect, however, can be accomplished by humanity and in contrast to tolerance does require 61 getting to know each other (cf. IBID., 13f.) . However, to realize peaceful forms of encounter and meeting required the creation of binding international competition rules as well as the existence of a superior, state-neutral authority. The hope was that way would prevent arbitrary individual interests from emerging. According to Quanz the IOC founded in 1894 with its massive patronage by peace advocates constitutes such an international arbitration board which is responsible for establishing and maintaining peaceful

61 Gruppe, who sets the Olympic peace idea next to the basic principles of human self-perfection, the unity of body and soul, the fair play idea and the amateur code, also refers to Coubertin’s principle of mutual respect in his treatment of the Olympic peace idea: “This peace idea is not in contrast to the principle of sport performance and competition. Sport and especially international sport meetings and among these particularly the Olympic Games are to be a part of the efforts for active peace, international understanding and contact of people with different skin color, ideology, religion and mutual respect” (GRUPE 1999, 25). 50 COUBERTIN’S EARLY EDUCATION CAMPAIGN competition between representatives of different nations. The international court in The Hague founded in 1901 constitutes, on the highest political level, such a supranational tribunal meant to achieve a peaceful settlement of international tension by establishing international law (cf. QUANZ 1993, 202). Coubertin’s proximity to contemporary internationalism appears to be of little interest to the type of research that considers Coubertin the “inventor of the 62 peaceful sports idea” (HÖFER 1994, 44) . More important for this approach than the connection of the Olympic peace idea to internationalism is the fact that Coubertin cites the principle of the ancient Olympic truce called Ekecheiria in support of his wish to create a peaceful form of competition capable of inducing at least a temporary cessation of warlike activities. The impeccable reputation of antiquity was meant to provide his idea of contributing to international understanding with the Olympic Games, with the necessary public respectability. In this context it is alleged that Coubertin did employ a certain amount of tactical calculus because he knew very well that in ancient Greece wars were not interrupted for the Olympic Games (cf. HÖFER 1994, 43ff.). The Ekecheiria was not a complete truce. The Olympic truce, which merely applied to the period of the individual (sport) celebration, stated that the territory of the polis holding the event was protected from hostile attack. Moreover the Olympic truce was to guarantee the safety of the athletes, spectators and officials during their journey 63 to and from the location of festivities (cf. DECKER 1995, 117) .

62 Quanz also notes that A. Krüger refers only superficially to Coubertin’s proximity to the international peace movement in his essay “Neo-Olympism between Nationalism and Internationalism” (QUANZ 1993, 193). 63 Clues to Coubertin’s faulty reception of antiquity is a favored measure among sport historians and officials for taking the edge of the discussion on modification elements in Olympic sports. Thus the renunciation of amateurism at the 11th Olympic Congress in Baden-Baden in 1981 was argumentatively supported by the results of sport history that Coubertin’s praised noble agonistics of ancient Greek times was a misinterpretation. The tiresome discussion that Olympic sports would die (BRUNDAGE quoted according to LENK 1972, 204), if amateurism were given up as “nucleus of the Olympic idea” (DIEM quoted according to NOC 1949, 20), was defused by references striving for competition prizes characteristic of ancient agonistics. The propagated ancient amateur ideal is disparaged as a “pious lie” (LÄMMER 1981, 47), since even the death games in honor of Patroklos killed in the Trojan war included valuable prizes for winners and losers and the athletes successful at the Panhellenic Games also received valuable material and money prizes in their native towns (cf. IBID., 15/42). COUBERTIN’S EARLY EDUCATION CAMPAIGN 51

2.1.2 The national fixation thesis

The “national fixation thesis” (QUANZ 1993, 192) interprets Coubertin’s goal of developing an internationalisation of sport primarily as a way of legitimizing his objective of persuading the French public to abandon their reservations regarding the inclusion of sport in education. A worldwide competition whose continuity was to be guaranteed by Olympic games carried out every four years was meant to have served Coubertin in disposing of the inferiority of sport education in 64 France (cf. YOUNG 1996, 68ff.) . This becomes very apparent with Young since he establishes a connection between Coubertin and the Englishman W.P. Brookes. Young even claims that Brookes was the contact for Coubertin, “that . . . would affect his life far more than his professed idolatry of Tom Brown or Thomas Arnold” (IBID., 74). The connection between Brookes and Coubertin was supposedly based on their common interest in physical education (cf. IBID., 70). Brookes, a country doctor 65 who practiced in Much Wenlock near Birmingham (cf. RÜHL 1997, 63) , mainly defines the value of physical education by its ability to build physical power, which he interprets as an instrument for developing the adolescent’s defensive abilities. Young establishes this referring to excerpts from Brookes’ lecture “Address on Physical Education,” delivered in 1866 at the Crystal Palace in 66 London . Brookes expresses not only his liking for Jahn’s gymnastics but also clearly describes the French youths’ lack of fighting abilities, which he blames on their unsatisfactory physical condition:

After him Frederick Jahn introduced gymnastic schools into Prussia, but these . . . were at last surpressed. But when debility and disease, mental as well as bodily, began to increase, the ban against physical education was relaxed . . . and from

64 In the main text only Young’s statements are referred to. The thesis that Coubertin wanted to mainly promote national sport development by reintroducing the Olympic Games is also supported by e.g. Höfer 1994, 303. 65 Rühl describes Brookes as being very committed in the field of social services. Brookes tried to improve the situation for the rural population in his native town and also ensured that Much Wenlock received electricity and a railroad connection (cf. RÜHL 1997, 63f.). 66 The occasion for this speech was the first National Olympian Games being held in London (cf. YOUNG 1996, 70). 52 COUBERTIN’S EARLY EDUCATION CAMPAIGN

that period until the present, physical exercises have been encouraged and supported throughout the length and breadth of Prussia . . . Again, if we turn to our neighbours the French for information on this subject, we find that out of 1,000 youths registered in 1863, as the contingent to be furnished by certain cantons for the conscription, 731 were rejected . . . as physically unfit to bear arms, a degeneracy which a writer of the Siècle attributed to two causes, viz, excessive labour in the manufacturing districts, and the want of physical training in the public schools . . .” (BROOKES quoted according to YOUNG 1996, 71).

Based on the assumption that Coubertin felt greatly humiliated by France’s defeat, Coubertin supposedly started his athletic education campaign after having discovered from Brookes’ speech in 1866 that the cause for the shameful defeat against the German Reich was to be found alone in the unsatisfactory physical condition of French youths and soldiers. According to Young, Brookes provides Coubertin with the idea of a national education campaign and is therefore also more important with his influence than Arnold or Tom Brown. Young lastly even attributes Coubertin’s idea of founding the USFSA to Brookes’ influence. Furthermore Young claims that the Much Wenlock Olympic Games initiated by Brookes were the main impetus for Coubertin’s plan of reintroducing the Olympic 67 games at international level (cf. IBID., 68ff.) . Brookes, in order to promote the physical and character development founded the Wenlock Olympian Class, which organized events at local level from 1850- 1860. At these events sport, intellectual, craft skills and artistic competitions took place (cf. RÜHL 1997, 265f.). Since the Olympian Class was only one of three 68 “sub-classes” (MORBACH 1998, 174) of the Wenlock Agricultural Reading Society (WARS), it formed an own society in 1860, the Wenlock Olympian Society, with which Brookes organised thirty-four other sport events at local level up until 1895. At the same time the Shropshire Olympian Society, founded in Much Wenlock, organised the Shropshire Olympian Games at regional level four times

67 In this, Young is among the group of sport historians that occupied themselves with the nominal forerunners of the Olympic Games and tried to diminish the originality of Coubertin’s Olympic idea. All of Coubertin’s efforts to reintroduce the Olympic Games or adorn sport festivities with the attribute Olympic were at national level. Apart from Young, Redmond 1988, 71ff.; Lennartz 1974 and Decker/Dolianitis/Lennartz 1996 offer an overview of the nominal forerunners of modern Olympic Games. 68 Apart form this Olympian Class, there was also the Natural History Class and the Wenlock School of Arts (cf. MORBACH 1998, 174). COUBERTIN’S EARLY EDUCATION CAMPAIGN 53 up until 1864 (cf. RÜHL 1991, 204). In 1865 Brookes even became involveded at the international level by founding the National Olympian Association (NOA) in 69 cooperation with the organisers of the Liverpool Grand Olympic Festivals (cf.

RÜHL 1997, 58f.) begun in 1862. From 1866 to 1883 this association organised the “Olympic games” at national level six times at the London Crystal Palace (1866), Birmingham (1867), Wellington (1868), Much Wenlock (1874),

Shrewsbury (1877) and Hadley (1883) (cf. RÜHL 1991, 204/cf. MORBACH 1998, 175). However Brookes annual Much Wenlock Meetings only received noticeable Olympic characteristics when he took note of a further nominal precursor of modern Olympic games. An article published in Eddowes´s Shrewsbury Journal in 1858 reported on the planned reintroduction of Olympic games for 1859 in the ancient stadium of Athens which became known in sport history as Zappa’s 70 Games . Brookes immediately contacted Wyse, the English ambassador in Athens, sent him a program of his Much Wenlock Games held 1858 and soon after also donated the Wenlock Prize worth ten English pounds for the winner of 71 tilting at the ring (cf. YOUNG 1996, 19) . Brookes implemented his written announcement, which was sent to various addresses in Greece and proposed holding sport competitions in England according to the ancient model, by naming his annual meetings Olympian Games and the sport or festivity field Olympian Field, as well as by organising parades, flags, prizes with Greek inscriptions and including javelin and pentathlon in the program of the athletic competition (cf.

RÜHL 1997, 66f.). Young interprets all this as a direct genesis of the modern

69 The Liverpool Athletic Club organized a Grand Olympic Festival in 1862 that was held annually until 1867 and whose program and popularity is illustrated by the large number of spectators as well as the comments in the Liverpool newspapers that praised this event as “a magnificent and truly Olympic Festival” (DAILY POST quoted according to RÜHL 1997, 59). 70 The Greek Zappas, fuelled by strong patriotism and considerable private financial investments, organized the Greek Olympics that were held irregularly in 1859, 1870, 1875, 1888/89 (cf. DECKER 1996, 41ff./cf. YOUNG 1996, 13ff./42ff.). Decker and Kivroglou see the inclusion of gymnastic and athletic programs in the national industrial exhibition as a coincidental but also remarkable parallel to the modern Olympic Games that in their early years were also linked to a World Exhibition three times (cf. DECKER/KIVROGLOU 1991, 200). 71 Since tilting at the ring was not part of the program at the Olympics in Athens the donated prize was awarded to the winner of the “Seven Stadium Run” (cf. RÜHL 1997, 66). 54 COUBERTIN’S EARLY EDUCATION CAMPAIGN

Olympic Games: “The 1859 Athen Olympics . . . profoundly changed Brookes’s own Olympic activity, impelling him into an Olympic vision that would affect the world” (YOUNG 1996, 23). Coubertin and Brookes’ common interest in physical education and lively correspondence led to such close contact that Coubertin on an invitation from Brookes visited the Much Wenlock Olympian Games in1890, which were being held for the fortieth time (cf. MACALOON 1984, 147). Young sees the consequences of this visit in the fact that Coubertin in his article “Les Jeux Olympiques à Much Wenlock – Une page de L´Histoire de l’athlétisme,” published in 1890, credits Brookes rather than the Greeks for reviving the ancient Olympic games (cf.

COUBERTIN 1890(a), 705), and that in his essay “A Typical Englishman: Dr. W.P. Brookes of Wenlock in Shropshire,” in 1897, he regards Brookes as someone whose ideas influenced the modern Olympic Games (cf. COUBERTIN 1897(d), 62). He deduces that the sport program Coubertin witnessed in Much Wenlock, the 72 festive ceremonies, Brookes’ reports on the Athens Olympians and the National Olympic Games infected Coubertin with the idea of Olympic Games and their value in implementing his national education campaign. This thesis is reenforced by pointing out that Brookes even informed his French guest on his intention of holding international Olympic games in Athens (cf. YOUNG 1996, 70ff.). Although Brookes’ 1880 plan to conduct this sport event initially received interest in Greece, insufficient support on the Greek side hindered its implementation (cf.

RÜHL 1997, 68); only sixteen years later this plan was realized due to Coubertin’s unremitting commitment.

3. Summary

The starting point, in contemporary research, for the analysis of Coubertin’s early national and international education campaigns is the description of Coubertin’s

72 Morbach suggests that in 1888 Vikélas informed the French public about the Athens’ Olympics with an article written in French and published in the journal Revue des Ètudes Grecques (cf. MORBACH 1998, 172). It is probable that Coubertin was also informed of the Zappas Games by this article. COUBERTIN’S EARLY EDUCATION CAMPAIGN 55 development as a progressive thinker. The beginning of his studies in 1884 at the ‘ecole libre des sciences politiques’, the educational haven of future republicans, strongly encouraged his reformist attitude and the separation from his royalist- conservative sphere of influence. The emphasis on Coubertin’s assessment of his school days at the austere Catholic Jesuit College of Saint Ignace and his studies at the Faculté de droit lastly serves to establish the backwardness of the French education system and thus explain Coubertin’s conclusion that only a comprehensive reform of schools and universities could combat the domestic and foreign political problems of the Third Republic. In assessing Coubertin’s reform plans current research restricts itself to Coubertin’s views concerning private English boarding schools and elite universities. Coubertin in England learned about a school and university life in which the daily routine, in contrast to French institutions, was eased by extra- curricular events organised and performed by the pupils and students themselves. Coubertin regards the freedom granted to pupils and students to organize themselves in clubs as an educational component of English learning and teaching institutions designed to raise citizens’ awareness of their rights, duties and obligations (cf. COUBERTIN 1972, 143f.). Of all extra-curricular events Coubertin considers the sport associations favored by himself and and a small number of French supporters as being the most effective. In current research English public schools and elite universities are described as the main source of inspiration for Coubertin’s national reform efforts. The question of whether Coubertin’s trips to the United States also encouraged him in his national education campaign receives insufficient attention. Coubertin’s marginal comments in the Sport Campaign and Olympic Memories on his study trips through the United States also appear to legitimize this neglect as does the characterization of him as a thorough Anglophile whose model is the English sporting gentleman (LUCAS 1976, 27). The focus on Coubertin’s English orientation is continued in current research by the explanation that Coubertin’s French mentors supported his efforts to introduce sport education in France. These mentors apparently also aligned themselves solely with the 56 COUBERTIN’S EARLY EDUCATION CAMPAIGN progressiveness of the English education system and encouraged Coubertin to study this phenomenon. While there is agreement in current research regarding Coubertin’s early national reform efforts, opinions differ in regard to Coubertin’s international education campaign. There is controversy in contemporary research over whether the reintroduction of modern Olympic games was only a way for Coubertin to support his national education campaign, or whether the idea of holding an international sport event every four years at different locations demonstrates Coubertin’s affinity to peaceful internationalism emerging in the late nineteenth century. This controversy disregards an evaluation of Coubertin’s studies of the United States. COUBERTIN’S INTEREST IN THE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY AND SPORTS SCENE 57

Chapter II:

Coubertin’s interest in the American university and sport scene

1. Coubertin’s introduction to the reformed American university system

1.1 Initial impulses

The origin of Coubertin’s earliest interest in the United States probably came from his studies at the École libre des sciences politiques, whose head and language assistant Boutmy had intensely studied American constitutional history, which, in his study Etudes de droit constitutionnelle, he compares to the constitutional 1 history of England and France . The significance of this comparative study is evident by the fact that only three years after its first publication in 1885 a second edition was produced. Coubertin himself made a comparative analysis of the American and French constitutions at the École libre des sciences politiques and in the academic year of 1885/86 produced the essays “Les constitutions de l’

Amérique et les États Unis” and “Les constitutions françaises” (cf. MACALOON 1984, 57). Encouraged by the interest of the École libre des sciences politiques in the New World, Coubertin chose the topic “La philosophie de l’ histoire des États

Unis” for his closing lecture at the academy in 1898 (cf. COUBERTIN 1898(b), 708ff.). As previously noted, Simon supported Coubertin’s attempt to introduce an Anglo-Saxon influenced education system. But, Simon also inspired Coubertin’s study trips to the United States. Of course this idea can be regarded as speculation since Coubertin made no explicit statement referring to such an influence. The following associations, however, seem to considerably limit the extent of speculation.

1 The fact that Boutmy was called into the Comité pour la propagation des exercises physiques dans l’ éducation in 1888 by Coubertin (cf. Callebat 1988, 255), illustrates Coubertin’s respect for the director of the ‘ecole libres des sciences politiques’. 58 COUBERTIN’S INTEREST IN THE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY AND SPORTS SCENE

Directly after Simon’s death in 1896 Coubertin wrote a biographical essay about Simon for the American magazine The Reviews of Reviews. In this essay Coubertin’s deep admiration for the political and educational views of his mentor become apparent. Coubertin informs the American readers of Simon‘s contributions to the development of the conservative-republican form of government and of his political activity as Education Minister (1871-1873) and Minister President (1876-1877) in the first years of the Republic. In addition to pointing out Simon’s support of the secularism, Coubertin also emphasizes Simon’s zeal for educational reform. Coubertin states that Simon did his utmost to expand the school curriculum by including geography and foreign languages. Coubertin’s eulogy of Simon includes comments on Simon’s efforts to promote sport education as well as his role as chairman of the Comité pour la propagation des exercises physiques dans l’éducation (cf. COUBERTIN 1896(a), 451ff.). In the article “Royalists and Republicans,” published in the American magazine The Century Magazine in 1897, Coubertin notes that he shared his mentor’s views on education reform as well as his republican convictions, which Coubertin adapted as his own political guideline: “I stood under the windows of that great and much-loved philosopher . . . . Had Jules Simon been alive I should once again have climbed his five stairs to hear what the experience of his old age, which had remained so youthful, might have to say on these problems of our time”

(COUBERTIN 1897(b), 653). Coubertin also describes Simon’s interest in the American republic. He writes that Simon himself did not risk a study trip to the United States because his advanced age prevented his carrying out comprehensive and strenuous scientific studies (cf. IBID., 653): “The rapid growth of the United States, their new conceptions of government and society, were matters to him of perpetual wonder and reflection. Jules Simon likewise turned his eyes frequently, in surprise and admiration, toward the New World. In his Youth, . . . no one, Toucqueville notwithstanding, had foreseen the great intellectual and moral impetus which has transformed the United States (IBID., 654). COUBERTIN’S INTEREST IN THE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY AND SPORTS SCENE 59

There is no question that Simon would have liked to go on a study trip to America since his name was known in academic circles there. Coubertin gave Simon a book with a dedication by and on behalf of the former president of 2 Princeton University, James McCosh . Given Coubertin’s remark that he always had to provide his mentor with a detailed report on Princeton and other American universities (cf. IBID., 654), the thesis that Simon encouraged Coubertin to go on his study trips to the United States can hardly be considered speculation. A clear indication of Coubertin’s early interest in the educational and political thinking of the ‘New World’ also can be found in his report on the Catholic University of Washington, D.C. published in 1888 in the La Réforme sociale, the official journal of the societies Société d’économie sociale and Unions de la paix sociale (cf. MACALOON 1984, 83). In the article “L’ université catholique américaine,” published in October 1888, Coubertin describes the festivities (cf.

COUBERTIN 1888(b), 349ff.) of the university’s groundbreaking ceremony on May 3 24, 1888 (cf. ELLIS 1946, 406) . The important aspect of this article is not so much Coubertin’s remarks on the framework of the festivities, but rather his admiration for the tolerance of the Catholic Church towards the laical policy of the 4 republican state . Thus Coubertin points out that in addition to numerous bishops, United States President G. Cleveland and some of his ministers attended the festivities and that a founding record was set in the foundations including religious writings as well as a copy of the United States constitution and a picture 5 of the American President (cf. COUBERTIN 1888(b), 349ff.) . The bishop Spalding, in his speech marking the start of university construction work, confirms that

2 In 1896 Sloane published the book The Life of James McCosh (cf. Lucas 1991, 242). 3 Since Coubertin does not mention the date in his article it can only be deduced by secondary literature on the Catholic University of America. It is almost certain that Coubertin’s article was not referring to the celebrations of the May 24, 1888, because his descriptions do not concur with those of Ellis formulated in the book The Formative Years of the Catholic University of America (cf. Ellis 1946, 15ff.). 4 The ten amendments of the US constitution from 1788 are in particular an expression of this laical policy (cf. Heideking/Nünning 1998, 25). According to the first amendment, the U.S. must neither promote nor inhibit any religion (cf. Willers 1965, 146). 5 Coubertin strongly admired the peaceful coexistence of the American republic and Catholic church and eventually made it a model for the French republic suffering under the struggle between church and state. This is discussed again in this chapter under point 1.3. 60 COUBERTIN’S INTEREST IN THE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY AND SPORTS SCENE

American Catholics did not oppose the republic due to its laical policy: “. . . , America has shown that the state and the church can move in separate orbits and still co-operate for the common welfare” (SPALDING quoted according to ELLIS 1946, 288). Whereas Coubertin had written his report on the Catholic University of America on the basis of press reports of the festivities in Washington (cf. MACALOON 1984, 313), his study trips to the United States in later years enabled him to base his research and evaluation of the American university system on his own observations.

1.2 The reform of American university system in the late nineteenth century

Coubertin‘s visits to the United States took place in the last reform phase of US institutions of higher education. Since the end of the American Civil War (1860- 1864) a circle of academics tried putting through reforms whose implementation had continuously been attempted in the decades before the civil war. The reforms aimed at modernizing the university system by extending the curriculum, introducing freedom of learning for students and offering graduate degrees beyond the four-year bachelor degree (cf. BRUBACHER/RUDY 1997, 143ff.). Advocates of university reform included A.D. White at the University of Cornell, Charles W. Eliot at the University of Harvard and D.C. Gilman at the Johns

Hopkins-University (cf. IBID., 178). As the following quotation indicates, other university presidents and institute directors also carried out reforms at their universities: However, since specialized literature on the history of the American 6 university system focuses on White, Gilman and Eliot (cf. LUCAS 1994, 139 ff.) , and because Coubertin, following his United States trips, cultivated contacts with those three, this study will concentrate on this small circle of reformers: “. . . however, the postwar years bred new institutions and leaders: Andrew D. White of Cornell, John Howard Raymond of Vassar, William Bartram Rogers of M.I.T., Daniel Coit Gilman of Hopkins. These men and Eliot and Angell seized the

6 See also Rogers 1942, 2ff.; Rudolph 1962, 241ff.; Brubacher/Rudy 1997, 143ff. COUBERTIN’S INTEREST IN THE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY AND SPORTS SCENE 61 initiative in American higher education after the war in the way that John D. Rockefeller seized it in oil, Andrew D. Carnegie in steel, Washington Duke in 7 tobacco” (RUDOLPH 1962, 244f.) . The reformers’ starting point was the antiquated curriculum with its focus on the classical languages, mathematics, ancient history, metaphysics and rhetoric. Whereas these subjects were granted many hours in the curriculum, expert knowledge was almost completely dispensed with (cf. Lucas 1994, 168). Adaptation to the altered working and living habits as well as consideration of the differentiation process of the different sciences was expected of modern college education, which, in the words of the Harvard president Eliot, was not meant to prepare for the seventeenth century anymore but rather for the twentieth century

(cf. LUCAS 1994, 165ff.). Accordingly the inclusion of chemistry, biology, physics, geology, astronomy, French, German, Spanish and modern history in the college curriculum was advocated (cf. BUTTS 1939, 159ff.). It was not the aim of the reformers to take the traditional subjects out of the curriculum, but rather to add equal subjects to these: “The endless controversies whether languages, philosophy, mathematics, or science supplies the best mental training, whether general education should be chiefly literary or chiefly scientific, have no practical lesson for us today. This university recognizes no real antagonism between literature and science, and consents to no such narrow alternatives as mathematics or classics, science or metaphysics. We should have them all, and at their best” (ELIOT 1909, 1). The reformers combined their call for curriculum expansion with idea that the students did not have to confront the totality of a heavily differentiated subject canon. Students were to be given the possibility of freely choosing their courses depending on their interests (cf. LUCAS 1994, 167). It was hoped that aligning the curriculum to individual study interests would enhance academic performance. According to the reformers, improved academic performance could not be

7 Apart from G. Stanley Hall, who started his presidency at Clark University, in Massachusetts in 1888, W. R. Harper of the University of Chicago, J. H. Kirkland of Vanderbilt University and bishop J. J. Keane of the Catholic University of America can be mentioned (cf. Brubacher/Rudy 1997, 182ff.). 62 COUBERTIN’S INTEREST IN THE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY AND SPORTS SCENE achieved by a comprehensively binding curriculum for all students: “The elective system fosters scholarship, because it gives free play to natural preferences and inborn aptitudes, makes possible enthusiasm for chosen work, relieves the professor and the ardent disciple of the presence of a body of students who are compelled to an unwelcome task . . . .” (ELIOT 1909, 14).

The demands for extending the curriculum and freedom of learning were not new, but can rather be traced back at least as far as the formal opening of the University of Virginia. With the opening of the University of Virginia in Charlottesville, in 1825, Thomas Jefferson inaugurated an education institution

(cf. PANGLE/PANGLE 1993, 160) that differed considerably from existing colleges 8 and universities (cf. BRUBACHER/RUDY 1997, 146ff.) . In 1779 Jefferson proposed to the state legislature that the state use William and Mary College as the nucleus of the University of Virginia. Because the administrators of the college objected to this plan, Jefferson decided to build the university near Charlottesville. After serving as President of the United States (1801-1809), he energetically pursued the realization of this idea. In 1819 he received planning permission for his project from the Virginia legislature (cf. BRUCE 1920, 45ff.). The reformist aspect of the University of Virginia lay in abandoning the obligatory curriculum of only the classic languages, mathematics, ancient history, metaphysics and rhetoric. Jefferson offered the students the possibility of choosing their subjects. Depending on their interests the students were able to enroll at the School of Ancient Languages (Latin, Greek, Hebrew, ancient history and geography), the School of Modern Languages (French, Italian, German and Spanish), the School of Mathematics (algebra, geometry and architecture), the School of Natural Philosophy (mechanics, statistics, pneumatics, acoustics and optics), the School of Natural History (mineralogy, zoology, botany und geology), the School of Anatomy and Medicine (surgery, physiology, pathology and

8 The terms “college” and “university” were at this time used synonymously. If an institution of higher education claimed to be a university, it did not automatically mean that this institution offered the possibility of acquiring academic degrees higher than the bachelor awarded to students after four years of study. That the level of a college could be higher than that of a university can be illustrated by unsuccessful definition attempts that considered it sufficient to consider the size of the campus or library as main defining characteristics of a university (cf. Vesey 1965, 11). COUBERTIN’S INTEREST IN THE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY AND SPORTS SCENE 63 pharmaceutics), the School of Moral Philosophy (grammar and ethics) or at the 9 School of Law (civil, criminal, federal, national and commercial law) . Within these schools, however, specific courses were required in order to guarantee sound education in the individual field of study. Only students that did not aim for a degree were allowed to take courses at different faculties (cf. BRUCE 1920, 321ff.). Jefferson’s reforms were realized only with great difficulty because adequate 10 teaching personnel , teaching materials and a developed school system were missing. Still, many other institutions of higher education tried to adopt Jefferson’s reforms. Numerous institutions of higher education in the Southern States (e.g. the University of Nashville, the University of North Carolina and the Transylvania University) copied Jefferson’s model of the University of Virginia (cf.

BRUBACHER/RUDY 1997, 152f.). Whereas Jefferson introduced the elective system directly with founding the University of Virginia, simultaneous reform efforts at other already established education institutions proceeded more sluggishly because changes required the 11 upheaval of the already existing traditional curriculum. Thus G. Ticknor at Harvard tried to persuade the college administration of the urgency of introducing freedom of learning and the extension of the curriculum. Ticknor believed that it was more effective to give the students deeper insight into freely chosen special fields than to teach the students superficially in numerous dictated courses. 12 Ticknor considered an extension of the curriculum necessary in order to better prepare the students for the conditions of modern life, and to make Harvard more

9 Apart from the terms college and university the word school is also used in the United States for an institution of higher education. Often the faculty of a university is called a school. 10 After unsuccessful attempts to employ highly qualified U.S. university lecturers at the various faculties of the University of Virginia, Jefferson tried to employ European professors. Like his efforts to transfer the entire teaching staff of the University of Geneva to Charlottesville these efforts also bore little success (cf. Trent 1889, 16ff.). 11 There was a constant exchange between Jefferson and Ticknor on the progress of reforms. The fact that Ticknor rejected Jefferson’s offer of teaching at the University of Virginia several times shows Ticknor’s commitment in reforming the curriculum at Harvard (cf. Brubacher/Rudy 1997, 102). 12 The extension of the curriculum was aimed at these courses that were already presented at the discussion of the curriculum at the University of Virginia. 64 COUBERTIN’S INTEREST IN THE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY AND SPORTS SCENE competitive with other technical, medical or agricultural colleges that were beginning to attract more and more students. In 1824 a committee was formed to examine Ticknor’s reform proposals. In 1825 it eventually agreed to a partial freedom of learning and extension of the curriculum (cf. BUTTS 1939, 102ff.). The conference report of 1825, commenting on the extension of the curriculum, stated: “With the view of meeting the demands of our country for scientific knowledge in the mechanical and useful arts, the committee proposed [.] to pursue some particular studies to qualify them for scientific and mechanical employments, and the active business of life” (STORY’s REPORT quoted according to

BUTTS 1939, 104). Ticknor’s reform ideas were inspired by his studies at the University of Göttingen from 1815 to 1817. Together with the Harvard student G. Bancroft and the Harvard lecturer J.G. Cogswell, Ticknor belonged to first generation of academics to enroll at a German university. While Ticknor pursued his literary studies, Bancroft devoted himself to history and classic philology. After Bancroft finished his studies in Göttingen, he moved to the University of Berlin to study pedagogics under F. Schleiermacher. Cogswell studied theory of art, history, mineralogy, library science and pedagogics in Göttingen (cf. BENNET 1970, 35). After returning to Harvard, the three academics concerned themselves with the development and implementation of reforms. Only Ticknor endured and obtained the university leaderships’ first consent to implementing reforms. In contrast, Bancroft and Cogswell withdrew disappointedly in view of the apparent rigid stance of the reform opponents of Harvard and in 1823 founded their own school in Northhampton, Massachusetts, modeled on the Prussian grammar 13 school (cf. BUTTS 1939, 109) . Following the examples of Harvard University and the University of Virginia, other colleges attempted to carry out similar reforms. The fact that efforts to create a more flexible curriculum by introducing new subjects such as modern languages, chemistry, politics or architecture often failed after a short trial period

13 The school already had to be closed in 1834. In its eleven-year-old history the school was visited by merely 300 pupils most of whom were from the South since school institutions were lacking there (cf. Bennett 1970, 35ff.). COUBERTIN’S INTEREST IN THE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY AND SPORTS SCENE 65

(e.g. at Amherst College), was due not so much to an additional financial burden as to influential reform opponents (cf. FUESS 1935, 99ff.). The ‘Yale Report’ of 1828 can be regarded as a clarion document of reform opponents. This document, published in the magazine American Journal of Science and Arts in 1829, advanced a popular defense of traditional college education. The Yale Report emerged from notes of a college conference of 1827 summoned by the president of Yale College, J. Day. In the conference protocol Ticknor’s criticism of classical college education is characterized as unjustified. Since a college was to serve general education and not produce “sappers or miners – apothecaries – doctors or farmers” (THORNWELL quoted according to

RUDOLPH 1962, 135), the conference members voted against the introduction of freedom of learning and left things as they were with a compulsory traditional curriculum. The students were merely granted an optional extension of the subjects through courses in chemistry, mineralogy, geology and political science

(cf. BUTTS 1939, 120ff.). Although publication of the ‘Yale Report’ clearly demonstrated Yale’s unwillingness to reform and extend the college curriculum, the college did found the Scientific Sheffield School in 1847, modeled on the Lawrence Scientific School founded only a few months earlier at Harvard (cf. BRUBACHER/RUDY 1997, 61). The low prestige of these scientific schools before the American Civil War is revealed by the fact that at Yale technical and scientific students were prohibited from 14 sitting next to traditional curriculum students in church (cf. ROGERS 1942, 97f.) . But in spite of the enormous influence of the Yale Report, reform efforts emerged constantly. H.P. Tappan was among those who made further attempts to modernize American institutions of higher education. After being appointed president of the University of Michigan in 1851, he tried to implement the examples gathered during his studies in Germany.

14 Modelled on Harvard and Yale, the Chandler Scientific School was founded in 1852 at Dartmouth and in 1855 the Scientific Department was founded at the University of Pennsylvania. These scientific schools gained popularity by the foundation of the world-famous Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT) in 1865. Apart from technical and scientific courses the MIT also offered courses promoting general knowledge accessible to students and the public (cf. Brubacher/Rudy 1997, 61). 66 COUBERTIN’S INTEREST IN THE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY AND SPORTS SCENE

Like his predecessors, Tappan was enthusiastic about the concept of German university education, which, in his 1851 book University Education, he called “the most perfect educational system in the world” (TAPPAN 1851, 291f.). Being one of the most persuasive reformers of American higher education, Tappan started by trying “to prussianize the University of Michigan” (BUTTS 1939, 150), by establishing numerous new courses in natural science and the arts equal to the 15 traditional college courses and simultaneously avoiding the danger of introducing too many emerging subjects: “. . . we shall also be under no temptation of pressing the student with overmuch study and thus inducing superficial scholarship. The university will then be ever before him with its ample preparations, inviting him to a ripened scholarship in whatever department he may select” (TAPPAN quoted according to BUTTS 1939, 151). Tappan’s reforms, however, appeared too comprehensive for the still very conservative university administration that did not want the University of Michigan to be modeled on the University of Berlin. After thirteen years as president, Tappan was called upon, in 1863, to resign (cf. MCCLELLAN 1954, 68ff.). But, in spite of this repeated failure of reform in American higher education, the elimination of the traditional form of studying seemed to be only a matter of time: “The prewar reformers left a great deal of unfinished business, but they set the agenda for change. Their experience taught what problems must be solved, their thinking established many of the terms within which others could seek their solutions, and their zeal and imagination quickened the will to complete what they started” (CURTI 1953, 13). Growth and modernization following the American Civil War gave impetus to the gradual implementation of pioneering reforms calling for extending the curriculum and freedom of choice. The public also increasingly demanded reforms in order to gain the competencies required for employment in the modern world (cf.

BRUBACHER/RUDY 1997, 288).

15 The courses at the University of Michigan comprised the subjects German, French, English, Greek, Latin, philosophy, history, astronomy, chemistry, zoology, botany and geology (cf. Butts 1939, 152). COUBERTIN’S INTEREST IN THE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY AND SPORTS SCENE 67

The first successes of the reform movement were supported by the ideas of H. Spencer, whose popularity in the United States was spread by his works Social Studies and Synthetic Philosophy published in 1852 and 1862 as well as his lecture tour in 1882 (cf. CREMIN 1961, 90). The academic community in the United States praised Spencer’s positivistic theories, which corresponded to the prevailing American Zeitgeist. Thus the following can be found in a letter from 1863 that Spencer received from E.L Youmans the publisher of the newspaper Popular Science Monthly: “I believe there is great work to be done here for civilization. What we want are ideas – large organizing ideas – and I believe there is no other man whose thoughts are so valuable for our needs as yours are”

(YOUMANS quoted according to CREMIN 1961, 91. Central to the considerations of American university reformers was that Spencer tie the organizing of life, which he interprets as a necessary process of continual adjustment to constantly changing external conditions, to the demand for modernization of education, to prepare individuals for the new conditions of life. 16 (cf. SPENCER 1860, 31) . He thus classifies fields of education according to their usefulness for survival and living according to the following ranking: physiology, mathematics, mechanics, physics, chemistry, astronomy, biology and sociology. Spencer considers physical education and hygiene more important than any other field of education (cf. REBLE 1999, 257f.).

1.2.1 A.D. White – First President of Cornell-University

In 1862 President A. Lincoln agreed to sign a controversial bill providing of state territory for the building of ‘Land-Grant Colleges. President Buchanan had already been rejected the bill once, in 1858. The main agent of this bill was the Congressman J.S. Morrill from Vermont, who had first made the proposal in Congress in the mid-nineteenth century to provide unused territory of the populated states for the promotion of higher education (cf. WILLERS 1965, 163).

16 This clearly illustrates the Social Darwinist idea that life is always a battle for existence. Only those individuals who can adapt to new living conditions are fit for life and therefore capable of surviving. Lacking adaptability leads to withering and downfall (cf. Reble 1999, 257). 68 COUBERTIN’S INTEREST IN THE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY AND SPORTS SCENE

Each Congressman of every state was to receive no less than 30,000 and no 17 more than 100,00 acres of land, which was then to be sold for $ 1.25 per acre . The profits were to be used for financing the building of the college as well as to later cover the college budget (cf. LUCAS 1994, 148). Morrill and his supporter J.B. Turner of Illinois believed that the Land-Grant Colleges would make higher education accessible to a larger percentage of the population. They wanted to facilitate access for industrial workers and farmers in particular, who were to receive comprehensive general education as well as 18 specialist training (cf. ROSS 1942, 47) . After Congress passed the Morrill Act, Agricultural & Mechanical Colleges were built, or the curricula of existing colleges were extended to include specialist training for technical and agricultural jobs (cf.

RUDOLPH 1962, 253). In 1863 the Morrill Act indirectly formed the basis for the founding of Cornell University. This occurred “indirectly” because to begin with the profits from land sales amounting to $600,00 were meant for the People’s College at Havana and the State Agricultural College at Ovid (cf. ROGERS 1942, 59). White, who was a 19 member of New York’s Senate , voted against this proposal of Senator E. Cornell

(cf. EDWARDS 1902, 698). White suggested providing all the money for the construction of a higher educational establishment (cf. ROGERS 1942, 60f.). White considered the decentralized distribution of land sales profits often practiced in other states as a cause of the lack of large universities (cf. BRUBACHER/RUDY 1997, 159). In this regard, White agreed with both Gilman, with whom he had conferred on the advantages of centrally employing the profits (cf. WHITE 5. March 1864/Archivalia), and Tappan, under whose presidency he held the chair for

17 1 acre is about 0,4 ha. 18 Morril was encouraged by the efforts of the agricultural association that had founded the Farmer’s High School of Pennsylvania and the New York State’s Agricultural College for the education of farmers in 1854 (cf. Lucas 1994, 148). 19 White’s nomination as political representative of the Syracuse district in the senate of the state New York (cf. Edwards 1902, 698) came as a surprise to him. At the time of his nomination White had various posts in his native town Homer in the state of New York. He was director of a railroad company and was president at various bank and real estate agency (cf. Rogers 1942, 50). COUBERTIN’S INTEREST IN THE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY AND SPORTS SCENE 69

20 history at the University of Michigan from 1856 to 1860 (cf. WHITE 1905, 257): “White, who accepted Henry Tappan’s observation that diffusion of educational resources by scattering them in ‘feeble streams through a thousand channels’ cheapens even more what was cheap enough already, opposed any attempt to divide the fund” (cf. ALTSCHULER 1979, 59). White recognized at the University of Michigan how large the budget had to be for a modern university. He convinced Carroll that it was more effective to use the entire land sale profits and the $

300.000 (cf. ALTSCHULER 1979, 61) that Cornell had donated additionally for 21 building the new university (cf. WHITE 1905, 298ff.) . Cornell‘s approval of White’s plan and the consent of the New York Senate to not split the sum led to 22 the passage of a resolution in 1865 to build Cornell University near Ithaca (cf.

RUDOLPH 1967, 266). White’s appointment as president of this newly founded university led to Cornell University implementing the required reforms in higher education from the beginning. Although White initially did not want to take the office of president (cf.

HEWETT 105, 126f.) and would have rather accepted an offer from N. Porter of Yale, university colleagues and Cornell managed to persuade him to stay at

Cornell University (cf. ALTSCHULER 1979, 65). More persuasive than anything was the realization that as president of an emerging university he could decisively contribute to the development of modern education for the United States: “. . . my aim has been to fit myself to help in founding and building a worthy American University.[My decision] is not the result of a sudden whim; it is the result of years of thought and yearning for better things in our beloved country” [WHITE

20 A myocarditis forced White to give up his teaching at the University of Michigan. Initially White rejected a short stay in Europe because he did not want to leave his country during the Civil War (cf. Altschuler 1979, 48). 21 Cornell’s wealth was due to an invention of a system of electric overhead contact lines for the Western Union Telegraph Company (cf. Edwards 1902, 698). In spite of his wealth Cornell lived very modestly. He used to walk to business meetings that took place in far away towns in order to have time to ponder on sensible application possibilities for his philanthropic patronage. He thus donated $ 300.000 for promoting higher education and also financed the construction of a public library in his native town Ithaca (cf. Altschuler 1979, 58). 22 It meant little to Cornell that the university was named after him. He considered it more important that the university was built in his hometown of Ithaca. White, who rather wanted to build the university in Syracuse because of its better railway connection, gave into Cornell’s request (cf. Rogers 1942, 64). 70 COUBERTIN’S INTEREST IN THE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY AND SPORTS SCENE quoted according to RUDOLPH 1962, 266). In his speech held at the opening ceremony of Cornell University in 1868, White described the innovative character of the university, thereby giving impetus to a successful reform of higher education, one year before Eliot’s famous inaugural speech as president of Harvard in which he also announced reforms. White emphasized that Cornell University as a state university had no denominational limitations and would try to correspond to the modern social and professional demands with their differentiated general and professional orientated curriculum (cf. BRUBACHER/RUDY 1997, 161). During his presidency White tried to avoid contact between Cornell University and any denomination. He underlined this policy by selecting teaching and administration staff according to their abilities and not their religion. Other institutions did not always have this same objective selection policy. It was not unusual for teaching and administration staff to consist of members or even clergy of the denomination that was responsible for the institution. Fearful of a further weakening of religious influence in the education sector, opponents of White’s anti-denominational university policy criticized the new institution as a godless one whose students had signed a pact with the devil (cf. ROGERS 1942, 73). Additionally, in keeping with the vision of Cornell as an institution “in which any person can find instruction in any study” the idea of absolute religious neutrality emerged as a basic principle of the new university (CORNELL quoted according to

BECKER 1943, 88f.). Thus White set up a differentiated curriculum at Cornell University that corresponded to the demands of general knowledge and education of profession-specific abilities and skills. Gilman, who as university president of the University of California had considerable difficulties in extending the curriculum and introducing freedom of 23 learning for the students , considered White’s progressive ideas at Cornell

23 The founding of the University of California, opened in 1869, took place on the basis of the Morrill Act. This university emerged from the fusion of the colleges of Berkley, Oakland and San Francisco. After Gilman had rejected the university’s first call he took over the presidency in 1872. Gilman accepted the repeated offer because he did not see the possibility of gaining the presidency at Yale anymore. The COUBERTIN’S INTEREST IN THE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY AND SPORTS SCENE 71

University as a trend setter in the development of new modern universities as well as for the reforming of existing state and private university institutions (cf.

ROGERS 1942, 107). White himself supported the reform efforts of W.W. Folwell at the University of Minnesota and J.R. Angell at the University of Michigan (cf.

BRUBACHER/RUDY 1997, 164).

1.2.2 D.C. Gilman and the founding of Johns Hopkins University

The opening of a university in Baltimore 1876 bearing the name of the wealthy 24 businessman J. Hopkins , marked the creation of an institution of higher education that approximated European standards found in German universities

(cf. BRUBACHER/RUDY 1997, 178f.). Before the civil war in the United States there was hardly a possibility of further study after reaching the bachelor degree (cf. ROGERS 1942, 196). Institutions that called themselves colleges or universities were often compared to Prussian grammar schools (cf. BRUBACHER/RUDY 1997, 143). Tappan’s efforts to introduce ‘post-baccalaureate’ still appeared most sophisticated. In order to correspond more closely to the ideal of Berlin University, Tappan after 1858 offered students the possibility of attaining higher academic degrees than the bachelor. To receive the Master of Arts or the Master of Science students had to perform a year’s detailed study in four subjects. They were then subsequently tested in three subjects and had to present a thesis (cf. BUTTS 1939, 151). At Yale and Harvard it was customary to bestow the master’s degree ‘in course’, which meant that each student could be awarded the master’s degree after three years and after attaining the bachelor and after paying a fee of $ 5 (cf. LUCAS 1994, 171). After 1872 the master’s degree was no longer awarded in ‘in course,’

college leadership of Yale knew about Gilman’s progressive attitude and did definitely not want to follow Harvard’s example where the reformer Eliot had become president in 1869 (cf. Flexner 1946, 16). 24 In 1873 Hopkins determined that his wealth amounting to $ 7 million was to be split two ways for building a hospital and a university. The extremely frugal Hopkins had amassed this fortune as president of the Merchant National Bank as well as director of the railroad companies of Baltimore and Ohio (cf. Gilman 1969, 27f.). Whereas the university was already opened in 1876, the hospital treated the fist patient in 1889 (cf. IBID. 1898, o. S.). 72 COUBERTIN’S INTEREST IN THE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY AND SPORTS SCENE but rather after the successful termination of one-year’s additional study in a subject of the traditional college curriculum (cf. HASKINS 1930, 454). The reformers Eliot, White, Angell and Gilman, who in 1874 in many sessions, debated the organization of Johns Hopkins University (cf. FRENCH 1946, 2ff.), developed the idea that Johns Hopkins University as a so-called graduate school was to offer the possibility of detailed study in different branches, terminating with a higher academic degree than the bachelor (cf. WILLERS 1965, 159). The reformers incorporated their experiences gathered during studies at English, French and especially German universities in their creation of the first graduate school in the United States. A letter addressed by White to Gilman on November 5, 1855 illustrates how thrilled White was by the conditions that he had experienced in Germany during his history studies at the Philosophical Faculty of the University of Berlin: “I work pretty well and dig at the grammar, study over ancient history with two lexicons, a great collection of historical tables, an ancient atlas, beside text and reference books sprawled out around me looking scholarly to a degree hitherto unknown in my personal history” (WHITE 5. November 1855/Archivalia). Gilman, who had visited Europe with White in 1853 (cf. EDWARDS 1902, 698), was himself familiar with the German university system. Like White, Gilman was also thrilled by the efforts of the faculties to live up to their research and teaching responsibilities.

After returning to New Haven in 1855 (cf. FLEXNER 1946, 9) Gilman published two articles “German Universities” and “Scientific Schools in Europe” in the American

Journal of Education in 1856 (cf. CORDASCO 1973, 12). Whereas Gilman praises the research institutions and works at German universities in the first article, he describes the backwardness of American institutions by comparing the American scientific schools with the scientific faculties in Europe in the second essay: “Granting that our common schools, our colleges, and our ‘professional’ institutions are, for the most part, excellent, are there no great wants still unsupplied? Even with the good beginnings which have been made in several places, what have we in our whole land to compare with the Scientific Schools of

European countries?” (GILMAN quoted according to CORDASCO 1973, 12f.) COUBERTIN’S INTEREST IN THE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY AND SPORTS SCENE 73

During a trip to Europe lasting several months, Gilman in 1875 again scrutinized the German university system in order to selectively collect data for the organization of home institutions. Gilman received important data through talks with Van Halst, who taught history at the University of Freiburg (cf. GILMAN 25 1969,13) . In the same way that White and Gilman were enthusiastic about the University of Berlin, Eliot was impressed by the universities of Marburg, Karlsruhe, Heidelberg, Hohenheim, Stuttgart and Tübingen, which he visited from 1863 to 1865. Eliot almost considered it the duty of all future American professors to go on a trip to Europe and inform themselves on the progressiveness of German universities (cf. JAMES 1930, 115ff.). With the decision to appoint Gilman as president of Johns Hopkins University, the founding committee breached the usual modus operandi of recruiting teaching and administration personnel from the state in which the institution was located (cf. BRUBACHER/RUDY 1997, 180). This decision was supported by view that the new institution needed a president who was open to necessary innovations. The fact that Gilman was chosen is not surprising because he had already voiced his interest in 1874 of becoming president of the new university (cf. HAWKINS 1960, 3ff.). With the founding of Johns Hopkins University and the appointment of the reformer Gilman as president, the development of the modern university system in the United States began. This became apparent in speeches presented at the opening ceremony of the university in 1876. Gilman in his speech emphasized the obligation of Johns Hopkins University to devote itself to teaching and research. The established graduate seminars were to set new standards for teachers and students that already had a bachelor degree by aiming at the extension of subject-specific knowledge via comprehensive research work (cf. GILMAN 1898, 13ff.). In addition, Gilman stated that Johns Hopkins University, to better comply with students’ individual study interests, would not introduce a strictly dictated

25 The edition used in this study is a reprographic reprint from 1906 which was merely extended by a new preface. 74 COUBERTIN’S INTEREST IN THE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY AND SPORTS SCENE curriculum (cf. IBID., 18). Gilman described the progressive character of Johns Hopkins University with its flexible curriculum, whose subjects were always to be adapted to the zeitgeist: “As it is impossible for any university to encourage with equal freedom all branches of learning, a selection must be made by enlightened governors, and that selection must depend on the requirements and deficiencies of a given people in a given period. There is no absolute standard of preference. What is more important at one time or in one place may be less needed elsewhere and otherwise” (IBID., 18). The individual faculties were to be established in order of their urgency. Thus Gilman announced that the already established Department of Philosophy was to be followed soon by the Medical Faculty. In contrast to the Department of Law, which was to be the third faculty, the development of a Theological Faculty was not yet planned (cf. IBID., 20). This order reflected the orientation of German universities, in which at this time the Philosophical Faculty was the most important. While Gilman gives a very detailed account of the administrative, institutional and content framework in his speech, Eliot restricts himself in his short speech to pointing out the independence of the Johns Hopkins University from any kind of controlling religious institution (cf. ELIOT 1909, 42). Eliot need not have emphasized this neutral religious basic stance since this was already quite clear due to lack of an opening prayer and opening blessing at the festivities. The organizer committee’s decision to invite Darwinist T. Huxley, who had a high reputation in England as a medical and biological scientist instead of as a priest, sparked criticism by members of various religious denominations who wrote in religious weekly journals and denounced Johns Hopkins University as a godless 26 institution (cf. FLEXNER 1946, 85ff.) . Gilman in his book The Launching of a University quotes the following lines taken from a letter of a Presbyterian minister addressed to his church superior as representative of the multitude of critical voices: “It was bad enough to invite Huxley. It were better to have asked God to

26 During his trip to Europe Gilman 1875 had made the acquaintance of both Spencer and Huxley in the X Club in London (cf. Gilman 1969, 13). COUBERTIN’S INTEREST IN THE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY AND SPORTS SCENE 75 be present. It would have been absurd to ask them both. I am sorry Gilman began with Huxley. But it is possible yet to redeem the University from the stain of such a beginning. No one will be more ready than I to herald a better sign”

(N.N. quoted according to GILMAN 1969, 22f.). Since Huxley was holding a series of lectures in Boston at this time, he was prepared to give a speech in Baltimore (cf. FLEXNER 1946, 84). Huxley’s speech met Gilman’s high expectations as Huxley pointed out the need to give natural and social sciences equality in the curriculum. Huxley also clearly emphasized the university’s duty to devote itself to both teaching and research (cf. GILMAN 1969, 20). Huxley had therefore articulated precisely that which Gilman, White, Angell and Eliot wanted to introduce at Johns Hopkins University. Their success was demonstrated by the myriad of other graduate schools that were modeled on the university opened in Baltimore in 1878 (cf. BRUBACHER/RUDY 1997, 182ff.). Eliot acknowledged just how great the influence of Johns Hopkins University was in his speech at the 25-year jubilee celebration of the university: “I want to testify that the Graduate School of Harvard University, started feebly in 1870 and 1871, did not thrive, until the example of Johns Hopkins forced our Faculty to put their strength into the development of our instruction for graduates. And what was true of Harvard was true of every other university in the land which aspired to create an advanced school of arts and sciences” (ELIOT quoted according to

BRUBACHER/RUDY 1997, 182). Whereas Johns Hopkins University possessed the character of a modern university at its founding, well-known established institutions like Harvard, Yale, Columbia or Princeton had to arduously develop this for themselves. Only after the opening of Johns Hopkins University did the prestige of graduate schools at Harvard and Yale rise to a level that enabled these institutions to meet the university ideal of research and teaching (cf. BRUBACHER/RUDY 1997, 183). University professor F.A.P. Barnard committed himself to introducing graduate seminars at his Columbia University from 1870 onwards. To stop the exodus of students from the United States to European universities, Barnard demanded that institutions provide the same study opportunities as those the students would find 76 COUBERTIN’S INTEREST IN THE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY AND SPORTS SCENE in Europe (cf. RUSSEL 1937, 379). But it was not until 1880 that Columbia

University implemented graduate seminars (cf. HOXIE 1955, 3ff.). At the Princeton University this did not happen until 1900, despite J. McCosh’s first attempt to introduce a graduate faculty as early as 1877 (cf. BRUBACHER/RUDY 1997, 183). Johns Hopkins University not only served as a model of higher education for the older institutions, but also for the newly emerging universities. This influence is 27 particularly recognizable at the University of Chicago , founded in 1892; Clark University, founded in 1889; and Catholic University of America, founded in 1889, which was a very progressive university in spite of the patronage of Pope Leo XIII and whose director J.J. Keane did not see the neutral religious stance of the reform project at Johns Hopkins University as a hindrance (cf. LUCAS 1994, 173f.).

1.2.3 The expectations of the American public towards reformed institutions of higher education

Contrary to the German university ideal of the pure cultivation of science at the highest level and the English university ideal, particularly at Cambridge and Oxford, of the education of the social elite of “the gentleman,” the American reformed universities were based on the ideal of responsibility towards society

(cf. BRUBACHER/RUDY 1997, 428). American universities sought to extend the civic education that already existed at the school level. The term, coined by W.T. Harris, calling schools the “nursery of civilization” (HARRIS quoted according to PERKINSON 1991, 170) clearly illustrates the foremost education objective of schools. According to Harris, who was United States Commissioner of Education from 1889 to 1906, ethnic pluralism resulting from immigrants of many nationalities as well as the social tension and grievances wrought by industrialization required a school education that familiarized adolescents with concepts of the democratic freedom set down in the constitution. Citizens of a free society were probably capable of independently evaluating public matters for themselves (cf. CREMIN 1961, 16). When Harris was

27 The oil millionaire J. D. Rockefeller decisively supported the construction of this university with the sum of $ 2 million. (cf. Brubacher/Rudy 1997, 185). COUBERTIN’S INTEREST IN THE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY AND SPORTS SCENE 77 superintendent of the public school of St. Louis from 1868 to 1880 he wrote in the annual Reports of the Board of the Directors of the St. Louis Public Schools that the inculcation of democratic behavior patterns, taught in the framework of civic education, was the main task of schools: “The spirit of American institutions is to be looked for in the public schools to a greater degree than anywhere else. If the rising generation does not grow up with democratic principles, the fault will lie in the system of popular education” (HARRIS quoted according to CREMIN 1961, 16). In addition, it was deemed necessary to create an elite capable of leading in politics and commerce to maintain and develop the American republic (cf.

PERKINSON 1991, 168ff.). In creating such an elite, it was necessary to avoid the danger that A. de Toucqueville called the “tyranny of the majority” (TOUCQUEVILLE quoted according to GRAY 1968, 31), a danger that existed wherever the democratic principle of majority decision was predominant: “The majority in the United States actually has an incredible power . . . ; and if they agreed in an issue there are no barriers that could in my opinion stop or even slow their advance . . . . The consequences of this circumstance are baleful and dangerous for the future” (TOUCQUEVILLE quoted according to HERETH 1991, 111). Toucqueville sees the dominance of majority decision making as a menace to freedom because individuals discard their own opinions and give in to conformity without reflecting that majority decisions can also be wrong in certain situations. He sees a grave danger when politicians were subject to the dictate of the masses, fearing that anarchy would result without countervailing influences (cf.

IBID., 110ff.). White, Eliot and Gilman all regard the task of universities as being the development of an intellectual elite that, if necessary, would protect the national welfare by opposing this dangerous pressure to conform (cf. BRUBACHER/RUDY 1997, 163ff.). They thus took up the main views of Jefferson, who aimed to develop an intellectual elite at the University of Virginia that he called a “natural aristocracy” (JEFFERSON quoted according to SEHR 1997, 35) in contrast to an artificial aristocracy that in his opinion was based on wealth and inherited family 78 COUBERTIN’S INTEREST IN THE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY AND SPORTS SCENE titles (cf. SEHR 1997, 35). The reformers also adopted Jefferson’s principle of making universities accessible to anyone that qualified themselves by academic means (BRUBACHER/RUDY 1997, 163). In his inaugural speech as president of Harvard in 1869 Eliot endorsed a scholarship system, practiced by other universities, that rewarded talented students willing and able to study:

Harvard College has always attracted and still attracts students in all conditions of life. From the city trader to the professional man, who may be careless how much his son spends at Cambridge, to the farmer or mechanic, who finds it a hard sacrifice to give his boy his time early enough to enable him to prepare for college, . . . . Every year many young men enter this College without any resources whatever. If they prove themselves men of capacity and character, they never go away for lack of money. More than twenty thousands dollars a year is now devoted to aiding students of narrow means to compass their education, besides all the remitted fees and the numerous private beneficiations (ELIOT 1909, 19).

In the reformers’ eyes, the development of an intellectual elite would depended on as many young people as possible at school level of preparing themselves for enrolling at an institution of higher education (cf. IBID., 334). Under Eliot’s influence the high schools accessible to all (cf. BRUBACHER/RUDY 1997, 160) adopted a curriculum that prepared the pupils both for jobs and the entrance examination of a college (cf. BUTTS 1980, 63). In the United States this meant that the knowledge required for college entrance examinations was taught at both public high schools and private boarding schools – as opposed to England where typically only pupils from expensive private schools received comprehensive preparation for the entrance 28 examination at the elite universities of Oxford and Cambridge (cf. KAZAMIAS 1966, 44). After 1876 the public high schools gained popularity and emerged as dominant institutions of secondary education that seriously rivaled private schools in the constant struggle of attracting pupils (cf. CREMIN 1988, 546). However the following excerpt from Angell’s work Higher Education: A Plea for Making it

28 The report of the Bryce Commission, from 1894, on the secondary school system in England illustrates how strongly the English education system was organized along social classes. Thus the application for a scholarship at Oxford and Cambridge required Latin and Greek skills which were only taught at private schools. In turn the entrance examination at these schools required attendance at a private primary school since only this type of school prepared pupils for the entrance test at elite institutions (cf. Kazamias 1966, 34ff.). COUBERTIN’S INTEREST IN THE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY AND SPORTS SCENE 79

Accessible to All published in 1879 by the president of University of Michigan shows how much the American public had to still be sensitized: “I have sought to make all the schools and teachers in the State understand that they and the University are parts of one united system and that therefore the young pupil in the most secluded school house in the State should be encouraged to see that the path was open from his home up to and through the University” (ANGELL 1879, 255). The efforts to develop an intellectual elite of leaders committed to serving society (cf. BRUBACHER/RUDY 1997, 428) assumed a greater importance when the social and political problems of what Mark Twain termed the ‘gilded age’ appeared

(cf. HEIDEKING 1996, 207). In the last decades of the late nineteenth century the American republic was confronted with the social grievances and conflicts caused by urbanization and industrialization that were aggravated by the erratic economic cycles and depressions of 1873 and 1893 (cf. VORLÄNDER 1997, 170). In addition there was the threat of an ethnic and cultural fragmentation posed by the flood of 29 immigrants during the 1860s (cf. TRACHTENBERG 1982, 38ff.). The areas of conflict were underscored by the census bureau’s declaration in 1890 that the American frontier had ceased to exist as American settlement terminated after reaching the Pacific. Thus, social conflicts could not be avoided any more by the movement of people from urban industrial centers into the unsettled western areas (cf. VORLÄNDER 1997, 170). In this time of conflict the failure of politicians to take action against these grievances was particularly irritating. The politicians at federal and state levels were mainly concerned with securing their political office. The interconnection of politics and commerce was characterized by corruption, cronyism and intrigue accepted by the representatives of both parties in order to satisfy their own greed

(cf. DESANTIS 1988, 39ff.). In this context accusations were mainly made against

29 The example of New York clearly illustrates the polyglot population. The population of New York consisted of Englishmen, Italians, Germans, Irish, Hungarians, Greeks, Syrians and Chinese. In 1890 New York harbored the same number of Italians as Naples, Germans as Hamburg and twice as many Irishmen as Dublin (cf. DeSantis 1989, 99). 80 COUBERTIN’S INTEREST IN THE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY AND SPORTS SCENE the ‘party machines’ responsible for mobilizing votes. Political and financial support was often bought by the awarding of economic contracts, business licenses and posts in the party and administration. This resulted in a network of dependencies and patronages which controlled the administration of towns and 30 state legislatures (cf. IBID., 44).

White, like Eliot (cf. BUTTS 1978, 171), criticized the deplorable circumstances in politics and thus underlined the demand of university reformers for developing an upright intellectual elite of leaders: “. . . with few exceptions, the city governments of the United States are the worst in Christendom – the most expensive, the most inefficient, and the most corrupt” (WHITE quoted according to

DESANTIS, 99). The university reform efforts of White, Eliot and Gilman were eventually integrated into the social reform movement of progressivism that formed in the late nineteenth century. Accordingly, the Harvard professor W. James in his speech on “The Social Value of the College Bred,” presented in 1907 at Radcliff College, called for the development of an intellectual elite required for a healthy 31 democracy (cf. JAMES 1911, 319) . The graduates of the new reformed universities were considered the future elite capable of developing a national and international design for the United States suitable for the twentieth century (cf.

VORLÄNDER 1997, 187ff.). The new elite of leaders was to make the national government, individual states and local administrations more transparent, competitive and resistant to corruption in commerce and politics (cf. HEIDEKING 1996, 248). Only if politicians live for politics and not from politics – as M. Weber put it with regard to the

30 Tammany Hall was one of the most notorious and powerful party organizations of New York City. In 1869 this organization controlled the police, courts, town administration and even the newspapers of New York City (cf. DeSantis 1989, 45). 31 Apart from this educational assignment the representatives of progressivism (J. Dewey, W.H. Kilpatrick, C. Washburn u.a.) demanded the reformation of the school system in which adolescents were to receive the possibility of developing critical faculty and self dependent action. Dewey himself does not claim the merit of being the first in the United States to interpret school as an indispensable field of experience for democratic behavior patterns but rather refers to F. W. Parker whom he calls “the father of progressive education” (Dewey quoted according to Cremin 1961, 129). In his Talks on Pedagogics published in 1894 Parker refers to school as “a model home, a complete community and embryonic democracy” (Parker 1894, 450). COUBERTIN’S INTEREST IN THE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY AND SPORTS SCENE 81

United States (cf. MOMMSEN 1974, 88f.) - could the deplorable state of affairs in internal politics and domestic affairs be stopped for the good of the American republic. It was predominantly members of the urban middle class, for example doctors, administration experts, judges, lawyers, teachers, professors, journalists and writers, who demanded stronger action by politicians to curb the unfettered 32 ‘laissez faire’ of economic liberalism (cf. HEIDEKING 247ff.) . Through the efforts of numerous social reformers (cf. CAINE 1974, 11ff.) some reforms were implemented under presidents Th. Roosevelt, W. H. Taft and W. Wilson (cf.

DESANTIS 1989, 178ff.) prior to the United States joining World War I in 1917. In addition to voting reforms (female suffrage, direct vote of senators) and new antitrust regulations for maintaining equal economic opportunities, child labor laws were implemented as were measures to provide minimal hygiene standards in urban slums. Social reformers focused on improving conditions of urban working and immigrant families whose environment was seen as the breeding ground for crime, violence, alcoholism or prostitution (cf. HEIDEKING 1996, 33 247ff./cf. VORLÄNDER 1997, 183) . The university elite was supposed to enable the United States to take over tasks of world policy (cf. VORLÄNDER 1997, 187). While the United States initially concentrated on continental expansion (cf. DESANTIS 1989, 121) and preventing 34 the re-erection of European colonial power in Latin America (cf. GUGGISBERG

32 Of all the novels and articles in which social and political grievances were denounced U. Sinclair’s novel The Jungle had the greatest impact. Sinclair describes the exploitation of workers, degrading working conditions, corrupt politicians as well as hygiene deficits in the large meat factories of Chicago with the example of a Lithuanian immigrant family. The novel published in 1906 earned Sinclair the reputation of an internationally and nationally recognized writer (cf. Straub 1982, 456). Sinclair’s relentless description of real circumstances, lead to an increased sensitization of the public towards social and political aberrations. Roosevelt reacted to this novel by pleading for the passing of laws for improving hygiene standards in the food industry (cf. Heideking 1996, 250). 33 The efforts made by J. Addams that should be listed in this context are discussed on p. 142. 34 The Latin American liberation movement caused the dissolution of the Spanish colonies there and the foundation of independent states. In order to prevent a Spanish recolonization as well as the intrusion of other European powers into this power vacuum president J. Monroe formulated the so-called Monroe-Doctrine (cf. Dippel 1996, 40), the actual author being the foreign secretary J. Q. Adams (cf. Heideking/Nünning 1998, 38). This doctrine presented the American continent as independent and particularly independent from Europe. It is clearly formulated that any attempt of recolonization would be regarded as a threat to this part of the world and that in turn the United States would relent from interfering with European matters (cf. Guggisberg 1993, 75). This declaration is the expression of 82 COUBERTIN’S INTEREST IN THE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY AND SPORTS SCENE

1993, 74ff.), the first outlines of a powerful foreign policy were created on the basis of industrial growth and a swift increase in population in the 1880s (cf.

HEIDEKING/NÜNNING 1998, 223). The United States’ entry into world policy was accelerated in 1898 by the war against Spain over Cuba (cf. VORLÄNDER 1998, 171). Apart from Puerto Rico, Cuba was the last bastion of the Spanish colonial empire. Cuban insurrection and Spanish suppression rendered the political and economic situation in Cuba very tense. The explosion of the United States battleship Maine anchored off Havana prompted the United States to declare war on Spain. Some resolutions passed by Congress illustrate that the United States merely wanted to dispel the Spaniards from Cuba, but did not intend annexing the island (cf. HEIDEKING 1996, 223ff.). After the war against Spain, the United States created an ‘American Empire’ in the Caribbean, in the Pacific and on the

Philippines thus entering the circle of colonial powers (cf. HEIDEKING/NÜNNING 1998, 40). 1.3 Coubertin’s contacts to White and Gilman

Fig. 1: The fifty individual states of the United States (HEIDEKING 1996, 522) and an overview of the states in which Coubertin visited universities

NJ (New Jersey): Princeton University, Lawrenceville College NY (New York): Columbia University, Cornell University MA (Massachusetts): Harvard University, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Boston College, Wellesley College, Amherst College MI (Michigan): University of Michigan IL (Illinois): University of Chicago MO (Missouri): St. Louis University, Washington University LA (Louisiana): Tulane University VA (Virginia): University of Virginia, College of William and Mary, Washington and Lee University MD (Maryland): Catholic University of Washington, D.C., Georgetown University, Johns Hopkins University CT (Connecticut): Yale University TN (Tennessee): Vanderbilt University CA (California): University of California, Stanford University

increased US confidence as well as the aim acting up to the part of a protector and leader of the American continent. COUBERTIN’S INTEREST IN THE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY AND SPORTS SCENE 83

A look at the figure above shows the multitude of colleges and universities that 35 Coubertin visited during his United States trips . During these trips, only the first 36 of which bore the official title of ‘Mission aux Etats-Unis et au Canada’ , Coubertin made the acquaintance of university presidents and lecturers that were rather sympathetic towards the introduced reforms. Coubertin writes to White on November 28, 1889 that he had made the acquaintances of the rather likeable 37 president of Tulane University, P. Johnston , been led across campus of the University of Virginia in Charlottesville by the mathematics professor C. S. Venable and in Washington had met Cardinal J. Gibbons, who had played a part in founding the Catholic University of Washington (cf. COUBERTIN 28. November 1889/Archivalia). Coubertin’s meeting with these and other university presidents such as Eliot of Harvard, Angell of Michigan (cf. COUBERTIN 1977, 642ff./779f.) and

Harper of Chicago (cf. YOUNG 1996, 87) were not as importance as his contacts with White and Gilman. An analysis of Coubertin’s correspondence with White shows in particular that White, the president of Cornell University, can be regarded as the mentor who introduced Coubertin to the United States university system. At the end October 1889 Coubertin traveled from Montreal back to the United 38 States to continue his visits university visits (cf. COUBERTIN 1977, 581ff.) . Coubertin’s decision to visit Cornell was however neither incidental nor due to the fact that the town Ithaca in which Cornell University is situated is near Montreal. Rather, the reason Coubertin wanted to visit White, who after twenty years in

35 Müller drew in the towns on a map in the English language collection of documents Pierre de Coubertin. Olympism. Selected Writings that Coubertin visited on his first trip to the United States (cf. Müller 2000, 80) Together both maps offer a good geographical overview of Coubertin’s trips to the United States. 36 The writing paper that Coubertin used on his first United States trip bore this official notation. 37 Coubertin provides a short portrait of Johnston with the article Dans les Universités transatlantiques. La Promotion de 1860 à Harvard – Un discourse du Président Preston Johnston – Etudiants de Chicago in the Grand Revue in 1891 (cf. Coubertin 1891(b), 476ff.). 38 Before his visit to Montreal Coubertin had been to Princeton, Lawrencehill Boarding School, Columbia- College, Berkeley-School, Harvard, Boston-College, Wellesly-College, Amherst-College and the exclusive private school Groton (cf. Coubertin 1977, 577ff./592ff./609ff./611ff./638ff./662ff./667ff./ 676ff./682ff.). 84 COUBERTIN’S INTEREST IN THE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY AND SPORTS SCENE office had passed on his presidency at Cornell University in 1885 to his pupil CH.

K. Kendall, a history lecturer at Cornell since 1889 (cf. ALTSCHULER 1979, 142ff.). During his stay in Montreal, Coubertin wrote White a short letter announcing his visit. Apart from brief comments on his visit to the Niagara Falls and the statement that he had not found colleges in Quebec to be as interesting as those along the East Coast of the United States, Coubertin asked White for information on the travel route to Ithaca. With this announced visit to Cornell University,

Coubertin accepted an invitation issued by White in an earlier letter (cf. COUBERTIN 19. October 1889/Archivalia). This correspondence begun in August 1889 in Paris is important because it proves that contacts between White and Coubertin were established before Coubertin went to the United States. It is probable that Sloan established the contact between Coubertin and White. Coubertin already had met White in 1888 at Taine’s house (cf. N.N. 1913(a), 39 11f.) , in Paris on August 4, 1889 and talked with him about the American university system and Coubertin’s interest in studying it during his trip to the

United States (WHITE 5. August, 1889/Archivalia). It is certain that White was in

Paris in August 1889 for the World Exhibition (cf. WHITE 1917, 441ff.). He had previously the city visited in 1853 and 1878. In 1853 White had studied history and French at the Sorbonne (cf. EDWARDS 1902, 698), and in 1878 he was awarded the cross of the French Légion d’Honneur during his visit of the World

Exhibition in Paris (cf. ALTSCHULER 1979, 117). On August 5, 1889 White wrote from Paris to his study partner Gilman recommending to him a certain Baron Pierre de Coubertin who was planning to travel to the United States in September to continue his studies on the Anglo-American education system that he had commenced in England. White also mentioned in his letter that Coubertin showed particular interest in sport and gymnastics education programs in England and the United States: “I shall take the liberty of giving a letter of introduction to you to a young and enthusiastic French reformer in educational matters, who has published several things, and whose work has attracted considerable attention,

39 The early meeting of Coubertin and Sloane is discussed in more detail in section 2.1. COUBERTIN’S INTEREST IN THE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY AND SPORTS SCENE 85

Baron de Coubertin. He is especially enthusiastic in regard to physical education, has already written very readable reports upon his investigations in England, and goes to America next month to continue them” (WHITE 5. August 1889/Archivalia). On August 21, 1889 Coubertin, in a note, thanked White for his recommendation to Gilman. Moreover, Coubertin expressed his joy at White’s offer to visit him in Paris at any time. Since Coubertin had drawn up the note to White in Mirville and did not want to return to Paris until September, it was rather difficult for him due to appointments to arrange a meeting with White. Coubertin expressed the hope of personal contact with White during his United States trip since a meeting in Mirville was also not feasible. However, White was informed in Coubertin’s letter that he would receive a letter from Coubertin from Boston in order to arrange a meeting (cf. COUBERTIN 21. August 1889/Archivalia). This early correspondence is of interest for Coubertin research for two reasons: (1) It proves that Coubertin and White already had contact in France in 1889; and (2) It corrects the assumption that Coubertin already embarked on his United

States trip on July 17 (cf. MACALOON 1984, 113). This date cannot be correct because White received a letter from Coubertin on August 21 stating that he was planning a trip to Paris in early September: “. . . but I am away von Paris & want

[to] be able to go back again before the beginning of September” (COUBERTIN 21. August 1889/Archivalia). On July 17, 1889, the French Ministry of Education merely decided to assign

Coubertin the ‘Mission aux Etats-Unis et au Canada’ (cf. COUBERTIN 1977, 923). It is probable that Coubertin boarded the ship for his transatlantic passage on September 21 in Le Havre since he sent a message to White stating that he would be available at the parental country estate near Le Havre until September 21: “If you happen to come to Le Havre before the 21. of September, I hope you will let me know; Mirville is quite close & we would be delighted to see you there

(COUBERTIN 21. August 1889/Archivalia). Coubertin could not have left much later because according to Coubertin’s notes in his work Universités transatlantiques, the voyage to New York took 16 days 86 COUBERTIN’S INTEREST IN THE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY AND SPORTS SCENE

(cf. COUBERTIN 1977, 563) and since Coubertin already had written a letter to White from the Union Club in Boston on October 9, 1889, informing him of his upcoming stay in Montreal. Coubertin wrote that he wanted leave Boston for the Canadian metropolis on the October 16 or 17 and stay there until October 26 or

28 at the Hotel St.[?]Hall (cf. COUBERTIN 9. October 1889/Archivalia). This information made it possible for White to arrange a meeting at Cornell University. It can be assumed that White sent letters on the visit to Cornell University to the address given by Coubertin in Montreal. Furthermore this letter to White illustrates that Baron T. du Villiers accompanied Coubertin on his first visit to the 40 United States : “I don’t know that I have yet mentioned the name of my friend Baron de Villiers who has come with me to this country & help me with my work”

(COUBERTIN 9. October 1889/Archivalia). This quotation supports the interpretation that Villiers was to assist Coubertin in carrying out his studies on the American education system (cf. Coubertin 9. October 1889/Archivalia). The question whether Villiers also had part in Coubertin’s work Universités Transatlantiques cannot be proved by this source. However Coubertin dedicates this work to Villiers, thanking him for his company and support of his study (cf. COUBERTIN 1977, 563). In the university town of Ithaca, Coubertin wanted to visit Cornell University as well as analyze his impressions of the American university system. He had already informed White of this wish from Boston on October 9: “I am very much interested with the schools & colleges & wish to speak the whole subject over with you & hear what you think of it” (COUBERTIN 9. October 1889/Archivalia). The visit to White must have been very revealing to Coubertin because on his return to France he told White that his stay at Cornell University had provided very informative insights into the United States university system (cf. COUBERTIN 16. July, 1890/Archivalia). Coubertin considered Cornell University the most

40 The historian Villiers among other things dealt with the history of the former French colony Louisiana and worked for the magazine Société des Américanistes de Paris (cf. Coubertin 1977, 1049). Furthermore Villiers took over the office of vice-president in the council of the ‘Union des sociétés françaises de sports athlétiques’ in 1893 and supported Coubertin in executing the supporting program during the congress to reintroduce the Olympic Games in 1894 (cf. Coubertin 1974, 79ff.). COUBERTIN’S INTEREST IN THE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY AND SPORTS SCENE 87 interesting of all institutions that he had visited in the United States. The progressiveness and learning atmosphere at Cornell impressed Coubertin to such an extent that he valued this young institution above the venerable Harvard University, which in his eyes had more the character of an English university. Coubertin comments on these impressions in a letter addressed to White on November 28, 1889: “I hardly dare to tell you that I think from what I saw, that Cornell is far the best of all American Universities, for . . . . I had lately the misfortune of making some Harvard men very angry by telling them that whilst Harvard was but a fine imitation of the English universities Cornell seemed to me to stand as a type of what an American University ought to be” (COUBERTIN 28. 41 November 1889/Archivalia) . Coubertin also comments on the Catholic University of Washington. His visit confirmed his opinion of the university that he had already praised his 1888 article “L’université catholique américaine” (cf. COUBERTIN 1888(b), 349ff.) Coubertin was especially impressed by Msgr. Keane, the director of this university

(cf. COUBERTIN 1977, 867ff.), because Keane was open to the necessary university reforms. For Coubertin this progressive Catholic University in Washington embodied the coexistence of the Catholic Church and the state that he wanted to see emulated in own country: “In Washington I visited the Catholic University & had the pleasure of finding there a true catholic & republic institution! Just what we need in France” (COUBERTIN 28. November 1889/Archivalia). In secondary literature on Coubertin’s visits to the United States, MacAloon gives the greatest attention to Coubertin’s enthusiasm for the Catholic University 42 of Washington . Although MacAloon does not attribute too much importance to Coubertin’s university visits, he does note Coubertin’s progressive republican attitude and his search for a modus vivendi between the Catholic Church and the republic in his home country. In the regard, MacAloon relates the conversation between Msgr. Keane and Coubertin during which the director of the Catholic

41 Also see Coubertin 1977, 756 and Coubertin 1890(b), 195. 42 Callebat also mentions Coubertin’s visit to the Catholic University of Washington. Callebat does not, however, offer an analysis of Coubertin’s visit, but rather restricts himself to quoting corresponding passages from Coubertin’s Universités transatlantiques (cf. Callebat 1988, 150). 88 COUBERTIN’S INTEREST IN THE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY AND SPORTS SCENE

University expresses surprise over the progressive attitude on education so untypical of a French baron. To further emphasize Coubertin’s attitude, MacAloon also points out that Coubertin even called upon his French countrymen in his book The Evolution of France under the Third Republic to orientate themselves towards the Catholics in the United States (cf. MACALOON 1984, 113f.). In addition to his interaction with White, it was important to Coubertin to develop and extend his contact with Gilman to gain insight into the institutions that had so decisively influenced the development of the American university system (cf. BRUBACHER/RUDY 1997, 182). Although White in 1889 had already informed the president of the Johns Hopkins University of Coubertin’s impending visit (cf. WHITE 5. August 1889/Archivalia), no personal contact was established between Coubertin and Gilman during his first United States trip. The meeting did not take place because Gilman had already embarked on a trip to Europe with his family from New York in October. In a letter from October 16, 1889 Gilman informed White of his travel plans and also mentions that Coubertin had not yet visited Johns Hopkins University (cf. GILMAN 16. October 1889/Archivalia). It is probable that White never received this note sent by Gilman because he otherwise would have informed Coubertin of his absence. But although Coubertin could not refer to a personal invitation of Gilman when visiting Johns Hopkins University in 1889, he could sense the spirit of reform at this institution in Baltimore. He realized, to begin with, that the financial endowment was not meant – in contrast to other universities he had visited – for pompous buildings and a generous campus, but rather for ensuring the quality of teaching and research. To clarify his observations Coubertin quotes the following statement of the author of the Rapport sur l’exposition d’instruction publique de la Nouvelle-Orléans published in 1885, which deals with the fund raising at Johns Hopkins University: “The money . . . was only provided in order to give education an incomparable burst, to call the most competent specialists from all around the world, to furnish laboratories with the most perfect tools and libraries with all COUBERTIN’S INTEREST IN THE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY AND SPORTS SCENE 89 scientific and literary treasures.” (BUSSION quoted according to COUBERTIN 1977, 43 890) . Coubertin, of course, noticed the implementation of academic reforms that eventually made the Johns Hopkins University to a respectable graduate school of the United States. He observed at this new institution that the advanced students were to be educated as an elite distinguished by their strength of character and intelligence. Coubertin saw that the main objective of the education at Johns Hopkins University was to serve a political rather than in the mere awarding of academic degrees (cf. COUBERTIN 1977, 890f.). Since Coubertin had not met Gilman in Baltimore, he invited Gilman in a letter 44 dated November 28, 1889 to come to Paris. Coubertin underlined the sincerity of this invitation by giving his address in Paris (cf. COUBERTIN 28. November 1889/Archivalia). An analysis of the correspondence between White and Coubertin now shows that Coubertin added a note addressed to Gilman to the letter sent to White. In a note from July 16, 1890 White learned his letter was sent to Gilman in Egypt and that Gilman had visited Coubertin in Paris: “I was delighted to meet President Gilman; your letter to him had reached him in Egypt

& and when he came to Paris on his way home he called on me” (cf. COUBERTIN 16. July 1890/Archivalia). Coubertin later confirmed his impressions of progressive university institutions, formed during his 1889 visit, when he undertook his second United States trip and was personally received by Gilman at

Johns Hopkins University (cf. COUBERTIN 8. November 1893/Archivalia). Coubertin already had contacted Gilman during his visit to the World Exhibition of 1893 in Chicago in order to give timely announcement of his visit to Baltimore in November (cf. COUBERTIN 2. October 1893/Archivalia). The letter of October 2, 1893 illustrates how much Coubertin had profited from his contacts with those in

43 Actually people and students visiting for the first time did not find the Johns Hopkins University initially due to its inconspicuousness. Even the inhabitants of Baltimore often mistook the university building for a piano firm situated in Baltimore (cf. Ely 1938, 100ff.). The remark of a visitor that the administrators of Johns Hopkins University “have millions for genuine research but not one cent for show” (Hunt quoted according to Brubacher/Rudy 1997, 25), clearly illustrates the financial policy of this institution. 44 Gilman already knew the French capital from a trip to Europe undertaken together with White in 1853 (cf. Altschuler 1979, 30). 90 COUBERTIN’S INTEREST IN THE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY AND SPORTS SCENE academic circles who had influenced the development of the United States higher education in the second half of the nineteenth century. In the same way that Coubertin’s had been introduced to Gilman by White, Gilman had prepared his former university colleagues at the University of California as well as the officials of the University of Palo Alto for Coubertin’s visit. In any case Coubertin asked this service of him in a letter and emphasized Gilman’s references could contribute to rendering the visit to the two Californian universities less anonymous (cf. COUBERTIN 2. October 1893/Archivalia).

Fig. 2: The letterhead that Coubertin used during his first stay in the United States (Coubertin 28. November, 1889/Archivalia)

2. Coubertin’s insights into gymnastics and athletic education at US universities

2.1 Early stimuli

Coubertin’s acquaintance with Taine and reading of his works prove that Coubertin already was interested in the educational, political and social thinking in the New World before his first study trip to the United States. Coubertin valued Taine’s comments on the Anglo-Saxon education system as well as Taine’s vision “for the great intellectual and moral impetus which has transformed the United

States” (COUBERTIN 1897(b), 654). The state of Coubertin research is enhanced by the knowledge that Sloane and Coubertin had already met in Taine’s house in 1888. This information is COUBERTIN’S INTEREST IN THE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY AND SPORTS SCENE 91 documented in two articles that were published in the Austrian newspaper Neue Freie Presse on April 29, 1913 and May 4 of the same year in the Allgemeine Sportzeitung in Vienna. A synopsis of both articles suggests that the author of the article “Die olympischen Spiele und ihre sittliche Bedeutung für die Jugend” in the Allgemeinen Sportzeitung modeled it on the article in the Neuen Presse, or that it was the same journalist in both cases merely slightly modifying his article “Olympische Spiele” in the Neuen Presse and re-publishing it under a different title in the Allgemeinen Sportzeitung:

It should be mentioned on the grounds of this account widely unknown to the public that Prof. Sloane met the young Baron Coubertin about 25 years ago in the house of the famous historian and philosopher Taine. Coubertin was originally destined for the clergy and was the younger son of a rich French family of old nobility. He narrates how talked with Coubertin on the importance of sport for public health in a Parisian restaurant and how he after returning to the United States one day was surprised by a book written by Coubertin on the topic of sport at English universities and how the author had instead of entering the clergy gone into political sciences . . . (N.N. 1913(a), 11f.)45.

At this meeting in Paris, Coubertin and Sloane also discussed the educational value of sport (cf. N.N. 1913(b), 545). It is probable that Coubertin heard information American university sport during this conversation since Sloane had 46 been the president of the Faculty Committee On Outdoor Sports at Princeton since 1885 (cf. PRESBREY/MOFFATT 1901, 57) and was chairman of the

Intercollegiate Athletic Committee in 1884 (cf. SLOANE/SARGENT 7. March 1884/Archivalia). The date for this meeting of Taine, Sloane and Coubertin can be fixed in 1888 based on the appearance of these articles and the remark that the meeting took place “about” twenty-five years ago. The vagueness resulting from the word “about” is offset by Sloane’s comment on Coubertin’s book on English university sport. This can only refer to the book L’ Education en Angleterre. Collèges et

45 This quotation is printed in a slightly modified version in the Allgemeinen Sportzeitung. Only the biographical data on Coubertin and the remark that the conversation took place in a Parisian restaurant were omitted (cf. N.N. 1913(b), 545). 46 ‘Faculty Committee On Outdoor Sports’ was the official term for the Athletic Committee founded in 1881 in Princeton and of which Sloane was already a member (cf. Lucas 1991, 231). 92 COUBERTIN’S INTEREST IN THE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY AND SPORTS SCENE

Universités published in 1888. Furthermore Sloane’s correspondence proves a stay in Paris in 1888. Sloane, who had embarked on a trip to Europe in December 1887, wrote on January 3, 1888 from Paris to his countryman Stedman that he would be staying in the capital for a few months (cf. SLOANE 3. January 47 1888/Archivalia) . Sloane’s early acquaintance with Taine is also proved by a letter that Sloane sent to Taine on December 6, 1890. In the introduction Sloane thanks the Frenchman for the hospitality that Taine had shown him during his stay in Paris

(cf. SLOANE 6. December 1890/Archivalia). Coubertin received further detailed information on the physical education in American schools through his survey on the importance of “exercises physiques dans les Ecoles d’ Angleterre, d’Amérique, d’Australie et dans les colonies anglaises” initiated for the World Exhibition in 1889 (COUBERTIN 1889(a), 1). Coubertin received responses to the questionnaires from ninety schools and colleges in the United States (cf. MACALOON 1984, 113) informing him on sport and gymnastics education at educational institutions in the United States. Coubertin, in a congress report to the World Exhibition of 1889, extensively evaluated the answers sent to him by Harvard University in response to a survey 48 conducted the previous year , regarding the influence of athletic and gymnastic activities on studies. This survey at Harvard was prompted by the concern of some professors who believed that the high time exposure of students for sport and gymnastics activities interfered with academic education. Moreover the survey committee was to examine whether the professors’ charge that increasing professionalism of university sport rendered Harvard graduates “clowns et . . . hercules de foire” (COUBERTIN 1889(a), 5) rather than comprehensively educated academics was justified.

47 The fact that Sloane was in Paris with his family in 1888 can also be deduced from a letter drawn up in Paris by a Mrs. L. Buchanan Cassatt on Januar y 24, 1888. During his stay in Paris the family Sloane live with the family Buchanan Cassatts (cf. Buchanan Cassatt 24. January 1888/archivalia). 48 Since the circular letter was sent out in January 1889 (cf. Coubertin 1889(a), 1), the questioning must have taken place in Harvard in 1888. COUBERTIN’S INTEREST IN THE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY AND SPORTS SCENE 93

Coubertin was presented with the following statistical data from the Harvard survey: Of the 1021 questioned students 610 preferred gymnastics, 635 enjoyed walks and other running disciplines, 310 students preferred the US national sport baseball, 179 rowing, 135 played soccer, 93 students practiced riding, 84 cycled and 66 students practiced boxing. Only 16 of the 1021 students did not practice any sport or gymnastics activity in their leisure time. Furthermore 300 students trained in order to partake in competitions for their university and 117 were preparing for competitions outside the university. Of the 1005 students that practiced athletics or gymnastics in their leisure time only 50 trained more than 3 hours per day while 100 trained less. The realization that the level of the exams had risen proportionally to the increase of students partaking in sport and gymnastics activities and that those students that did not practice any of the mentioned sport disciplines had the lowest grades prompt Coubertin to advise

Harvard to provide more areas for sports facilities (cf. IBID., 5). Although the survey at Harvard had been carried out a year before Coubertin’s inquiry, four of seven questions of the Harvard survey were also listed in 49 Coubertin’s questionnaire . The summary of the Harvard survey included answers to the following: The question of sport games played at the university (question 1); the question of the average time exposure of students for sport or 50 gymnastics activities (question 2) ; the question of the importance of riding, 51 gymnastics, fencing, military drill exercises , rowing and cycling in the extra- curricular school and university program (question 3); the question of effects of participating in sport and gymnastics activities on study performance (question 6)

(cf. IBID., 3f.).

49 A print of this questionnaire is to be found in the appendix on page 214. 50 Coubertin’s circular letter includes the question of daily and weekly training exposure. The Harvard report only gives data on daily training exposure. 51 The Harvard report provides no information on the importance of military exercises. However other answers from the United States provided Coubertin with the information that military exercises were compulsory at some schools (cf. Coubertin 1889, 3). 94 COUBERTIN’S INTEREST IN THE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY AND SPORTS SCENE

2.2 Gymnastics and athleticism at US universities in the second half of the nineteenth century

After evaluating the answers Coubertin deduced that were compulsory activities in gymnastics exercise programs at American universities (cf. COUBERTIN 1889(a), 1ff.). Gymnastics had the longest tradition of the various movement programs. Immigrants K. Follen, K. Beck and F. Lieber had introduced it in the second decade of the nineteenth century. As active members of the Jahn Sports

Movement with its pan-Germanic national orientation (cf. DÜDING 1984, 15ff.) and as acquaintances of the Kotzebue assassin K.L. Sand (cf. NEUMANN 1968, 53f.), Beck, Follen and Lieber became politically intolerable to conservative politicians 52 and were forced to emigrate )(cf. WILDT 1977, 89) .

Beck, who had arrived in New York with Follen in 1824 (cf. NEUMANN 1968, 58), found employment as a Latin and gymnastics teacher at the Round Hill School founded by Bancroft and Cogswell in 1823. But before Beck arrived at the school in Northampton, the two directors had already integrated physical education into the curriculum (cf. GELDBACH 1975, 332f.). The daily exercise of the pupils consisted of running in the woods, ball games, long walks and – depending on the season – swimming and ice skating (cf. BENNET 1970, 41f.). If one is to believe Cogswell, these sport activities were a welcomed change in the daily routine of the pupils (cf. GELDBACH 1975, 334). After Beck’s arrival, physical education was extended even more at Round Hill School, by establishing gymnastics grounds that the pupils were obliged to use three times each week (cf. BENNET 1970, 41f.). Bancroft and Cogswell, who had only casually mentioned the importance of physical education in the school concept in their 1823 text on education objectives at Round Hill School (cf. GELDBACH 1975, 333), gave it more attention

52 Düding points out in this study that Jahn did not only found the gymnastics movement in to comply with the education postulate of a harmonic development of mind and body, or to contribute to martial education, but rather because he saw the gymnastics movement as a valuable national pedagogic education instrument. Düding elaborates in detail that ideological gymnastics movement organized by Jahn was a decisive basis for the development of the German national in the nineteenth century (cf. Düding 1984, 50ff./cf. Düding 1997, 79ff.). Lieber was an enthusiastic gymnast and admirer of Jahn whom he accompanied on gymnastics tours to Rügen in 1817 and Silesia in1818. Follen was the main carrier of the gymnastics movement in the student league Germania that was devoted to establishing a republic. Beck belonged to the elect circle of Jahn’s gymnasts that had excellent gymnastics abilities and were ideologically trained (cf. Neumann 1968, 53ff./cf. Düding 1984, 65). COUBERTIN’S INTEREST IN THE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY AND SPORTS SCENE 95 three years later, discussing it on three pages in the published report on the 53 progress of sport and gymnastics education at Round Hill School . These pages present an explicit and detailed endorsement of the educational concept of equal body and mind development: “. . . to promote health and morality, to develop and cultivate the powers of mind and body, and impart the various kinds of knowledge, which should be acquired in the early seasons of life”

(COGSWELL/BANCROFT quoted according to GELDBACH 1975, 336). The integrated gymnastics education for adolescents led to a considerably increased public interest in Round Hill School. Hence the many inquiries by other schools on the organization of gymnastics were important in Beck’s decision to 54 translate Jahn’s Deutsche Turnkunst into English (cf. LUMPKIN 1998, 179). To facilitate his descriptions of gymnastics exercises, Beck assigned his colleague and countryman F. Gärtner, who was the art master and swimming instructor at

Round Hill School (cf. GELDBACH 1975, 334), to produce drawings of the gymnastics exercises. Before the translation of Jahn’s book, published in 1828 with a preface by Beck, Harvard had already ordered twelve copies through Follen, who had visited Beck several times in Northampton in 1827 to assist in completion of the book (cf. IBID., 350). In addition to his professorship for German language and literature, Follen himself organized the gymnastics activities (cf. WILDT 1964, 65). Although the introduction of German gymnastics had been discussed in Harvard in 1825, the preparations for setting up gymnastics grounds were not made until 1826, under Follen’s guidance. Until then the university leadership had tried in vain to win over Beck and Jahn as gymnastics teachers at Harvard (cf. GELDBACH 1975, 343ff.). After Follen had temporarily given gymnastics lessons in the refectory of Harvard University, he established proper gymnastics grounds on campus in 1826 (cf. HARTWELL 1893, 27). He initially received supported from J.

53 The text from 1823 was called Prospectus of a School to be established at Round Hill, Northampton, Mass.. The report published in 1826 bore the title Some Account of the School for the Liberal Education for Boys, established on Round Hill (cf. Geldbach 1975, 336). 54 The English title of the book is Treatise on Gymnasticks taken chiefly from the German of F.L. Jahn (cf. Geldbach 1975, 338). 96 COUBERTIN’S INTEREST IN THE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY AND SPORTS SCENE

W. Webster, professor of chemistry and mineralogy, and Beck, with whose aid he had produced a list of required gymnastics equipment based on Jahn’s Deutsche

Turnkunst (cf. GELDBACH 1975, 347). In the same year, Yale established gymnastics grounds modeled on Harvard ; the following year Williams, Amherst and Brown College did so, too (cf. HARTWELL 1893, 27). After Follen resigned from 55 his post as gymnastic instructor in 1828, followed two years later by Beck (cf.

GELDBACH 1975, 339/352), interest in gymnastics education dwindled at school and university level (cf. HARTWELL 1893, 27f.). Interest also decreased just as quickly outside these education institutions. Thus the public gymnastics institution founded in the early summer of 1828 in Boston as result of the gymnastics euphoria among students closed down. When Jahn could not be enlisted as superintendent of the Boston gymnasium, Follen, who had provisionally led the gymnasium, was replaced by Lieber, who had 56 arrived in New York in 1827 (cf. GELDBACH 1975, 352ff.). Lieber, who had additionally established a swimming school that was probably closed together 57 with the gymnasium in 1828 , attributed the decreased enthusiasm in school, university and public gymnastics to the routine exercise forms that soon became boring to students. Geldbach, whose study Die Verpflanzung Des Deutschen Turnens Nach Amerika: Beck, Follen, Lieber is cited repeatedly, does not consider this to be a sufficient explanation of the swift decline in enthusiasm for German gymnastics (cf. IBID., 376). The athletic activities that were organized by students before the Civil War in extra-curricular activities were more consistent and popular than Jahn’s

55 A decrease of gymnastics enthusiasm already setting among Harvard students in 1828 as well as Follen’s additional task to lecture ethics and church history at the Theological Faculty, can be considered the main reasons for him resigning as superintendent of the Harvard Gymnasium (cf. Geldbach 1975, 351f.). Beck left the Round Hill School in 1830 because he predicted that with Bancroft’s resignation the school would lose its most important leader in Cogswell. After Beck had taught for two years at a school in Philipstown, he decided in 1832 to accept the offer of teaching Latin in Harvard (cf. IBID., 339). In 1832 almost all gymnastics devices of the Harvard Gymnasium had rotted due to lack of servicing (cf. IBID., 352). 56 The decision to assign Lieber as Follen’s successor was decisively influenced by a report drafted by Jahn for Lieber (cf. Weston 1962, 16). 57 Geldbach points out that the year 1832 fixed by Leonard in his study A Guide to the History of Physical Education is not supportable since he has no evidence for this statement (cf. Geldbach 1975, 369f.). COUBERTIN’S INTEREST IN THE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY AND SPORTS SCENE 97 gymnastics (cf. SAGE 1990, 192). Like the student leagues, the debating clubs and communities of interest run and founded by students in the fields of art, literature, music and sport served to fill a social vacuum caused by the daily routine of students, for which university officials merely organized courses and church prayer. The various extra-curricular activities offered students the possibility of pursuing interests and needs omitted from the university curriculum. Hence debating clubs offered the opportunity of discussing political, scientific, social and literary topics that went unnoticed in a curriculum restricted to the study of classical subjects. Communities of interest in sport provided students a way to satisfy the urge for physical movement unrestricted by any requirements of formal motion sequences. The teaching staff initially did not approve of students’ involvement in sport, but it was tolerated because it offered the students the necessary outlet to relieve the pent-up frustrations of the austere and monotonous college life. Before the advent of extra-curricular activities, the aggressions were discharged in fights among the students as well as aggressive actions towards professors, 58 tutors and college presidents (cf. SMITH 1988, 15ff.). Yale students in 1843 founded the first self-organized in American college sports with the establishment of a rowing club at their university. Harvard students, only a year later, acquired an eight-oared shell, the Oneida, laying the 59 foundation for organized rowing in Harvard (cf. BETTS 1974, 37). However, Eliot, who was enrolled at Harvard at this time, remarks retrospectively that the boats initially were for the transport of students “who did not propose to return sober from an evening in Boston” than sport devices, (ELIOT quoted according to

HERRICK 1948, 9).

58 It was no rarity that college presidents were bombarded with waste, their houses scribbled on and their furniture destroyed. It was also popular among the students to show their protest by disrupting daily service by hiding the bible, smuggling animals into the chapel and imitating animal noises during the sermon (cf. Brubacher/Rudy 1997, 50ff.). 59 In 1848 students of the universities Brown, Providence and Rhode Island also bought rowing boats. The students of the University of Pennsylvania founded University Barge Club in 1854 (cf. Smith 1988, 29). 98 COUBERTIN’S INTEREST IN THE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY AND SPORTS SCENE

In 1852 the rowing teams of the two universities had a boat race. In this first sport competition between American universities Harvard beat Yale by one boat’s length. Although the winning crew did not receive any prize money, the winners were given valuable oars made of walnut (cf. HERRICK 1948, 9). This rowing competition acquired a professional air through the efforts of J.N. Elkins who as the manager of Boston, Concord and Montreal Railroad covered the transport costs for both crews and their material to New Hampshire Lake (cf. KELLEY 1932, 100f.). It is certain that Elkins did not sponsor this out of a pure passion for this rowing competition but rather with intention of advertising the railroad company. After 1855, when rowing competitions had been carried out between other 60, universities of the East Coast there were regattas between university and non- university teams in 1858 (cf. SMITH 1988, 27ff.). Accordingly Eliot and his Harvard crew won a boat race against a team of dockworkers in 1858. The Harvard students received prize money of $100 (cf. AGGASSIZ 1907, 457f.). The question whether this could be regarded as the beginning of professionalism cannot be answered definitely. On one hand, the students, who were not yet supported by the university administration in their extra-curricular activities, used part of the prize money to buy themselves another rowing boat. On the other hand they probably shared the other half of the money among themselves (cf. D’WOLF LOVET 1908, 62f./213f.), which in turn would support the thesis that this constituted professional competition.

Amherst and Williams played their first baseball game in 1859(cf. BETTS 1974, 101). It is surprising that the first inter-university competition in baseball was held seven years after the first regatta between Yale and Harvard because baseball had been a particularly popular extra-curricular activity for years (cf.

SMITH 1988, 52f.). Baseball organizations like the Lawrence Base Ball Club at Harvard and the Nassau Baseball Club at Princeton were organized exclusively by the students. In both clubs “cents contributions” were paid for abusive language, insulting teammates and opponents, questioning referee decisions and unexcused

60 Since 1858 students from Yale, Harvard, Brown and Trinity organized annual interuniversity rowing competitions (cf. Smith 1988, 32). COUBERTIN’S INTEREST IN THE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY AND SPORTS SCENE 99 absences (cf. SMITH 1988, 53). The festivities held at Amherst College in honor of their winning team indicated the prominence of college sports competitions at even this early stage. After numerous victory speeches, players were driven around the entire Amherst campus in a decorated carriage (cf. CUTTING 1871, 113f.). After the abrupt decline of enthusiasm for gymnastics East Coast universities, the athletic activities organized by students were the only programs providing them with a physical outlet in their daily routine. Only after the Civil War did many colleges introduce different forms of drill gymnastics to make students more able-bodied. Harvard, Yale and Amherst established new gymnasia in 1860 for this purpose (cf. HARTWELL 1893, 32). The gymnastics programs developed by D. Lewis were rarely used anymore because their single and group exercises with light hand devices accompanied by music did not adequately prepare students for 61 the impending military conflict with the Confederate States (cf. WESTON 1962, 30f.). The president of Amherst College, concerned about the bad physical condition of his students, called for the founding of the Department of Hygiene and Physical Education in 1861 under the direction of E. Hitchcock (cf. LUMPKIN 1998, 182). Hitchcock, who had terminated his studies at the Harvard Medical School in 1853, introduced a compulsory gymnastics program was introduced for the first time for all students at college and university level (cf. COWELL/FRANCE 1970, 31). In addition to drill exercises that continued to be performed until after the Civil War, students performed exercises with ropes, rings, parallel bars, boxes and ladders (cf. WESTON 1962, 33). The program introduced at Amherst by Hitchcock formed the basis for the development of further gymnastics programs in the United States for decades after the Civil War.

61 Lewis eventually made his program the main education content of the Normal Institute of Physical Education that he founded in 1861. The Normal Schools were education institutions for future teachers. They offered either education possibilities in a range of fields, or concentrated on a specific one (cf. Lumpkin 1998, 182). Lewis’ program was partly based on the ideas of C.E. Beecher, who had developed special programs for the physical education of girls since 1837. Beecher’s program consisted of exercises for the prevention of postural defects, exercise with light dumb-bells, archery and gymnastics accompanied by music. In 1859 Beecher published the book Physiology and Calisthenics for Schools and Families (cf. Weston 1962, 30). 100 COUBERTIN’S INTEREST IN THE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY AND SPORTS SCENE

2.2.1 ‘The Battle of Systems’

Almost twenty years later other American institutions of higher education still followed the example of Amherst College and established compulsory gymnastics programs for their students (cf. HARTWELL 1893, 32). When D. A. Sargent became Assistant Professor of Physical Training and director of the Hemenway Gymnasium at Harvard University, he introduced a program for physical fitness 62 that despite its eclectic character became known as the Sargent System . His program combined elements of German and Swedish gymnastics with special strengthening exercises (cf. WESTON 1962, 34). Sargent gave students with organic and body build deficits an individual training program based on the results of a thorough medical examination and anthropometric measuring. These examinations were repeated periodically to adapt the training programmed to new examination results (cf. SARGENT 1890, 62ff.). Sargent allied himself with Hitchcock, who had already carried out tests in the anthropometric field from 1861 to 1881 to develop special exercises to compensate for students’ organic and anatomic deficits (cf. WESTON 1962, 33.). That Sargent’s contribution to the program bore his name lies in the development and improvement of numerous exercise devices that could train individual muscle groups and organs, and be adapted to the individual performance and body constitutions of the students:

If he is weak in the chest or the back, he can spend his time and energy in strengthening those parts without fear of strain and injury. In fact, he can work for an hour, going from one piece of apparatus to another, keeping always within the circuit of his capacity, and adding slowly and surely to his general strength and powers of endurance. If the heart is weak, the lung capacity small, the liver sluggish, the circulation feeble, or the nervous system impaired, etc., special forms of exercise can be prescribed to meet these conditions (SARGENT 1890, 66f.)

But in spite of differences in the choice of devices, both programs mainly focus on consolidating a physical fitness of students thus making the college graduates more resilient to the strain of working and everyday life. Furthermore Hitchcock

62 Sargent, like Lewis, can be considered a pioneer in the field of teacher education. Sargent opened the co-educatively lead Sanatory Gymnasium in 1881 that later was renamed Sargent Normal School according to its function as teacher educating (cf. Weston 1962, 113/cf. Lumpkin 1998, 199). COUBERTIN’S INTEREST IN THE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY AND SPORTS SCENE 101 and Sargent remarked that their programs for physical fitness would offer the students a pleasant form of balancing their daily routine (cf. HITCHCOCK 1962,

109/cf. SARGENT 1962, 139ff.) and produce a conscientious basic attitude towards body hygiene (cf. LUMPKIN 1998, 188). E.M. Hartwell, who was responsible for physical education of students at Johns Hopkins University from 1885 to 1890, applied the programs developed by Hitchcock and Sargent in his gymnastics exercises. He, however, also relied heavily on exercises taken from Swedish and German gymnastics. Hartwell had learned about German and especially Swedish gymnastics during his stays in Germany and Sweden. The American interest in Swedish gymnastics derived mainly from the Swedes H. Nissen and N. Posse (cf. WESTON 1962, 34f.). In 1883 Nissen introduced the system of Swedish gymnastics in Washington by founding the Swedish Health Institute there. Teachers, lecturers and medicals visited this institution to gain a comprehensive theoretical and practical education in this gymnastics system (cf. LUMPKIN 1998, 185). An even stronger impetus for the popularization of Swedish gymnastics in the United States came from Posse, who had visited the Gymnastische Centralinstitut founded by P.H. Ling and developed the Posse Normal School in Boston, where teachers educated in teaching Swedish gymnastics. The introduction of Swedish gymnastics at public 63 schools in Boston as pilot project led to the founding of Boston Normal School of Gymnastics in 1888, where Posse developed and supervised a two-year training course in Swedish gymnastics (cf. WESTON 1962, 35/cf. LUMPKIN 1998, 185). These different gymnastics programs including German gymnastics were united as the American Society for the Advancement of Physical Education. The society, now called American Alliance for Health, Physical Education, Recreation and 64 Dance (AAHPERD) (cf. LUMPKIN 1998, 74), held an assembly in November 1885

63 M. Hemenway was the initiator of this pilot project. She had visited the Swedish gymnastics presentations of Posse and so impressed by them that she offered the administration body of Boston Public School System to cover the costs of teacher education in Swedish gymnastics if the Boston schools included this program of physical education in the curriculum on a trial basis (cf. Weston 1962, 35). 64 In 1886 the American Society for the Advancement of Physical Education became the American Association for the Advancement of Physical Education, and in 1903 named itself the American Physical 102 COUBERTIN’S INTEREST IN THE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY AND SPORTS SCENE at the request of W.G. Anderson, founder of the Chautauqua Summer School of

Physical Education and the Brooklyn (Anderson) Normal School in 1886 (cf. IBID., 185). Anderson invited all important representatives of the American systems for physical education and of Swedish and German gymnastics to the Adelphi Academy in Brooklyn to address the controversy over the ‘pros and cons’ of various gymnastics programs (cf. ANDERSON 1941, 151ff.). Anderson was a close friend of White, who supported him in founding the Chautauqua Summer School of Physical Education, the Brooklyn Normal School and the American Society for the Advancement of Physical Education (cf.

ANDERSON 1962, 120). Anderson, in 1884, had presented to the president of Cornell University his plan of organizing a conference in 1885 with the main representatives of the various programs for physical education. White had offered Anderson his support for the project in a letter of January 14, 1884:

My dear Doctor:

We shall always remember your visit here with pleasure. Hope to see you from time to time; shall always, also be glad to co-operate with you in any efforts you make for the spread of rational physical culture. Very truly yours,

Andrew D. White (WHITE quoted according to WESTON 1962, 120).

The meeting organized by Anderson in 1885 was followed by the Conference on Physical Training in Boston, where the controversy on the ‘pros and cons’ of gymnastics programs known in United States sport history as the Battle of

Systems continued (cf. LUMPKIN 1998, 184). M. Hemenway was the initiator and main financier. She hoped this symposium would lead to a increase in popularity of Swedish gymnastics that she favored (cf. WESTON 1962, 37). At the conference held at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT) on November 29 and 30,

Posse lectured on Swedish gymnastics (cf. POSSE 1890, 42ff.). H. Metzner,

Education Association. In 1937 this name changed to American Association for Health and Physical Education. In 1938 the word ‘recreation’ and 1979 the word ‘dance’ were included in the title. In 1974 ‘association’ was replaced by ‘alliance’ (cf. Lumpkin 1998, 191). COUBERTIN’S INTEREST IN THE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY AND SPORTS SCENE 103 director of the New York gymnastics club (cf. MACALOON 1984, 116), lectured on

German gymnastics (cf. METZNER 1890, 23ff.), and Hartwell (cf. HARTWELL 1890,

5ff.), Hitchcock (cf. HITCHCOCK 1890, 57ff.) and Sargent (cf. SARGENT 1890, 62ff.) on the American gymnastics models. But despite a long discussion and comprehensive exchange of ideas, the congress participants were unable to agree on a standardized system for physical education meeting the needs of American students. Only Sargent made a proposal on the possible content of a standardized system: “What America most needs is the happy combination which the European nations are trying to effect: the strength giving qualities of the German gymnasium, the active and energetic properties of the English sports, the grace and suppleness acquired from French calisthenics, and the beautiful poise and mechanical precision of the Swedish free movement, all regulated, systematized, and adapted to our peculiar needs and institutions” (SARGENT 1890, 76). Although Sargent was one of the few main speakers at the congress in Boston who considered the integration of athleticism into a standardized movement program for pupils and students (cf. LUMPKIN 1998, 186), he and his colleagues were extremely critical of student sports, whose problems they did not count among the scope of duties of their Departments of Physical Education’ (cf. CHU 1979, 74). He thus comments in his essay Ideals in Physical Education that the competitive orientation inherent to sports can hardly be controlled and regulated to meet educational objectives (cf. SARGENT 1901, 113).

2.2.2 Tactical professionalism in US university sports

Following the pre-Civil War university competitions in rowing and baseball, the first ‘Intercollegiate Football Match’ took place in 1869 between Princeton and

Rutgers (cf. LAWRENCE 1987, 2) as did the first athletics competition, organized in conjunction with a regatta in 1873, featuring competitors from Amherst College, 65 Cornell and McGill University (cf. RADER 1983(a), 73). The increasing popularity

65 Originally students from Harvard and Dartmouth were registered for the race over two miles, but they cancelled their participation shortly before the competition commenced (cf. Smith 1988, 104). 104 COUBERTIN’S INTEREST IN THE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY AND SPORTS SCENE of these competitions organized by students is mirrored in the founding of the Rowing Association of American Colleges in 1871, the Intercollegiate Football Association in 1876 and the Intercollegiate Association of Amateur Athletes of

America in 1876 (cf. LUMPKIN 1998, 195). This type of association also was needed in football to coordinate the game, but to standardize the rules that before the founding of the Intercollegiate Football Association had to be laboriously negotiated before each game because they varied greatly from university to university (cf. SMITH 1988, 72ff.) In spite of the brutality of the games and training that often lead to student 66 deaths , football became the most popular sport at United States universities (cf.

SMITH 1995, 152). No other event in nineteenth century American university sport was as popular as Thanksgiving Day football games. Harvard, Yale and Princeton had held their championship games on this holiday since 1876. Other universities following the example at elite universities soon led to football matches being held across the whole country on Thanksgiving Day. The Chicago Tribune reported on November 29, 1896 that were about 5,000 football matches with 120,000 players. The high number of enthusiastic spectators is further proof of the popularity of this sport event. In the Thanksgiving football attracted only 1,000 spectators, whereas over 23,000 attended the 1887 game between Harvard and

Yale in New York City (cf. LUCAS/SMITH 1978, 238). These football competitions included festivities like with today’s Super Bowls. There was a four-hour parade featuring the football heroes of both university teams to the pitch on the Polo Grounds in New York City before the 1893

Princeton - Yale game (cf. POPE 1993, 248). A reporter for Harper’s Weekly describes this scene in his article “The Thanksgiving Game” published on November 29, 1893: “[. . . fans] swarm up town like an invading army with

66 In the football season of 1905 18 college players were killed and 159 injured badly according to the Chicago Tribune (cf. Weston 1962, 59). This induced Roosevelt to call a meeting of representatives from the universities of Harvard, Yale and Princeton to discuss rule changes in regard to the brutality of this game. Roosevelt even threatened to ban the game if the rules were not altered (cf. Sage 1990, 172). Although Columbia University had even prohibited the game for a short period and some universities supported other sport disciplines (cf. Weston 1962, 59), the popularity of football as a university sport did not decrease. COUBERTIN’S INTEREST IN THE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY AND SPORTS SCENE 105 banners and flags and artificial flowers in true colors, and with tiny leather football buttons and rosettes and ribbons and tin horns and countless varieties of school badges. Shop windows throughout Manhattan were adorned with photographs of collegiate football stars, […]” (Harper’s Weekly quoted according to IBID., 242). This enormous increase in popularity of inter-university competitive sports prompted the university leadership to exert or even take control of this kind of extra-curricular activity as many undesirable developments emerged. Apart from financial miscalculations (cf. SAGE 1990, 171f.), the tendency toward 67 professionalization was disquieting. The employment of professional trainers 68 69 and prize money and material prizes was common as were entrance fees , and the establishment of comprehensive training plans and recruited athletes whose sport performance was rewarded by financing their studies and cost of living (cf.

SMITH 1988, 171). The Nation published a short review of a letter from the president of Princeton University, McCosh, who complained that the students spent more time on university sports than preparing or attending their courses and thus neglecting the actual university objective (cf. RADER 1983(a), 79):

President McCosh . . . takes up the common complain that college students are allowed to devote themselves to the pursuit of athletics at the expense of those branches of learning which they are, in theory, sent to college to acquire. There is pretty widespread impression that, as he puts it, the enthusiasm of college life tends in the direction, not of literature or science, but of muscles and bones; and he tells an anecdote of a father who, . . . bitterly remarked to a professor that he had sent his boy to college to become a scholar but that what he had learnt there only fitted him for a position in a circus” (N.N. 1883, 268)

67 In 1864 students from Yale contracted a gymnastics teacher from New York City in order to ensure the first victory over Harvard by special training (cf. Smith 1988, 148). 68 At the first organised track racing between runners from Amherst College, Cornell and McGill University in 1873 the prize money was set at $ 500 by a private citizen (cf. Smith 1988, 104). 69 Each team received $ 13.000 from the sale of admission tickets for the football match between Yale and Princeton on Thanksgiving Day in 1893 (cf. Lucas/Smith 1978, 236). 106 COUBERTIN’S INTEREST IN THE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY AND SPORTS SCENE

The American sport sociologist A.L. Sack associates the tendency toward professionalization mainly with the intrusion into American sport of the principle of winning-at-all-costs, which was predominant in industry and commerce. According to Sack, this attitude was passed on to student sport by the sons of the so-called “nouveaux riches,” a social class that had become wealthy through industry and commerce and whose sons now went to university. “Survival of the fittest,” rivalries and competitiveness plus the winning-at-all-costs ethos were familiar principles to these students and were applicable to sport competitions (cf.

SACK 1973, 27). The sport historian B.G. Rader extends this theory to students of the aspiring middle-class that wanted to acquire the assertiveness and discipline fostered by the unfettered success orientation of university sport - characteristics also required in commerce and industry (cf. RADER 1983(a), 78ff.). Sack and Rader thus reassert J.R. Tunis’ basic theme that the rivalries and competitiveness in American sport are an expression of a distinctive American character formed by the fight for survival during the early settlement of the West: “Competition is the lifehood of our nation, . . . In the United States a boy or a girl starts to compete from an early grade in school. . . . Later he competes in sports, to win, of course, for victory is vital. Or so he believes. In the American sporting creed, as in our myth, there is no place for failure. He has therefore every reason to believe in competition; it is all around, in the air he breathes. Competition is the life-blood of sport, whether man is competing against par, against time, 70 against a mountain or against another human being” (TUNIS 1958, 147f.) . In this context, a prominent example of the absolute application of the winning- at-all-costs theory in American university sport is the football coach V. Lombardi, who is said to have coined the phrase, “Winning isn’t the most important thing, it is the only thing” (LOMBARDI quoted according to SACK 1973, 31). References are

70 Tunis uses F. J. Turner’s Frontier Thesis for his explanatory approach (cf. Guttmann 1978, 95). In 1893 the historian Turner presented his paper “The Significance of the Frontier in American History” to the American Historical Association in Chicago in which he argued that the continental American settlement process was the main impetus for the extension and manifestation of the democratic ideals of the United States. Accordingly, for gymnasts it is this democratic character of the New World that distinguished itself from European culture and that even contributed to the advancement of humanity (cf. Heideking 1996, 187ff.). COUBERTIN’S INTEREST IN THE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY AND SPORTS SCENE 107 often made to W. Camp who is also called the father of ‘American Football’ (cf.

COHEN 1980, 219). Camp, who considerably contributed to the regimentation and popularization of football, was the honorary coach of the Yale football team from 1888 until 1909, for which he himself had played in his first college competition. As a high-ranking employee of Connecticut’s largest clock manufacturer, Camp was familiar with the hard rules of American industry and believed like the social Darwinist W.G. Sumner that the ability to survive and succeed could only be guaranteed for the strongest (cf. SMITH 1988, 84). Camp also saw football in this light. Only winning counted (cf. SACK 1973, 32). Although Camp spoke out against the faults of professional sport, commenting in his book Walter Camp’s Book on College Sports that a “gentleman never competes for money, directly or indirectly” (CAMP 1893, 1), he himself violated this postulate. Camp unofficially used funds from the proceeds of the admission tickets sales to pay tutors. This professional behavior, that was the custom at Yale and elsewhere, enabled Camp to ensure that his best athletes had more time for football and could perform only the minimum of academic work required by the university (cf. SMITH 1988, 170). This can definitely be interpreted as indirect payment of the athletes and thus as a contradiction of his own position. The perception that Camp as a strict advocate of university amateur sport is contradicted by the Camp biographer H. Powel, who points out that Camp regarded football not simply as a game, but rather as a spectacle that was to attract as many spectators possible (cf. POWELL 1926, 113ff.). University leaders attempted to contain the serious problems in student- managed university sport by repressing sports. Universities did not want to entirely prohibit athletic activities because leaders believed that sports could be conducive to moral and social education if sensibly regulated and organized (cf. N.N. 1883, 269) and if sensibly balanced with the gymnastics practice programs 71 (cf. HARTWELL 1893, 35) . Sloane in particular clearly distinguishes the educational objective of the various gymnastics programs from athleticism. He

71 Apart from his compulsory gymnastics exercises Sargent encouraged students to take part in athletic activities (cf. Lumpkin 1998, 183). 108 COUBERTIN’S INTEREST IN THE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY AND SPORTS SCENE thus reduces the tasks of functional gymnastics to the mere improvement of physical and organic deficits and the development of ideal body proportions: “Others would take the dimensions of every limb, calculate the proportions of the body, ausculate for every defect in lungs and heart, and then, under medical supervision, provide the apparatus needed to expand the chest, or draw down a shoulder, or decrease the waist, and send the young Apollo with his perfect proportions and graceful walk on his journey through the world” (SLOANE 1895, 135). Sloane complained that military gymnastics led by army officers who demanded the students wear uniforms, doubtlessly emphasized the “military conception of life in our institutions” (IBID., 135). Sloane did not disparage the scientific character nor health objective of functional gymnastics introduced by Hitchcock 72 and developed by Sargent (cf. SLOANE 1890, 170ff. ), but rather criticized the lack of “spontaneity and initiative on the part of the student” in its execution

(SLOANE 1895, 135). Sloane saw the inclusion of this program in the compulsory subjects canon, 73 which he already considered overloaded, as a further disadvantage . Sloane believed that the gymnastics courses had been counted among the compulsory ones because the monotony of the exercises did not encourage the students to voluntarily attend them. Furthermore, Sloane complained that these courses only took place in the gymnasium (cf. SLOANE 1890, 170ff./cf. SLOANE 1895, 135). Sloane favored sport games, rowing and athletics competitions not only because they mainly took place outdoors (cf. SLOANE 1890, 170ff.), but also because of their social and moral educational impact (cf. SLOANE 1895, 136).

Sloane, who was employed at Columbia University in 1896 (cf. LUCAS 1991, 230f.), regarded university sports as a valuable complement of the compulsory or selectable university courses which optimized characteristics like self-confidence,

72 More exact page specifications are not possible with this source because the page numbers of this document are illegible. 73 With this general criticism of the curriculum, Sloane is in agreement with the previously mentioned university reformers that wanted to reduce the number of courses by introducing freedom of choice. But these reform proposals were hardly realizable under the conservative presidency of McCosh (cf. Butts 1939, 210). COUBERTIN’S INTEREST IN THE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY AND SPORTS SCENE 109 assertiveness, self-discipline, ambitiousness, cooperation, fairness and honesty that were to be acquired by graduates for their future executive functions. As with the neglect of sport, Sloane considered the overemphasis of sport extra- curricular activities incompatible with the academic professional and moral education of qualified executives. Sloane regarded the neglect of academic education caused by time-consuming training and traveling to competitions as incompatible with the aims of university education (cf. SLOANE 1890, 170ff.). Sloane believed that moral faults in university sport stemmed from an excessive focus on the decisive characteristics of sport “ambition, rivalry, emulation” (SLOANE 1890, 170ff.) and that honesty, fairness and mutual consideration had become victims of a behavior solely bent on winning (cf. IBID.,

170ff./cf. SLOANE 1895, 135). Thus Sloane clearly advocates the importance of amateur sport, a term he used synonymously with “clean sports” (cf. SLOANE quoted according to MANDELL 1984, 202). Princeton in 1881 complied with President McCosh’s demand for control of student sports, a demand first made in 1874 (cf. SMITH 1995, 152). The following year, Harvard formed a faculty athletic committee that however, still endeavored to closely cooperate with organizations created by students. Other universities followed this example so that by 1900 almost every university had formed an athletic committee (cf. SAGE 1990, 172). Sloane, an outspoken advocate for maintaining student self-management was the president of the Faculty Committee On Outdoor Sports at Princeton in 1885, and from 1890 until 1896

(cf. PRESBREY/MOFFATT 1901, 57). A close reading of Sloane’s essays on college and university sport at Princeton not only documents his advocacy of the educational value of athleticism, but also corrects the claim of American sport historian Smith that apart from Camp only professor E.L. Richards of Yale had supported student self-management of university sports (cf. SMITH 1995, 156). Sloane’s support for student self- management is clearly expressed in the following quotation: “A third method is to provide a free gymnasium, . . . leaving its use in preparation for sports of various sorts to the option of those who engage in them, or wish to, and provide a 110 COUBERTIN’S INTEREST IN THE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY AND SPORTS SCENE stimulus for the largest possible number to use it by the development of the glorious and exhilarating out-door games – base-ball, foot-ball, lacrosse, and rowing – in the management of the students themselves” (SLOANE 1895, 135). It was in the freedom of students to plan and manage their sport extra- curricular activities themselves that Sloan saw the possibility of organizational talent, circumspection, reliability and purposefulness thus preparing the students for executive functions in political, commercial and administrative professions: “As patriots we want our educated men to be ready for great undertakings, fearless before the most portentous obstacles, versed in human nature, and adroit in the art of politics. There is no better school for the nurture of such qualities than the management of intercollegiate athletics” (SLOANE 1890, 177ff.).

Sloane did not misjudge the danger of a possible overemphasis of striving for success and the consequential problems of professionalism. He therefore merely pleaded for a “minimum of supervision”(IBID., 170ff.), thus maintaining the “right spirit” (SLOANE 1895, 136) in university sport.

The Intercollegiate Athletic Conference of 1883 in New York (VAN

DALEN/MITCHELL/ BENNET 1953, 400) also sought to organize inter-institutional control with the founding of an umbrella organization for the individual athletic committees to more cohesively counter the problem of professionalism (cf. SAGE 1990, 154). The conference drew up the following resolutions and presented them to the individual universities for ratification:

No professional athlete should be employed as a coach of any college team.

No college team should play against a non-college team (including professional teams), and games should only be contested on one of the college’s home grounds.

Athletes were to be limited to four years of athletic participation.

Each college should set up a faculty athletic committee to approve rules and regulations, and the college who accepted the resolutions would only compete against others who accepted them” (BLANCHARD 1923, 354). COUBERTIN’S INTEREST IN THE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY AND SPORTS SCENE 111

Since only Princeton, Harvard and Cornell ratified the proposals (cf. VAN

DALEN/MITCHELL/ BENNET 1953, 401), unified action against the faults in university sport was not possible. As yet it was unknown that Sloane and Sargent were president and secretary of this Intercollegiate Athletic Committee. Sloane and Sargent called a new conference for 1884 at which it was proposed that students could play against club teams if these were accepted as amateur clubs by the Intercollegiate Athletic Committee and carried out their competitions at sports facilities outside the 74 universities (cf. SLOANE/SARGENT 7. March 1884/Archivalia) . But at this meeting the invited university representatives also failed to achieve an agreement. The students that had founded the Intercollegiate Association of Amateur Athletes of America argued against the adoption of these proposals and demanded in circulars that the university leadership should not interfere in student sports. The students regarded their sport activities as their own domain for which they themselves were responsible (cf. SMITH 1995, 156). The attempts of McCosh and Eliot to develop comprehensive supra-institutional regulations for student sports failed due to lack of cooperation by many universities that wanted to formulate their own rules, or, like Yale, supported the uncontrolled student self-management under maintenance of blurred professionalism (cf. SMITH 1983, 375ff.). A further attempt to regulate and control university sport was not until 1898 with calling of the Brown Conference. The representatives of the student athletic committees and faculty athletic committees sent by the universities Brown, Princeton, Harvard, Penn, Columbia, Cornell and Dartmouth discussed the problems of university sports. The general consensus called the rejection of professionalization and commercialization of

74 Competitions against public clubs were only grudgingly accepted by the universities since the college players often competed against professional athletes whose gruff behavior was often adopted by the students. Moreover these additional competitions increased the number of matches of college teams to such an extent that the students were hardly able to devote themselves to their studies. However the student teams always sought to demonstrate their skills in competitions against professional clubs. Thus the baseball team of Harvard went on game tour in 1870 during which they played against the professional clubs Troy Haymakers, Philadelphia Athletics, Washington Olympics, Cleveland Forest Cities and Chicago White Stockings (cf. Smith 1988, 57). 112 COUBERTIN’S INTEREST IN THE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY AND SPORTS SCENE university sports and a desire to emulate the concept of sports at Oxford and Cambridge, “where a gentlemanly game of enjoyable competition transcended victory at all costs” (SMITH 1988, 141). But the further development of American university sports with its blurred professionalism clearly demonstrates that these views were not accepted. Students aimed at beating other universities in sport competitions and therefore increasingly professionalized their sport activities. Like today, even after the proposals of the Brown Conference, university leaders who saw sport successes as welcomed publicity aiding the university’s efforts of attracting more students silently accepted the situation. Thus W. R. Harper, the president of the University of Chicago, newly opened in 1892, exploited the football team to increase the popularity of the hitherto unknown university. The successful football player A.A. Stagg was hired as coach to achieve victories and attracted favorable publicity

(cf. RADER 1983(a), 76). Harper’s instructions to Stagg were clear: “I want you to develop teams which we can send around the country and knock out all the colleges. We will give them [the players] a palace car and a vacation too” (HARPER quoted according to BOYCHEFF 1954, 19).

2.3 Coubertin’s contacts to representatives of gymnastic and athletic education at American universities

Coubertin during his visits to American universities tried to get as many impressions as possible on the gymnastic and athletic programs. He therefore made contact with the leading representatives of the rival gymnastic and athletic education models. During his first visit to Harvard, Coubertin learned to his satisfaction that gymnastic education was considered important at American education institutions. President Eliot introduced his French guest to D.A. Sargent the director of the Hemenway Gymnasium (cf. COUBERTIN 1977, 648ff.). Coubertin describes in detail his first encounter in his book Universités transatlantiques. Sargent willingly let Coubertin participate in his current examinations. Thus Coubertin observed the measurements of lung capacity of students carried out COUBERTIN’S INTEREST IN THE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY AND SPORTS SCENE 113 with the aerophletysmograph and muscle power performed with the dynamometer. He also observed how students had to provide information on family diseases. Coubertin remarks with some astonishment, but not approval, that the students underwent fifty-eight examinations, the results of which were painstakingly recorded on file cards. A tour of the Hemenway Gymnasium of Harvard led by Sargent confirmed Coubertin’s deprecatory attitude towards a concept of physical education focused on strict formal exercises. Before Coubertin was introduced to Sargent, Eliot and Coubertin had already undertaken a first inspection of Hemenway Gymnasium. Coubertin had been surprised on this first visit by the exercises performed. In Universités transatlantiques Coubertin very ironically describes some students’ exercises for their little finger and left forearm because the examinations showed that these parts of the body differed from 75 those on the right (cf. IBID., 648ff.) . Coubertin had an experience similar to that at Harvard during his first short visit to Johns Hopkins University, where he met with Hartwell who was responsible for physical education from 1885 to 1890 at this newly founded university (cf. LUMPKIN 1998, 185). But again Coubertin was unimpressed by the examination methods already known to him through Sargent. He sarcastically comments that Hartwell mustered the students like a mechanic would a damaged machine that had to be repaired to perform properly in the future (cf. COUBERTIN 1977, 891).

Even Hitchcock, who met Coubertin at Amherst College in 1889 (cf. IBID., 117ff.), and E. Hitchcock, Jr., who had mainly organized the Department of 76 Physical Education at Cornell University (cf. WESTON 1962, 119) along the lines of his father’s system, could not convince Coubertin of the educational value of the applied gymnastic programs. Coubertin also reports that the Department of

75 Coubertin writes similarly in his book School – Sport –Education Thoughts on the Public Education System on Sargent’s gymnastic system that he had witnessed at Harvard (cf. Coubertin 1972, 126). 76 In 1883 White had been able to convince the administrative board of Cornell University of the necessity of granting funds for constructing this department (cf. Rogers 1942, 187). As a supporter of Spencer (cf. Armytage 1970, 299) and his esteem of physical education and hygiene (cf. Reble 1999, 257f.) White was convinced that neglecting these areas would have a negative effect on the students’ development (cf. Rogers 1942, 187). 114 COUBERTIN’S INTEREST IN THE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY AND SPORTS SCENE

Physical Education at Cornell University, in addition to requiring Hitchcock’s gymnastics programs, had made military mass gymnastics compulsory for 77 freshmen and sophomores and organized the so-called ‘physical wrecks courses.’ As the name reveals, these exercises were meant for students with considerable organic and postural deformities. Coubertin did view these courses as sensible, but complained that the exercises were too mechanical and that the course participants were not offered the possibility of fulfilling their need for movement with athletic activities (cf. COUBERTIN 1977, 762ff.). It was not just the contact with Hitchcock, Sargent and Hartwell that showed Coubertin the importance attributed to gymnastic education of American students. His attendance at the Conference on Physical Training held in Boston in

1889 also contributed to this impression (cf. IBID., 906). Coubertin was very surprised that the main speakers hardly referred to the educational value of athleticism (cf. MACALOON 1984, 119). Eventually it was left to Coubertin, whom

Weston, in contrast to the official congress report (cf. BARROWS 1890, IIIf.), counts among the main speakers in his book The Making of American Physical Education (cf. Weston 1962, 38), to state the social and moral educational importance of athleticism that in his opinion was neither to be found in professional sport nor gymnastic programs, but rather only amateur sport. In this context Coubertin naturally mentions his great idol Arnold: “I believe, . . . that from the moral and social view no system, . . . stands higher than the English athletic sport system as understood and explained by the greatest of modern teachers, Thomas Arnold of Rugby (COUBERTIN 1890, 112) Coubertin agrees with Harris, who as United States Commissioner of Education chaired the symposium. Harris, in his introductory speech, asked the congress participants to consider the educational value of sports games in their deliberations (cf. HARRIS 1890, 3). But since most conference participants were representatives of American, Swedish and German programs of physical education, they hardly considered Harris’ request and discussed the pros and

77 This term is used in the Anglo-American world for first and second-year students. COUBERTIN’S INTEREST IN THE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY AND SPORTS SCENE 115 cons of their programs instead. For Harris these programs resembled work that excluded the valuable educational atmosphere of sports games (cf. MACALOON 1984, 115). A Coubertin letter to White indicates that Coubertin had already made the acquaintance of the United States Commissioner of Education before the congress in Boston: “Now I am back in New York & will make it my headquarter up to the 14th of December. Dr. Preston Johnson of Tulane University was very kind to me & so was W. T. Harris, who is now in Boston as President of a very important conference on Physical Education that is going to be held there tomorrow & the day after. I will attend this meeting with much interest” (COUBERTIN 28. November 1889/Archivalia). The date of the letter and the location where it was written indicate an early meeting of Coubertin and Harris. Coubertin wrote this letter on November 28, 1889 in the Victoria Hotel of New York City. Since was clearly known by Coubertin that Harris was then in Boston, an earlier meeting must have taken place between Coubertin and Harris. However, a further analysis of this quotation also allows a different interpretation. Coubertin does not inform White in detail where and when he had met Harris. Yet, since Harris was such a prominent person, this does seem surprising and suggests that White had already been informed of the meeting beforehand. Even if one does not agree with these speculations, the importance of the verifiable information that a contact and exchange took place between Coubertin and Harris is not diminished. Thus Harris can be added to the personal network established by Coubertin in the United States. Coubertin was interested not only in the rival gymnastic systems of the American university system, but also in the athletic education that he had admired so much while in England. During his visits to the universities of 78 Harvard, Cornell, Michigan, Tulane, Charlottesville and Yale , and the private

78 Coubertin was particularly impressed by the rowing simulator in the swimming baths of Yale University (cf. Coubertin 1977, 913f.). Simulators were probably already used then to improve the crew’s rowing technique and to provide training possibilities throughout the winter. 116 COUBERTIN’S INTEREST IN THE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY AND SPORTS SCENE schools of Lawrenceville, Berkeley and Grotton, Coubertin was able to gain a first overview of the sports facilities there and the enthusiasm of the students for different sport activities (cf. COUBERTIN 1977, 659, 772f., 816, 841, 913f., 592, 79 614f., 682ff. ): “A visit in the United States in 1889 familiarized Coubertin with American notions of physical education and with the national mania for intercollegiate sports. He was especially impressed by the excellent facilities that the colleges and universities had made available to their students, . . .”

(GUTTMANN 1992, 10).

Just as Cornell University with White (cf. COUBERTIN 28. November 1889/Archivalia) and to a lesser extent Johns Hopkins University with its president Gilman (cf. COUBERTIN 1897(a), 75) can be regarded as the main source of information for Coubertin’s statements on the character of the American university system, Princeton University and Sloane served as an institutional and personal guides to Coubertin’s assessment of American university sports. At this point it should be mentioned again that Coubertin and Sloane did not first meet in 1889 in Princeton, but had already met in 1888 in the house of the French philosopher and historian Taine (cf. N.N. 1913(b), 545). During Coubertin’s stays in Princeton in 1889 and 1893, Sloane made his

French guest familiar with the local university sport system (cf. MANDELL 1976,

91/cf. GUTTMANN 1992, 13) which impressed Coubertin with its variety and organization (cf. COUBERTIN 1897(a), 64). Thus Coubertin could get a picture of the passion of American students for football as well as the generously planned sports facilities of Princeton University. The fact that Coubertin very attentively observed the student sports in Princeton is verified by his detailed description of the crouch start which was not performed frequently at this time, but which the

Princeton athletics team was practicing (cf. COUBERTIN 1893(a), 13f.). Together with Sloane, Coubertin also visited the football game between 80 Princeton and Yale on Thanksgiving Day in 1893 (cf. LUCAS 1993, 105). Some days earlier Coubertin had experienced the tension in Princeton surrounding the

79 The array of page numbers corresponds to the order in which universities and schools are listed. 80 In 1893 the Princeton team beat Yale, 6-0 (cf. Pope 1997,85). COUBERTIN’S INTEREST IN THE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY AND SPORTS SCENE 117 game. On the day Coubertin was genuinely impressed by this “folk festival”

(COUBERTIN 1894(b), 698) and reported glowingly how the 50,000 spectators wore the emblems or colors of their favored university with great enthusiasm (cf.

COUBERTIN 1897(a), 65). The following quotation from the English version of 81 Coubertin’s article “Le Rétablissement des Jeux Olympiques” illustrates Coubertin’s appreciation of this sport event:

The last Thursday of November, under the name of Thanksgiving Day, is a national fete in the United States; it is largely observed in playing football – a manner of celebrating it which the Puritans certainly did not foresee when they established the day. At Boston, the universities of Harvard and Philadelphia; at Washington, the university of Georgetown and the Columbia Athletic Club; at Chicago, the university of Ann Arbor and that of Chicago; at Richmond, the universities of Virginia and of North Carolina; at San Francisco the universities of California and of Palo Alto, pitted against each other on that day their players, . . . were placed in line upon the blackboard on the receipt of successive telegrams. It was indeed a scene of modern Olympianism (COUBERTIN 1894(b), 698).

Coubertin assessed this football event as a “scene of modern Olympianism”

(IBID., 698). His starting point is the interpretation of Olympism as a religion (cf.

COUBERTIN 1967, 150), whereby he is clearly led by a secularized understanding of religion (cf. LENK 1972, 19). Coubertin believed that just as the agonists of antiquity honored the god of the Greek Olympus with their competitions, modern athletes were to align themselves with the requirements of life’s realities. This was not only about corresponding to the postulates of the democracy and to an enlightened patriotism, which were to work towards international understanding, but also fulfilling the demanded ties to moral values such as honesty, fairness, self-discipline, self-control cooperation, and consideration. (cf. GRUPE/MIETH 1998, 395f.). Facets of Coubertin’s views are again to be found in the interpretation of Thanksgiving Day Football-Games as a modern and religious festivity of American culture.

81 The article Le Rétablissement des Jeux Olympiques, published on June 15, in 1894 in the newspaper La Revue de Paris, was reprinted in September 1894 under the title of The Re-Establishment of the Olympic Games in the US magazine The Chautauquan. 118 COUBERTIN’S INTEREST IN THE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY AND SPORTS SCENE

The Thanksgiving football games reached such popularity that their celebrations 82 stood next to the usual hours of prayer, bible study and meditation and effected a reinterpretation of strict Puritan teachings. If sports activities had hitherto been regarded as idleness and useless waste of the energy needed for daily work, the view changed dramatically in the last third of the nineteenth century and corresponded to the generally increased sport interest of the American population. Sport was now regarded as an appropriate means of teaching fundamental religious principles such as self-discipline, productivity, orderliness and self-control (cf. POPE 1997, 88). Accordingly, this new attitude the Thanksgiving Football Festival was regarded as a “new way to make them [the young men] more Christian than they ever were under the old observances”

(GORN/GOLDSTEIN quoted according to POPE 1997, 88). The happy atmosphere of these “football festivals” described in press reports

(cf. POPE 1993, 242), also must have induced Coubertin to assign this annual nationwide sport event an Olympic flair (cf. COUBERTIN 1894(b), 698). The Olympic Games were meant to be an event where the spectators came together in a relaxed and happy atmosphere. In Coubertin’s opinion only in these conditions were athletes and spectators receptive to the experiences of agonal competition and to an international meeting free of the inappropriate customary sobriety of international political and commercial meetings that hardly created the right atmosphere for learning about and respecting other nations’ cultural 83 characteristics (cf. QUANZ 1999) .

82 Thanksgiving celebrates the Pilgrim Fathers and their success in settling the New World. On this great American holiday values such as freedom, democracy, patriotism, family consciousness, devoutness and honesty are strongly appreciated (cf. Robertson 1980, 11). In 1869 American President Grant declared Thanksgiving Day an official holiday (cf. Pope 1997, 87). 83 Quanz points this out in the lecture The Early Coubertin and the Archeological Schools at Athens held at the IOA in 1999. A copy of this lecture is planned for Müller’s publication of Auf der Suche nach der Olympischen Idee. Facetten der Forschung zwischen Atlanta und Sydney. COUBERTIN’S INTEREST IN THE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY AND SPORTS SCENE 119

3. Coubertin’s interest in the public sport scene of the United States

3.1 The spreading of athleticism in the United States

Although Adelman in his study on the genesis of modern sport in the United 84 States notes that it had already lost its informal character before the Civil War and become increasingly more popular (cf. ADELMAN 1995, 95ff.), Lucas’ statement that the period between 1850 and 1860 can be seen as a “prelude to the rise of organized sport” (LUCAS quoted according to INGHAM/BEAMISH 1993, 175) still remains valid. It was primarily elite families, high government officials and successful merchants that promoted organized sport in the decades before the Civil War. Four-digit spectator numbers were not unusual at these baseball, cricket, boxing, 85 running and rowing competitions organized by the social elite . In spite of the great number of spectators that naturally included other social classes, there is no evidence of a higher sports participation by the American public (cf. CAROLL 1983, 4). The reason this absence of mass sports participation by Americans is only partly due to the fact that the few elite sports clubs such as the New York 86 Yacht Club (NYYC) founded in 1844 (cf. RADER 1983(b), 21) or the Knickerbockers baseball club founded four years later, also in New York (cf.

PALMER 1889, 25f.), demanded high entrance fees. The high costs of yachting or riding affordable to only the financial elite (cf. RIESS 1989, 24ff./SAGE 1990, 37f.), are only partly responsible for the non-participation of bourgeois Americans in

84 Adelman lists six criteria for distinguishing informal/”premodern sport” (Adelman 1995, 96) from formal/”modern sport” (IBID., 96). Apart from official organization structures informal sport lacked competitions at national and international level, the fine role differentiation between spectators and players respectively between the individual positions in the game, the specific journalistic spread of sport events as well as the production of statistics and record documentation (cf. IBID., 96). 85 In 1823 the wealthy merchant’s son J. C. Stevens organized a horse race between a thoroughbred from the northern states and a successful racing horse from the South. Approximately 60,000 spectators were present at this event in Long Island (cf. Dizikes 1981, 91ff.). In 1835 Stevens organized a track race with prize money of $ 1000 for the winning runner that managed to run ten miles within an hour. Over 20,000 spectators were present at this event (cf. Rader 1983(a), 38f.). 86 The NYYC was one of the most elitist sport clubs in the United States. Its popularity rose considerably due to the victory of the US citizen J. C. Stevens at the first official America’s Cup in 1851. At this sailing competition, which was held within the framework of the London World Exhibition of 1851, Stevens beat seventeen English contestants with his ship America (cf. Riess 1989, 26). 120 COUBERTIN’S INTEREST IN THE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY AND SPORTS SCENE sports activities in the decades before the Civil War. The majority of the shop- owners, business managers, company and bank employees, as well as members of the group of professionals, which included journalists, architects or doctors still feel themselves tied to the puritan work ethic which brands the active participation in sporting events as immoral and useless, but which seemed hardly reconcilable with the striving of the puritans to be primarily “business persons” 87 (WEBER 1973, 379). Certainly this only mirrors a basic position that should not be over-interpreted because even in 1865 some members of this class practiced 88 sports such as harness racing , baseball, or cricket (cf. RIESS 1989, 24, 30ff.). For example, English merchants in Boston, Brooklyn and New York in the fourth and fifth decade of the nineteenth century founded numerous cricket clubs. In accordance with the English tradition the cricket players often interrupted a match at lunchtime and played a game over two or three days (cf. BALTZELL 1958, 89 358ff.). Like the German gymnastics clubs and the Highland Games of the Caledonian Societies these cricket clubs also tried to keep a part of their native culture in the New World. Of these ethnic sport clubs the Caledonian Societies were especially influential on sport development in the United States (cf. RADER 1983(a), 90ff.). The ‘Highland Society of New York’ organized the first Highland Games as early as 1836. But these Scottish sport events became popular only with the founding of the Boston Caledonian Club in 1853 and the New York Caledonian Club in 1857

87 When the German sociologist M. Weber returned from his study trip to the United States in 1904 he pointed to the Puritan work ethic as the main impetus for the rise of capitalism. Weber sees the impulse for the development of the “modern bourgeois capitalistic ethos” in the Puritan effort of religious probation which in their opinion is mirrored in professional success (Weber 1972, 236). 88 Before the Civil War trotting races were mainly carried out in the streets. Especially in the 1920s, this sport discipline gained popularity because the horses were much less expensive than the thoroughbreds used for horse racing. The trotting horse was therefore also called the “democratic American horse” (Riess 1989, 32). 89 On the initiative of the revolutionary F. Hecker from Baden, the first US gymnastics club was established in Cincinnati (cf. Neumann 1968, 65). Hecker was a political leader of the radical republicans that turned against the moderate liberals’ aim of realizing national unity in a constitutional monarchy in 1848. The attempt to violently install a German republic by gaining control over southern Germany was repelled by the Hessian military. In 1860 there were already over 150 German gymnastics clubs modeled on Jahn in the United States. The members were mainly German immigrants that were forced to leave Germany after the unsuccessful revolution of 1848 (cf. Weston 1962, 29). COUBERTIN’S INTEREST IN THE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY AND SPORTS SCENE 121

(cf. DONALDSON 1986, 29ff.). The nationally organized Highland Games were always a mixture of sport and Scottish folk festival. Sport competitions were carried out in different age groups in disciplines such as stone putting, tug of war, hammer throwing, caber toss, long jump, hurdle race, plus short and long distance events. Furthermore there were competitions in percussion, bagpipe playing and dancing (cf. KORSGAARD 1952, 22ff.). Originally the competitions were only meant for Scottish immigrants. But by 1880 at the latest these competitions were open for “all comers” (PARK 1986/87, 152). But the fact that the beginnings of sport in the United States were problematic in spite of these ethnic sport events and sport clubs were illustrated by the judgment of English visitors. Thus the author of travel report published in England in 1840 writes that it was hardly possible to carry out the sport activities cherished in England in the United States (cf. BERTHOFF 1953, 149). Other English travelers report that the Americans were completely occupied with their work and that the population lacked the joy of living (cf. COHEN 1980, 25).

90 The urbanization resulting from industrialization also had an inhibiting effect on the active sport participation of much of the population (cf. SOMERS 1971, 126). Housing and industrial construction required more and more space previously for hunting, cricket or baseball. The financial elite whose yacht and jockey clubs were located on the outskirts of town or whose cricket and baseball 91 clubs could be moved there without any problems were less affected than the social classes that could not afford a club membership and that were dependent on the green spaces in the immediate vicinity of their flats for sport activities. Although the towns had not yet expanded so much that the lakes and green spaces were out of walking distance, the possibilities for spontaneous outdoor sport leisure activities were restricted. Now workers turned instead to the indoor

90 Whereas in 1820 there were merely 23 towns with over 10.000 inhabitants there were already over 101 towns in 1860 that met this figure. Nine American towns already had over 100.000 inhabitants in (cf. Chudacoff 1981, 32). 91 Like the elitist St. George Cricket Club, the baseball Knickerbocker Club was forced to repeatedly relocate their grounds to the town’s outskirts due to the continuously expanding town (cf. Riess 1989, 37). In order to demonstrate their social status the Knickerbockers played in blue tailor-made trousers, white shirts and straw hats (cf. Dulles 1965, 187). 122 COUBERTIN’S INTEREST IN THE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY AND SPORTS SCENE activities organized in bars and saloons (cf. RIESS 1989, 36ff.). These, however, did not offer a real and satisfactory alternative to outdoor sports because the 92 people either played billiards in the bars or viewed boxing, catching or dog and cock fights while generally smoking and drinking alcohol. The popularity of these events resulted in the construction of spacious so-called “halls” in the great cities, including New York, Boston, Philadelphia, New Orleans and Chicago. Probably the most famous hall of the 1860s was the Kit Burns Sportsman Hall in New York, built like an amphitheatre with seating for 400 spectators (cf. RADER 1983(a), 32). Of course betting flourished at these events. The owners of the bars and halls created other gambling opportunities by organizing horse races and athletic competitions such as sprint, hurdle and long distance races (cf. RIESS 1989, 19). 93 It was not rare to have thousands of audience members, large money prizes and runners also competing against horses and dogs. Fixed competitions as well as frequent excesses among the spectators (cf. RADER 1983(b), 40) that even the police found difficult to control gave these spectacles a bad reputation (cf.

ADELMAN 1986, 241f.). Health reformers and doctors, in particular, opposed these events and pointed out the negative health effects of not participating in sport (cf. RIESS 1989, 27). A growing public agreement with this criticism occurred largely as a result of an information campaign by newspapers and magazines (cf. KORSGAARD 1952, 8). Magazines like Harper’s Monthly Magazine, Atlantic Monthly and The Spirit of the

Times (cf. DULLES 1965, 182ff.) published articles similar to the following excerpt 94 from the New York Clipper newspaper: “. . . have too little considered the importance of healthful, generous recreation . . . Noble, athletic sports, manly

92 The fighters were often recruited from street gangs whose adolescent members were mainly unskilled workers, butchers, mechanics or warehousemen. Especially politicians that were themselves owners of shady establishments or forced their patronage on the barkeepers used these fight-experienced youths as “shoulder hitters” in their election campaign (cf. Spann 1981, 346). 93 In 1844 e.g. the owner of the Beacon Race Course organized track races over various distances in Hoboken. The winners partly received prize money of $ 1000. Like with Steven’s sport spectacles several ten thousand spectators came to these events, but these also were less popular in the following years (cf. Rader 1983(a), 40f.). 94 According to Dulles this is the issue from July 5, 1856 (cf. Dulles 1965, 418). COUBERTIN’S INTEREST IN THE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY AND SPORTS SCENE 123 outdoor exercises . . . which strengthen the mind by strengthening the body, and bring man into a generous and exhilarating communion with nature. are too little cultivated in town and country” (New York Clipper quoted according to DULLES 95 1965, 184) . Health reformers, doctors and journalists advocated sport leisure activity that they believe would provide benefits to people working in the “professions” and would contribute to intellectual discipline, self-control, self-confidence, ambitiousness and orderliness. Those sports events that took place outside the shady settings of taverns and halls were considered compatible with Puritan ethics. A first reaction to this campaign of sport leisure activities was the construction of large parks in Boston, Brooklyn, Chicago, Philadelphia and San Francisco. New York’s Central Park, where construction began in 1857 under the guidance of architect F.L. Olmsted served as a model. Olmsted’s spacious park gave New Yorkers the opportunity to relax with outdoor sport activities. Huge green spaces were laid out for baseball and cricket games while lakes were created for rowing and ice-skating. Until 1865 Olmsted managed to prevent official cricket and baseball club competitions taking place in the park. The space was to be kept free for the public. By prohibiting official club competitions Olmsted wanted to avoid further promotion of spectator sports which he considered the source of the shady betting business and violent excesses among spectators. In Central Park the inhabitants were to pursue physical exercise themselves and not assume the role passive spectators again (cf. RIESS 1989, 44ff.). The sport development that occurred after the Civil War also was a result of the modernization of life in the wake of industrialization. The mass production of bikes, stop watches, rubber balls, cricket, baseball and tennis sets contributed to

95 In 1858 the Harvard graduate T. W. Higginson published a series of articles in the Atlantic Monthly in which he points out that the high rate of sickness in employees and workers was due to sport inactivity (cf. Riess 1989, 27). The newspaper The Spirit of the Times, in 1860, remarked that workers should pursue sport activities in their free-time in spite of their daily physical activity since this not only resulted in an improvement of their physical condition, but also refreshed the mind (cf. Betts 1972, 45f.). In 1856, essays by the editor of the Harper’s Monthly Magazine propagated the importance of leisure sport activities to health (cf. Cole 1934, 187). 124 COUBERTIN’S INTEREST IN THE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY AND SPORTS SCENE the sport boom in the same way as did the invention of the skating rink and the improvement of transport, press and communication system. The development of a railroad network made it possible for the professional baseball players of the Cincinnati Red Stocking Club to undertake a game tour from coast to coast (cf. 96 CAROLL 1983, 6ff.) . The availability of the expanding railroad network led to the founding of the National Baseball League in 1876. The baseball clubs with a national outlook (cf. PALMER 1889, 25f.) were able to comfortably cover large 97 distances to go to specified destinations . Of course the development in the transport sector also increased inner-town mobility thus making it easier for the inhabitants to reach the sport facilities situated in the parks and on the outskirts of town (cf. CAROLL 1983, 7). Americans’ interest in sport activities was additionally stimulated by improved news coverage of various sport events. The development of the telegraph network and the Eastman Kodak Camera in 1888 provided faster and more detailed information dissemination. Of course daily papers such as the New York World, the New York Tribune, the Chicago Daily News, the Washington Post or the Brooklyn Daily Eagle, profited from this development since they now reported on sport events on a daily basis. Progress in the development of using electric lighting, that was installed for example in New York’s Madison Square Garden in

1882, made nighttime indoor events and activities possible (cf. BETTS 1984, 144ff.). These examples for the strong influence of technological innovations in the field of sport clearly illustrate the point made by the United States sport historian Betts in the following quotation: “Technological developments in the latter half of the nineteenth century transformed the social habits of the Western World, and sport was but one of many institutions which felt their full impact”

(BETTS 1984, 156).

96 In 1890, 100,000 miles of railroad had been established. Thirty years previously the railroad network covered only 30,000 miles (cf. Caroll 1983, 6). 97 US university sport also profited from the development of the railroad network. In 1869 the athletes of Princeton traveled by train to the already mentioned first intercollegiate football match in American college sport. The Harvard baseball team went on a long tour in 1870 that was also described as “the most brilliant in the history of college baseball” (Chadwick quoted according to Betts 1984, 145). COUBERTIN’S INTEREST IN THE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY AND SPORTS SCENE 125

3.1.1 The class-orientated amateur idea

After the Civil War inter-university and school sport development experienced a boom in the United States (cf. MCINTOSH 1987, 82) that expressed itself in the many private and public baseball, cricket, rowing, boxing, lacrosse and tennis clubs (cf. MANDIGO 1894, 387ff.), the large popularity of cycling (cf. PAXON 1917, 159) and especially in the founding of elitist athletic clubs in the large cities (cf.

RADER 1983(a), 53ff.). That it was precisely these clubs that were given so much sport historic interest is mainly due their claim of giving amateur sport a new standing (cf. RADER 1983(b), 16). The athletic clubs founded in Staten Island, Manhattan, Baltimore, Buffalo, Chicago, Detroit, San Francisco and St. Louis in the 1860s and 1870s were modeled on New York Athletic Club’ (NYAC) (cf. BETTS

1974, 98) that was founded in 1866 (cf. RADER 1983(a), 55). In addition to athletics competitions, the NYAC also offered its members other sports. The club built a boathouse at the river in Harlem in 1870 that was so exclusive that it could only be compared to the clubhouse of the London Rowing

Association (LRA) (cf. FOSTER 1884, 405). Moreover the club staged the first national amateur championships in athletics in 1876, in swimming in 1877, and boxing in 1878 (cf. RADER 1983(a), 56). These national championships as well as many other competitions organized by other clubs were only for amateurs who satisfied the following requirements: “[An amateur] is any person who has never competed in an open competition, for a stake, or for public money, or for admission money, or with professionals, . . . nor has even, at any period of his life, taught or assisted in the pursuit of athletic exercises as a means of livelihood” (VINCENT quoted according to POPE 1989, 23). The athletes had to prove their amateur status at the competitions through membership in a recognized athletics club or by written references from these clubs if they were not members (cf. KORSDGAARD 1952, 36). These measures for determining the amateur status were directed against professionalism and meant to restrict the participation in national championships and club competitions to members of the social elite. Blue-collar-workers were unwelcome at these 126 COUBERTIN’S INTEREST IN THE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY AND SPORTS SCENE competitions. C. Whitney, sport journalist and editor of the magazine Outing made himself the advocate of sport for American high society (cf. SAGE 1990, 178): “The laboring class are all right in their way; let them go their way in peace, and have their athletics in whatsoever manner best suits their inclinations. There is no reason on earth why they should play under our rules, or why we should open our rules to admit of their more liberal understandings of an amateur. Let us have our own sport among the more refined elements, and allow no discordant spirits to enter into it” (WHITNEY 1894, 167). W.B. Curtis, the co-founder of the NYAC, also used his position as chief editor of the magazine The Spirit of the Times to support the demands for maintaining the social exclusiveness of the athletics club in numerous articles (cf. POPE 1997, 23). In the June 20, 1868 issue made the following report about a club in New Jersey: “This association is composed of the young men of the most selected families of Paterson, and has for its object the cultivation of athletic sports and the consequent promoting of physical development” (Spirit of the Times quoted according to KORSGAARD 1952, 21). In their efforts to recruit the participants in officially announced competitions from the social elite, the exclusive athletics clubs looked to the English club scene

(cf. POPE 1997, 22). Whitney even recommended the introduction of the amateur definition of the Royal Henley Regatta that excluded workers and craftsmen from amateur competitions in item “E” of their amateur clause (cf. WHITNEY 1894, 163). In this, Whitney refers precisely to the institution in English sport that distinctively embodied the exploitation of the amateur status as a “class weapon”

(GUTTMANN 1987, 14). Eisenberg, in his study “English Sports” und deutsche Bürger rightfully notes that the use of the so-called mechanic clause in the amateur definition of the Royal Henley Regatta and its umbrella organization 98 Amateur Rowing Association (ARA) should not lead to un-checked general statements regarding English sports and its solid class consciousness (cf.

98 In this context it should again be mentioned that the participants of the congress to reintroduce the Olympic Games agreed on a democratically orientated Olympic amateur ruling against the protest of the representatives of the ARA. COUBERTIN’S INTEREST IN THE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY AND SPORTS SCENE 127

EISENBERG 1999, 65). The English amateur-idea, its application in the English club sports scene and its transfer to the American clubs can only be grasped if its conceptual development is examined. Until the beginning of the Victorian era the term ‘amateur’ defined the lifestyle of the aristocracy whose members pursued multiple interests without specializing in a certain field (cf. IBID., 62). Awards or prize money resulting from persistent practicing or even excessive strain were stigmatized as “plebeian” (IBID., 63) or – referring to sport competitions – as unfair (cf. IBID., 63): “The fact that a man is born into the society of gentlemen imposes upon him certain duties and, to some extent the ideas of his class. He is expected to have a broad education, catholic tastes, and a multiplicity of pursuits. He must not do anything for pecuniary gain; and it can easily be seen that he must not specialize. It is essentially the mark of a bourgeois mind to specialize” (WHIGHAM quoted according to KEATING 190, 33). During the development of athletics to a mass phenomenon in the second half of the nineteenth century, the ‘amateur’ did not refer primarily the life style of the aristocracy anymore, but simply the complete rejection of any form of profit- mindedness in sport (cf. EISENBERG 1999, 64). However, the heritage of its original meaning subsequently encouraged its use as a means social distinction whereby clubs like the Amateur Athletic Club (AAC) (cf. LOVESEY 1979, 22) or associations like the ARA (cf. JONES 1988, 22) excluded workers or craftsmen from their competitions. The exclusion of workers and craftsmen from amateur sports was justified by the argument that workers developed their muscles through physical work, gaining training advantage over those did not perform physical labor (cf.

GLADER 1978, 16). Thus the workers were termed professionals under the pretence of maintaining equal chances in sport competitions (cf. YOUNG 1984, 20). It is more likely that the real reason was the desire to avoid a social leveling in sport. Thereby the workers and craftsmen were also indirectly accused of violating the fair-play idea with their profit orientation and fixing the result of competitions, through bribery and other means, in cooperation with speculators

(cf. MCINTOSH 1987, 192). 128 COUBERTIN’S INTEREST IN THE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY AND SPORTS SCENE

Eisenberg warns against overestimating the mechanic clause, noting that most definitions of ‘amateur’ in other association statutes did not include the “social clause” (KRÜGER 1988, 89) and restricted themselves “class-neutral formulations .

. . , that prohibited athletes from earning money in sport in general” (EISENBERG 1999, 65). Eisenberg sees an analogous counter-example to the insistent position 99 of the ARA in the English athletics scene. The Amateur Athletic Association (AAA), founded in 1880, dispensed with the ‘mechanic clause’ in their amateur statutes and thus declaring themselves against the demands of the AAC (cf. IBID., 65) that had integrated the ‘mechanic clause’ in their amateur regulations in

1867 (cf. LOVESEY 1979, 22). The London Athletic Club (LAC) was the great paragon of the NYAC in organizational and administrative matters (cf. KORSGAARD 1952, 32). Although 100 both clubs had class-neutral amateur definitions high membership fees prevented an influx from the underclass members (cf. FOSTER 1884, 32). In addition some clubs, for example the New York University Athletic Club (NYUAC), required an elite university degree for club membership. The exclusive Knickerbocker Club only selected members that also had a club membership in the NYAC (cf. RADER 1983(a), 56). Especially for the so-called ‘nouveaux riches,’ who had obtained their riches as big industrialists, real estate and financial brokers, these social selection mechanisms were important since they could demonstrate their social status by means of the club membership. Although the elitist athletics clubs still ranked below such traditional ‘social clubs’ as the University Club (UC) or the Century Club (CC) of New York, in the social hierarchy, they offered many social climbers the possibility of distinguishing themselves from the under classes and demonstrating their social status by exhibiting an exclusive lifestyle (cf. RIESS 1989, 60).

99 How strictly this rowing association stuck to the regulations is illustrated by the example of the rower J.P. Kelley, who in spite of his Olympic rowing victory, was excluded from the Royal Henley Regatta in 1920 because he had been a mason in his youth (cf. Vamplew 1988, 341). 100 The LAC founded in 1866 was a rival of the AAC founded a year earlier. In contrast to the AAC the founders of the LAC dispensed with introducing the ‘mechanic clause’ into their amateur ruling which - in spite of fierce criticism from the upper class - greatly increased the LAC’s popularity. The struggle between these two clubs for supremacy in English athletics even went so far as to the AAC and the LAC boycotting each others’ competitions (cf. Lovesey 1979, 26ff.). COUBERTIN’S INTEREST IN THE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY AND SPORTS SCENE 129

After the 1880s many athletics clubs increased their exclusiveness by establishing comfortable clubrooms for social, extra-sport activities together with the sport facilities (cf. WILLIS/WETTAN 1976, 47ff.). As usual the NYAC was the trendsetter, establishing a clubhouse in 1885 in New York with Venetian ambience and five floors that offered enough space for swimming, gymnastics, bowling, billiard halls, dining rooms, lounges, wine cellars and suites (cf. RADER 1983(a), 57). The fiercest critic of this trend was F.W. Janssen, who himself was a member of Staten Island Athletic Club (cf. WILLIS/WETTAN 1976, 53). In his book, History of American Amateur Athletics, published in 1885 he clearly speaks out against these aberrations that in his eyes presented an estrangement from the founding intention of athletics clubs: “The social element in clubs is like ‘dry rot’ and eats into the vitals of athletic clubs, and soon causes them to fail in the purpose for which they were organized” (JANSSEN 1885, 103). However, Janssen’s criticism went unnoticed and he could dissuade neither club administrators nor visitors from their view that “fine surroundings will not do an athlete any harm”

(Harper’s Weekly quoted according to BETTS 1974, 77). The competition between the leading athletic clubs had become too big in the meantime, for sportive activities alone to be sufficient in the fight for prestige and high membership numbers. The competitiveness between the leading clubs of a city or a state led not only to a noticeable (over) emphasis on the socializing, extra-athletic segment, but also to a renewed emergence of the undesirable aspects of amateur athletics. Accordingly, the sport success of a club was an effective means for increasing its popularity. As in university sport many of the demands to comply with the amateur rule and fair-play in the non-university arena were no more than lip service. The strict admission conditions were willingly bypassed if athletes lacking the necessary social status could successfully represent their respective club at sport competitions. The Manhattan Athletic Club (MAC), for example, contracted L. Myers the most successful middle-distance runner of the day. Although Myers was as a Jewish immigrant who would hardly have stood a chance of gaining membership without his athletic abilities, his performances were paid through a 130 COUBERTIN’S INTEREST IN THE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY AND SPORTS SCENE feigned employment as club secretary (cf. RIESS 1989, 58). The efforts of exclusive athletics clubs to stress amateur sports are only partly due to the aim of introducing “clean” sports. The adherence to the amateur status also served to disguise a blurred professionalism and to exhibit a (the identification of) social status: “As the rallying cry of late-nineteenth-century institutionalized sport, amateurism represented an attempt to draw class lines against the masses, and to develop a new bourgeois lifestyle as a badge of middle- and upper-class identity. The amateur ethos was, moreover, an ideological reaction to a well- established professional sporting tradition in the United States” (POPE 1997, 19).

101 The founding of the Amateur Athletic Union (AAU) in 1888, stage-managed by the NYAC, did little to prevent the elitist athletics clubs from recruiting top- athletes whose performances and training were paid for. In 1891 W.B. Curtis, the co-founder of the NYAC, spoke out clearly against the proposal to abolish allowances for club athletes (cf. WETTAN/WILLIS 1976, 503). Similar to university sports, the club sports scene also swapped the amateur idea for the ‘winning at all costs theory’. However, in athletics clubs it was not the sons of the ‘nouveaux riches’ but their parents that transferred the familiar professional strategy to sports (cf. RADER 1983(a), 50).

3.1.2 The educational-democratic amateur idea

Whereas elitist athletics clubs mainly used amateur sport for marking their social status, an influential group of clergymen, social reformers, scientists, journalists and politicians propagated amateur sport as a class-comprehensive educational instrument for developing moral, social, and health educational values in the last

101 The AAU was the successor to the National Association of Amateur Athletes of America (NAAAA) whose founding impulse was given by the NYAC in 1879. Although this institution bore the term national, the NYAC and the MAC were the regulating instances of this association. The great struggle between these two New York clubs for supremacy in athletics eventually led to NYAC leaving this association. The foundation of the rival organization AAU was decreed at a meeting held in the NYAC in 1888 in which fourteen representatives of clubs and one representative of a college team participated (cf. Paul 1962, 6). The AAU excluded athletics teams of the NAAAA from their competitions. The NAAAA had hand over the control over the amateur status to the AAU in 1889 after influential persons from the MAC passed over to the AAU (cf. Schroeder 1961, 6ff.). COUBERTIN’S INTEREST IN THE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY AND SPORTS SCENE 131 quarter of the nineteenth century. The educational impact attributed to amateur sport was meant to affect as many United States citizens possible.

The YMCA movement (cf. DYRESON 1989, 182), founded by the Englishman G. Williams in 1844 and whose idea “to extend the Kingdom of Christ among young men” (EDDY 1944, 5) was adapted in the United States before the Civil War (cf. 102 IBID., 21ff.) , helped spur this development. But only after the war did the program of YMCAs decisively expand. While bible, prayer and debating circles aimed at protecting youths from moral misconduct, the brutality and loneliness of 103 city life, YMCAs, after 1865, added gymnastics and sports activities (cf. BAKER 1994, 46ff.). L.H. Gulick, who directed the YMCA Gymnasium in Jackson, Michigan in 1886 and from 1889 the YMCA-Training School in Springfield, Massachusetts, developed a system that made body, mind and soul the foundation of the YMCA’s efforts to educate youths as Christians (cf. MÜLLER 1999, 100f.). Accordingly, Gulick linked philosophy, history, psychology, anatomy and physiology (cf. BAKER 1994, 52) with physical education in a two-year course at 104 the YMCA Training School (cf. RADER 1983(a), 152) . Under Gulick’s leadership, athletics increasingly replaced gymnastics in the education of YMCA missionary aspirants and made the YMCA’s urban youth programs more interesting. Gulick’s colleague J.A. Naismith introduced basketball in 1891, and the YMCA missionary W.G. Morgan developed volleyball in 1895. These exciting sport disciplines replaced gymnastics exercises. The popularity of basketball, which was strongly promoted by YMCAs, and the intensity with which YMCA members competed in sport events against universities and other sport

102 As early as 1848 visitors from Montreal, Boston, New York and other US cities were impressed by the YMCAssociation founded four years previously in London. In 1852 the first YMCA branches were established in the United States (cf. Eddy 1944, 23). 103 Although first efforts were made in the 1850s to establish gymnasiums in the YMCAs, it was the director of the New York branch that realized these plans. Based on the results of a survey on the bad physical condition of New York youths R. R. McBurney decided in 1866 to integrate exercises for enhancing physical fitness in the course program because he considered these essential for the educational objectives of the YMCA (cf. Baker 1994, 46f.). In 1869 the first YMCA Gymnasiums were opened in New York City, San Francisco and Washington, D.C. (cf. Lumpkin 1998, 190). In 1887 the number of YMCA sport facilities had climbed to 348 (cf. Weston 1962, 42). 104 The YMCA triangle developed by Gulick in 1895 symbolizes the balance of mind, soul and body (cf. Müller 1999, 101). 132 COUBERTIN’S INTEREST IN THE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY AND SPORTS SCENE associations gave Gulick and his colleagues pause (cf. RADER 1983(a), 153). As advocates of amateur sports, they wanted to prevent the establishment of professionalism in their organization in order to maintain the social and moral educational objectives of sport. Therefore YMCA athletes had to adhere to the following principles forming the basis of Gulick’s vision of a “clean sport roll”: “The game must be kept clean. It is the most urgent task of an institution bent on Christian community work to tolerate neither improper or unfriendly behavior towards guests . . . nor physical actions that breached fundamental moral principles . . . Lacking respect towards referees or unfriendly behavior towards teammates . . . is to be prevented. Unclean sport must be done away with”

(GULICK quoted according to MÜLLER 1999, 105). Other advocates of progressivism, in addition to YMCA missionaries, proclaimed the educational value of amateur sport. Progressives endorsed “clean sport” as a way to develop virtues such as honesty, self-discipline, strength of character, tolerance and ambitiousness; to strengthen Christian ethics; and to promote national unity by combating social and political tensions. These were to be controlled and reduced by a reformed university education of the future elite and the further development of the school system. Amateur sport with a moral and social educational component was regarded as a universal remedy against brutality and crime in urban centers, the disrespect towards democratically elected leadership and against corruption and exploitation in politics and commerce. Furthermore sport was considered an instrument for overcoming ethnic partisanship resulting from the influx of immigrants (cf. DYRESON 1995, 209). Sport would accelerate the assimilation process of immigrants through rituals and formalities at sport events such as singing the national anthem or flying the star spangled banner (cf. SAGE 1990, 76). This socio-political claim on sport received considerable support from influential magazines such as The Century, The Forum, The North American Review of Reviews, The American Review of Reviews, Harper’s Weekly, The Chautauquan, The Atlantic Monthly, The Independent, The Outlook, Outing and Scientific American whose chief editors provided increasingly more space for articles COUBERTIN’S INTEREST IN THE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY AND SPORTS SCENE 133 portraying sport as an indispensable national educational instrument (cf. DYRESON 105 1998, 24) . The article “Sport’s Place in the Nation’s Well-Being” that P. Collier published in the magazine Outing in 1898, postulating a correlation between the strength of

Anglo-American countries and their esteem for athletic sports (cf. COLLIER 1898, 384), was so well-received that some readers recommended that it be republished as a pamphlet and be distributed throughout the nation (cf. Dyreson 1998, 26). Like Sloane in his article “College Sports” focusing on student sports

(cf. SLOANE 1890, 170ff.), Collier regards sport as a training ground for the behavior patterns and characteristics necessary in the workplace and society: “And though there are certainly higher and better tests of patience and self- control and courage than are required at football, or golf, or hunting, there is certainly no better preparation to bear those tests than the schooling one gets by playing these games” (COLLIER 1898, 384). Collier’s articles are just as famous as Theodore Roosevelt’s essays on the educational value of sport to the nation. In 1890 Roosevelt as prospective Republican politician propagated the educational value of the increasingly popular strenuous life movement that he had initiated in the United States (cf. ROBERTS 1970, preface) and for which Roosevelt himself was the best example. Relying on sport activities like daily gymnastic exercises, boxing, rowing and hunting, Roosevelt developed from a sickly and shy teenager to an exceptional and self- confident politician (cf. RIESS 1991, 16f.). In his essay “Professionalism in Sports,” published in The North American Review in 1890, Roosevelt summarizes athletic sport disciplines with the 106 collective term “Greek model” (ROOSEVELT 1926 , 584). He distinguishes this from the “Macedonian model” that he favored (IBID., 584) and which in his opinion promoted the values of a ‘strenuous life’ through the outdoor activities

105 The data used in the main text from the magazines Outing, Harper’s Weekly and The North American Review of Reviews can be considered representative for the esteem of athleticism in the mentioned magazines. 106 A further publication of this article took place in 1926 in: Roosevelt, T.: American Ideals. The Strenuous Life. Vol. XIII. 134 COUBERTIN’S INTEREST IN THE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY AND SPORTS SCENE such as mountaineering, riding, rowing, hunting, survival training and trekking

(IBID., 584). In 1886 Roosevelt published a series of articles titled “Ranch Life And Game Shooting in The West” in Outing in which he described the adventurous and healthy life of the ‘strenuous life movement’. In these articles as well as his book The Winning of the West, printed in six volumes from 1889 to 1896, Roosevelt is depicted as a ranger with ammunition belt and leather clothing (cf. ROOSEVELT 1886, 3ff./131ff./259ff.), to show his countrymen that the strenuous life not only developed characteristics such as self-discipline, ambitiousness, assertiveness, but also the virtue of masculinity

(cf. WISTER 1901, 243ff.) being challenged by the American feminist movement around 1890 (cf. ROBERTS 1970, 164ff.). In the nineteenth century a life lived according to the “doctrine of the strenuous life” (ROOSEVELT quoted according to

MATTENKLOTT 1986, 725) was supposed to give a generation of male adolescents the possibility of demonstrating their masculinity. Previous generations of males had not been called “molly coddles” or “sissies” because they had proved their masculinity in fighting during the settlement and the Civil War (cf. RIESS 1991, 16). Roosevelt, however, does admit that these outdoor sports were very expensive and time-consuming and therefore could not be carried out by many Americans.

He praises athletic sports as an alternative (cf. ROOSEVELT 1926, 584), especially football due to its rough character (cf. DYRESON 1998, 26). Roosevelt emphasized the educational value of athletic sports as substitutes for outdoor activities of the strenuous life and proclaimed their superiority over gymnastic exercise programs that were to be pursued only if athletic sports were not available: “Gymnastics and calisthenics are very well in their way as substitutes when nothing better can be obtained, but the true sports for manly race are sports like running, rowing, playing football and baseball, boxing and wrestling” (ROOSEVELT 1893, 1236) Roosevelt’s support of athletic sports is based on a clear dislike of professionalism, which he believed provided no educational benefit. In terms of the development of American society, Roosevelt considers professional athletes to be useless citizens who pursued the dubious aim of entertaining people with their COUBERTIN’S INTEREST IN THE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY AND SPORTS SCENE 135 spectacular skills and competitions (cf. ROOSEVELT 1926, 587f). The only positive aspect that Roosevelt saw in professional sport was a small spark of encouragement that might encourage the spectators to practice sports themselves (cf. ROOSEVELT 1893, 1236). Otherwise, Roosevelt agreed with C. Whitney on the educational uselessness of professionalism. Whitney feared that the negative characteristics of unfairness, selfishness, greed and corruption acquired in professional sport might affect the daily and professional life of athletes. Whitney anticipated that amateur sport would teach numerous social and moral values (cf. WHITNEY 1897, 181ff.) that would make sport a safety valve regulating social crises in urban centers (cf. DYRESON 1995, 209). Whereas Roosevelt and Whitney agreed on the general goal of protecting amateurism for educational reasons, their opinions differed concerning the question of using amateurism as a way to maintain social distinctions. For Roosevelt it was self-evident that for the welfare of the American republic as many citizens as possible should profit from the educational benefits of amateur sport. Roosevelt considered the “mechanic clause,” which as already mentioned, Whitney favored, incompatible with the progressives’ claims regarding the educational value of amateur sport. The following statements demonstrate just how opposed their views were concerning the definition of the amateur:

In England the average professional is a man who works for his living, and the average amateur is one who does not; whereas with us the amateur usually is, and always ought to be, a man who, like other American citizens, works hard at some regular calling – it matters not what; so long as it is respectable. . . . Our object is to get as many of our people as possible to take part in manly, healthy, vigorous pastimes, which will benefit the whole nation; . . .” (ROOSEVELT 1926, 587).

There is no reason why we should not have a Henley in America; but we cannot under present rulings. Why there should be such a constant strife to bring together in sport the two divergent elements of society that never by any chance meet elsewhere . . . (WHITNEY 1894, 163).

Although Whitney’s viewpoint never prevailed in the amateur sport scene dominated by the AAU (cf. SCHRÖDER 1961, 15), workers and immigrants were 136 COUBERTIN’S INTEREST IN THE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY AND SPORTS SCENE

107 hardly able to do sport . Long working hours, few holidays and a small income that was not enough for a membership in urban YMCA, the transport costs to the parks on the outskirts of town combined with the so-called ‘Sunday Blue Laws’ that fixed Sunday as a day of rest prevented the lower classes from participating in sport. Yet, for factory workers, Sunday was often the only day on which they could have practiced sport. The YMCAs (cf. RADER 1983(a), 151) and parks were used by the American middle-classes, composed of employees, shop owners and

“professionals” (teachers, doctors, architects and journalists) (cf. RIESS 1989, 54ff.). But, it was these obstacles that inspired the reform efforts to set up sport facilities accessible to inhabitants of the poor urban areas. For adolescents of these districts, publicly financed playgrounds were established at the end of the 1880s that offered gymnastics and playing devices as well as space for team 108 109 games such as football and baseball . This movement , which led to the formation of the Playground Association of America (PAA) in 1906, developed most strongly in the large industrial areas of the Northeast (cf. CAVALLO 1981, 27f.). It was customary at playgrounds in New York, Chicago and Boston for sport activities to be supervised by social workers. But, youth groups with a particularly high ratio of criminal, unemployed or foreign youths had to organize their playground activities themselves. Authorities were chosen that ensured an orderly game, maintenance of devices and fields and examined rule-breaking (cf. IBID., 97). Sport itself and the organization of sport activities were intended to educate

107 Unskilled workers and immigrants were especially affected. Skilled workers or laborers of urban firms sometimes were able to practice sport activities because of a higher income less working hours. (cf. Riess 1989, 68). 108 M. Zakrzewska is listed as founder of the playground idea. She had established large sandpits for city youths in Boston in 1886. She was encouraged to do this by a visit to Berlin (cf. Wood 1913, 5). This idea was also implemented in New York (1887) and Chicago (1889) with additional game, gymnastic and sport facilities (cf. Cavallo 1981, 27ff.). 109 In order to increase popularity, the PAA lead by Gulick appointed Roosevelt honorary president (cf. Riess 1989, 166). Founding members of the PAA included the social worker J. Addams and the social reformer J. Riis, who had founded the Society for Parks and Playgrounds in New York in 1891 (cf. Cavallo 1981, 28) and was editor of How the other Half Lives published in 1890. This provided a merciless picture of social grievances in poor districts of urban (cf. Caine 1974, 25). COUBERTIN’S INTEREST IN THE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY AND SPORTS SCENE 137 playground visitors to become the “useful citizen[s]” desired by Roosevelt 110 (ROOSEVELT 1926, 586) . J. Addams in particular advocated the moral and educational efficiency of sport. She founded the famous Hull House in the slums of Chicago in 1889, and took care of the education of street kids, criminal gang members and teenage immigrants (cf. ADDAMS 1909, 95). Addams saw sport activities as “the only agency powerful enough to break the cycle of crime and poverty in the slum 111 yards” (ADDAMS 1930, 366) . Together with the settlement workers, G. Taylor and Charles Zueblin, Addams ensured that the city administration of Chicago established playgrounds particularly in immigrant neighborhoods (cf. CAVALLO 1981, 29f.). The communal practice of sport was intended to bridge ethnic divisions and reduce violence resulting from strict ethnic borders. Furthermore rituals like singing the American national anthem or flying the star spangled banner were meant to accelerate the process of Americanization (cf. SAGE 1990, 76). The settlement workers’ belief that playgrounds were a melting pot becomes understandable in this context (cf. CAVALLO 1981, 30). One of the first company sport clubs was created for workers in Chicago. In 1880 G. M. Pullman, who was the proprietor of the Pullman Palace Car Company that produced railway carriages, founded the Pullman Athletic Club (PAC). In addition, Pullman built well-equipped sport facilities at the huge leisure center constructed for his workers at Lake Calumet (cf. PESAVENTO 1982, 38). These offered the possibility of performing gymnastic exercises, athletic disciplines, cycling, baseball, cricket and football. Competitions in these sport disciplines did

110 Quanz points out that park and playground movement developed in the United States was a model for the spreading and implementation of this sport, social educational orientated education idea in Europe in the first decades of the twentieth century (cf. Quanz 1991, 125ff.). The most famous German advocate of the play and park movement was Carl Diem, who wanted generous park and playground facilities for various sports and performances that were to be strictly modeled on the United States (Quanz 1989, 135). Diem describes his positive impressions on the park and playground movement in his book Sport in America dealing with his United States trip from 1929 (Diem 1930, 59ff.). In 1913 Diem had already traveled the United States in his function as general secretary of the DRAfOS in order to gather encouragements from US sport for development of German sport organizations for the 1916 Olympic Games planned to be held in Berlin (cf. Quanz 1986, 132). 111 Athletic competitive sports were accepted so readily by the individual Settlement Houses that subsequently the Inter-Settlement Athletic Association (ISAA) was founded in New York in 1903 (cf. Riess 1989, 165). 138 COUBERTIN’S INTEREST IN THE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY AND SPORTS SCENE not take place at just the company level. The PAC also participated in public amateur competitions (cf. PESAVENTO 1985, 223). Of course the philanthropic contribution of the industrial magnate Pullman is not to be questioned, but his central motive for building these facilities was to secure the loyalty of his workers. Furthermore economic deliberations also played a role in caring for the workers. Workers that spent their time engaged in health-promoting sport activities instead of hanging around in bars were bound to work more productively. These economic considerations were buttressed by the thought that the PAC would considerably increase the firm’s public popularity particularly as rowing regattas and the annual Pullman Road Race attracted thousands of spectators (cf. RIESS 1989, 84). Yet the Pullman Strike that broke out during the depression of 1893 preceded by miner and steelworker strikes a year earlier shows that Pullman’s efforts did not ensure social control over the workforce. Pay cuts, rents in Pullman Town, dismissals and insufficient social security led to strikes that were supported by the American Railway Union. The strikers were contained only by the deployment of federal troops ordered by the President G. Cleveland in 1894 (cf. DESANTIS 1989, 71).

Although the “safety valve” of sport (PAXON 1917, 145) could not protect the United States from violent strikes, sport was still considered an indispensable instrument for developing the republic by steering “human energy in progressive directions” (DYRESON 1998, 19). Based on the assumption that it was possible to transfer the moral and social lessons learned in amateur sport to daily life and the workplace, progressive reformers, after the Civil War, became interested in sport as an effective instrument of national education: “They believed that sport could inculcate public virtue. They asserted that sport could mould citizens. They argued that sport could solve troublesome social conflicts. . . . They were certain that sport could produce a nation committed to fair play and ruled by law” (IBID., 11).

COUBERTIN’S INTEREST IN THE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY AND SPORTS SCENE 139

3.2 Coubertin’s insights into the public American sports scene

As already mentioned, Coubertin was able to establish contact with White and Sloane, the representatives of university reform and American university sports, before his first study trip to the United States. Moreover Coubertin published an article on the opening of the Catholic University of Washington in 1888 and was learned about the importance of gymnastic and sport exercise in the United States school and university system through the survey conducted in conjunction with the World Exhibition. Whether Coubertin was able to collect data on American sport operating outside the university and school system before his first American trip unfortunately cannot be determined. Coubertin, however, does mention in his article “Les exercices physiques dans les Ecoles d’Angleterre, d’Amérique, d’Australie et dans les Colonies anglaises” the appearance of an American baseball team that undertook a world tour in 1889/90 and also performed during the World 112 Exhibition (cf. COUBERTIN 1889(a), 2) . The sources, however, do not support conclusions whether he was able to establish contact, before or during the World Exhibition, with people involved in American sports clubs who might have helped him with his trip. A mentor like White, whom Coubertin contacted before his departure to the United States and who established important contacts with American university presidents for Coubertin, does not appear before his departure in the realm of extra-school and university sports. It can be assumed that Coubertin received general information about sport in the United States at the meeting with Sloane in 1888 when they both discussed the “importance of sport for the health of the population” in the house of Taine (N.N. 1913(a), 11). During his two study trips Coubertin not only visited universities, attended the Conference on Physical Training in Boston, and the World Exhibition in Chicago, but also gained insight into the American sports club scene and got an overview

112 A. Spalding, who was one of the most famous manufacturers of basketball equipment, initiated this world tour in order to advertise his basketball gear. Spalding’s team and the Chicago White Sox competed against an All-American-Team at baseball games in Australia, Ceylon, Egypt, Italy, England Scotland and France (cf. Hardy 1995, 144). 140 COUBERTIN’S INTEREST IN THE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY AND SPORTS SCENE of the efforts of the progressives to use amateur sports to develop the still young American republic. Coubertin’s comments on the American athletics clubs reveal a great surprise at their size and the elegance of their furnishings. As in his book Universités transatlantiques, Coubertin in an 1891 speech to the CVJM describes the exclusive club premises, gymnastics and sport facilities of the NYAC (cf. COUBERTIN

1891(a), 205f./cf. COUBERTIN 1977, 604ff.) and states that in his opinion they did not differ considerably from the equipment and furnishings of exclusive athletics clubs in Chicago, Boston and Washington (cf. COUBERTIN 1891(a), 204). But Coubertin describes the Chicago Athletic Club once more separately in his article “Chicago Chronique,” which was published already during his second trip to

America in Revue Athletique (cf. COUBERTIN 1893(b), 3f.). Coubertin shows the reader this nine-story club building (cf. RADER 1983(a), 57f.), erected in 1893, and leads the reader through its foyer to the swimming pool made of white marble, the billiard and library rooms and the rooms where the club members could use, among other things, the racing tracks and rowing devices (cf. 113 COUBERTIN 1893(b), 3f.) . In contrast to the personal introduction of Coubertin by White, Gilman and Sloane into the American university system and sports scene, it is difficult to find mentors who introduced Coubertin into the club sports scene. An article in the San Francisco Chronicle of October 17, 1893 on Coubertin’s visit to San Francisco suggests that Coubertin’s noble descent, however, did open some doors: “A French Nobleman Here to Study, and Encourage Manly Exercise. There registered at the Palace Hotel yesterday was Baron de Coubertin of Paris. The nobleman is quite a young man and comes to this country principally in the interest of amateur athletic sports. He is a commissioner of the International Congress which is to be held during the month of June of next year in the French Capital. The 114 gentleman will visit our universities while here . . .” (N.N. 1893 ).

113 This article also shows that Coubertin first became aware of this club through the report in the French issue of the a fire New York Herald on a fire in the Chicago athletics club (cf. Coubertin 1893(b), 3). 114 The bad condition of the document does not permit a precise page reference. COUBERTIN’S INTEREST IN THE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY AND SPORTS SCENE 141

But his noble descent alone was not enough to establish contact with people capable of providing him with data on elite clubs and the opportunity to promote his idea of reintroducing the Olympic Games at these clubs (cf. YOUNG 1996, 87f.). It can be assumed, however, that Sloan introduced Coubertin into the New York athletics club scene. This supposition is based on the assumption that Sloane accompanied Coubertin during his first stay in New Jersey and New York City (cf.

COUBERTIN 1977, 577ff.) and that Sloane also introduced Coubertin as a French guest to the Century Club (CC) and University Club (UC) (cf. IBID., 602ff.). Sloane 115 was a member of both these elite ‘social clubs’ (cf. GLIDER 1947, 403/cf.

ALEXANDER 1915, 321) whose members had a common interest in culture, the arts and science (cf. ALEXANDER 1915, 109). The clubs offered special rooms for leisure activities in which discussions were held on various topics in a relaxed and elevated atmosphere. Adhering to the idea of only spending time among equals and like-minded people, these clubs only admitted members with a college degree (cf. CHENNERY 1955, 5). The fact that the intellectual elite frequented these clubs can be proven easily by examining the list of members of the CC and the UC, who included White, Eliot, Gilman, Wilson, Bancroft, Sloane and others from academia and politics (cf. GLIDER 1947, 363ff.). Elitist clubs pursued this membership structure to conform to the following institutional self-image: “They [members and guests] label the Club and its activities as an institution of gentlemen who in many ways have had a definite influence upon the cultural and social life, not alone in the city . . . but in other sections of our country”

(CHENNERY 1955, 3). That Sloane, as a recognized member of both these social clubs, was also able to introduce Coubertin to representatives of the NYAC, MAC and UAC can be deduced from the special relationship between social clubs and elitist athletic clubs. While the UAC was an offshoot of the University Club, the NYAC and MAC tried to establish connections with members of recognized social clubs to increase

115 The CC was founded in 1847 (cf. Nevins 1947, 7) and the UC in 1865 (cf. Chennery 1955, 2). 142 COUBERTIN’S INTEREST IN THE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY AND SPORTS SCENE their own social prestige. It was even better for an athletic club’s prestige if its 116 members also had a membership in social clubs (cf. WILLIS/WETTAN 1976, 56f.) . From these links between social clubs and athletic clubs it can be deduced that an attempt at contact between Sloane and Coubertin, and one of the athletic clubs was in their mutual interest. On the one hand Coubertin received the possibility of informing himself on the club sports scene. On the other hand the club regarded the contact to Sloane who was highly respected in New York and the French aristocrat as a welcome means of boosting the club’s prestige. Coubertin was also impressed by the YMCA movement, the PAC and the sport- oriented educational campaign of Addams and Roosevelt. Coubertin had met Roosevelt in New York during his first trip to the United States. Apart from a short visit by Roosevelt to Coubertin in Paris in 1909, this meeting in New York in 1889 was the only personal encounter between Roosevelt and Coubertin (cf. BARNEY 1998, 59). But this meeting was enough to arouse Coubertin’s interest in Roosevelt’s strenuous life concept, his appreciation of sport and his efforts to make the educational benefits of amateur sport available to as many American citizens possible. Coubertin was extremely impressed by Roosevelt’s involvement in the poor districts of New York where he promoted the establishment of gyms

(cf. MACALOON 1984, 127). It can be assumed that Coubertin’s contact with Roosevelt, who in 1889 was not the American president but still an influential and emerging politician in the 117 city and state of New York (cf. DESANTIS 1989, 174) was no coincidence, but probably initiated by Sloane whose personal relationship to Roosevelt is 118 evidenced by amicable and familiar letters . It would appear that Roosevelt, Sloane and Coubertin met in the Century Club or University Club in 1889.

Roosevelt and Sloane’s membership of these clubs (cf. GLIDER 1947, 401ff./cf.

116 W.R Travers of the NYAC did not manage, even with his twenty-seven memberships in social clubs, to place his club before the UAC in terms of prestige (cf. Willis/Wettan 1976, 56). 117 Before Roosevelt became President in 1901 he had been police commissioner, assistant secretary of the navy, governor of New York and – when meeting Coubertin – civil service commissioner of New York (cf. DeSantis 1989, 74/cf. Guttmann 1992, 10). 118 The comprehensive correspondence between Roosevelt and Sloane is to be found in the archives of the Library of Congress in Washington. COUBERTIN’S INTEREST IN THE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY AND SPORTS SCENE 143

ALEXANDER 1915, 321) as well as Coubertin’s visits to both these clubs (cf.

COUBERTIN 1977, 602) support this assumption. The conversations between Roosevelt and Coubertin must have been very detailed because when Coubertin returned to France in 1889 both were comprehensively informed on the other’s views on sport. The close similarity of their views can be deduced not only from Coubertin dedicating and sending his books L’ éducation publique and La gymnastique utilitaire to Roosevelt (cf. LUCAS 1982/83, 139ff.) and awarding the first Olympic diploma to Roosevelt (cf.

MACALOON 1984, 127), but also from their exchange on health and the educational benefits of sport exercise. Coubertin informed the American President, in 1903, of his self-experiment in which for six consecutive hours he practiced tennis, cycling, riding, épée, saber and sword fencing at the French Riviera. The findings that he wrote to Roosevelt about stated that with adequate preparation any average athlete could carry on 119 this constant six-hour effort without any damage to health (cf. LUCAS 1982/83, 141). Roosevelt showed interest in Coubertin’s study by inviting him to the White

House in order to perform some of these sport disciplines with him (cf. ROOSEVELT 15. June 1903/Archivalia). Since Coubertin could not comply with this invitation, Roosevelt used the Olympic diploma award as an opportunity to again invite Coubertin to come to Washington:

My dear Baron:

Both Mrs. Roosevelt and I have been so pleased . . . that the diploma was conferred to me that I wish to write and tell you so. But, my dear Baron, I find it a little bit difficult to forgive you for not having come to America. Can you not come to this side and arrange to spend a day or two with me at the White House? If the Baroness can come with you, both Mrs. Roosevelt and I will be delighted (ROOSEVELT 21. July 1905/Archivalia).

119 Coubertin describes this experiment in the essay Everyday Training. Not a Difficult Feat to Keep One’s Muscles in Good Working Order that was already published in the 1901 European March issue of the New York Herald (cf. Coubertin 1901(a), 2).

144 COUBERTIN’S INTEREST IN THE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY AND SPORTS SCENE

It remains uncertain how Coubertin’s contacted Addams. Coubertin had visited her Hull House during his stay in Chicago in 1893 (cf. COUBERTIN 1897(a), 17). Coubertin’s comments on his visit to Addams merely indicate that she informed him on the difficulties of organizing the peaceful coexistence of immigrants in a multi-cultural city like Chicago. It is probable that they also spoke about the strongly held views Settlement Houses regarding sport as a means of overcoming ethnic friction, but this unfortunately cannot be deduced from Coubertin’s short report on his encounter with Addams: “At Hull House, the settlement which she founded in the poor quarter of Chicago, Miss Addams showed me a plan of the immense city upon which were indicated in different colors the groupings of the various nationalities: there was a Slav quarter, a Scandinavian quarter, a German quarter, an Italian quarter, a French Canadian quarter. In each quarter a different language was spoken, and more or less hostile sentiments were professed for 120 that of the neighboring quarter” (COUBERTIN 1898(a), 432)

In Chicago, Coubertin visited not only Hull House, the university (cf. YOUNG

1996, 87) and the World’s Columbian Exposition (cf. LUCAS 1993, 104), but also the sports facilities that Pullman had created for his workers. Coubertin knew about the Pullman Works and the PAC, and was able to visit them due to White. It appears that at their meeting in 1889 in Ithaca, White and Coubertin did not dwell solely on Cornell University and its influence on the reform of the American university system, but also discussed Coubertin’s desire while being in the United States to comprehensively inform himself on the importance sports within and outside the American education system. Before Coubertin departed for Chicago, White wrote a letter to Pullman in which he announced Coubertin’s visit to the Pullman Works and the PAC. Although Pullman was not in Chicago at this time the letter was forwarded to him, so he was informed of Coubertin’s visit and could give instructions for Coubertin’s inspection of the works and sports facilities. A letter that Coubertin sent from New York to White shortly before termination of

120 In his work Souvenirs D’ Amérique et de Grèce, Coubertin describes the polyglot urban population of Chicago. He thus mentions that among the 1,438,000 inhabitants registered in 1892 there were 385,000 Germans, 216,000 Irishmen, 42,000 Englishmen, 100,000 Scandinavians, 54,000 Czechs, 53,000 Poles, 10,000 Russian Jews and 20,000 French-Canadians (cf. Coubertin 1897(a), 16). COUBERTIN’S INTEREST IN THE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY AND SPORTS SCENE 145 his stay in the United States substantiates this: “I forgot to tell you that Mr. G. Pullman was away from Chicago when we called, but your letter was sent to him & he gave orders that we should see all that’s worth seeing in that wonderful foundation of his” (COUBERTIN 28. November 1889/Archivalia). Obviously Coubertin was very impressed by this visit for he asked White in 1893 to again announce him to Pullman with a letter of introduction. Since Coubertin wanted to obtain comprehensive data on Pullman’s institutions he planned to spend a few days there. Furthermore, the letter drawn up in Mirville also indicates that Coubertin wanted to embark on his second United States trip on September 16. Considering that Coubertin was designated as speaker for the International Congress of Education organized in Chicago from July 25 to 28, 1893, one can only agree with Lucas who writes that Coubertin “was much too late to participate in the International Congress of Education” (LUCAS 1993, 104):

I sail on September 16 & after a fortnight in Chicago I intend visiting Colorado and California. . . . You may remember that when I left Cornell you gave me a letter of introduction to Mr. G. Pullman & I was shown over Pullman City. This visit was a very rapid & unsatisfactory one. I think Pullman City is a very original & admirable foundation & therefore I wish I could this time, see more of it, even spend a few days there to catch the working of the institutions. I would like also to [??] Mr. Pullman who was away in 1889 when I called. Would you be so kind to give me another letter to him (COUBERTIN 10. August 1893/Archivalia).

Coubertin’s appeal to White for another letter of introduction again illustrates clearly that Coubertin, despite his aristocratic background, was dependent on the support of famous personalities to render his stays in the United States as informative and effective possible. Apparently, however, he did not require a letter of introduction for his visits to the ‘YMCAs’. In his book Universités Transatlantiques Coubertin reports with surprise on this organization that was very famous in the United States and whose educational program was supposed to meet physical and mental needs. In this context, Coubertin also mentions the educational institution in Springfield that was directed by Gulick and in which future YMCA missionaries were taught the importance of comprehensive education (cf. COUBERTIN 1977, 672ff.). 146 COUBERTIN’S INTEREST IN THE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY AND SPORTS SCENE

4. Summary

This second chapter presented a thematic discussion of Coubertin’s study trips to the United States. It very clearly established that Coubertin during his United States trips concerned himself not only with gaining supporters for his Olympic plans, but also meticulously studied the reformed university system, university sports and the public sports scene. Coubertin’s interest in these three areas was already stimulated before his first trip to the ‘New World’ and did not develop merely through impressions gained during his study trips. Coubertin received early encouragement, initially from his French countrymen Taine and Simon. Prior research on Coubertin generally assumed that Coubertin’s French mentors only initiated his interest in the English educational system. Moreover, Coubertin met Sloane in 1888 in Paris and received his first information on the American university system and sport. Even before Coubertin traveled to the United States for the first time, Sloane had established a contact between Coubertin and White. Coubertin’s connection to White and Sloane is particularly relevant to this study because these two American offered Coubertin the opportunity to gain comprehensive insights into the American university system, university sports and the public sports scene. Thus, White provided Coubertin with an overview on the reformed American university system and its educational objectives. White’s influence provided Coubertin with access to many elite American universities as well as personal contacts with their presidents. White even arranged a meeting between Coubertin and W.T. Harris, the United States Commissioner of Education. But in the same way that White at Cornell University and to a lesser extent Johns Hopkins University president Gilman can be seen as the primary information sources of Coubertin’s statements on the American university system, Sloane and Princeton University guided Coubertin’s assessment of American university sports. During Coubertin’s stays at Princeton, Sloane introduced his French guest to the educational benefits expected of student sports, benefits that Sloane clearly distinguishes from the educational objectives of functional COUBERTIN’S INTEREST IN THE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY AND SPORTS SCENE 147 gymnastics in the United States. Coubertin had already very critically scrutinized these on his visits to Amherst College, Johns Hopkins, Harvard and Cornell University, and concluded that the social and educational benefits resulting from amateur athletics did not come the various types of functional gymnastics in the United States. Coubertin’s acquaintance with White and Sloane also gave him the chance to study the public sports scene and its claim of educating “useful citizens.” Among Coubertin’s contacts in this context were the statesman T. Roosevelt, the social reformer J. Addams and G. Pullman, the founder of the worker sports club of the Pullman Works. With the aid of White and Sloane, Coubertin, established a fine-meshed network of contacts with American university reformers, lecturers, politicians, social reformers, scientists, and representatives of university sports and the public sports scene. These people gave Coubertin the opportunity to closely study the reformed university system and its educational objectives, university sports and their educational value, as well as the public sports scene and its claim of educating citizens of the state. On the basis of these observations the following chapters will examine what effect Coubertin’s studies in the United States had on his national and international educational views, and consequently on his efforts to introduce the modern Olympic Games.

148 CONCLUSIONS ON COUBERTIN’S VIEWS NATIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL EDUCATION

Chapter III:

Conclusions on Coubertin’s views on national and international education

1. The United States as legitimization authority for Coubertin’s national education campaign

1.1 Confirmation and example

The narrow-mindedness of many state and church educational institutions regarding curricula plus the French public’s hostility towards England made it very difficult for Coubertin to implement his sport-based educational theory. In Sport Campaign Coubertin describes his plan of referring to education in the United States as a way of giving critics an example of another country that employed

Arnold’s theories (cf. COUBERTIN 1974, 40). Of course the legend of T. Arnold was also known in the United States, having been spread there by Hughes’ book Tom Brown’s Schooldays. Theodore Roosevelt, for example, recommended this as book as compulsory reading for young males (cf. ROBERTS 1970. 63ff.). Hughes also personally tried to make the physical education experienced at Rugby’s public school accessible to as many American citizens possible. In 1870 he played football with students from Cornell

(cf. SMITH 1988, 72) and after the Civil War founded the New Rugby Colony in the state of Tennessee. Hughes established an institution near the town of Cumberland that was to focus on educating children from the under classes according to the model of Rugby’s public school. Although sports facilities as well as teaching and residential buildings were erected, Hughes lacked the financial means of continuing this project (cf. LANIER 1896, 567ff.). Coubertin’s constantly growing interests in the educational, political and cultural thinking in the ‘New World’ already stimulated before his first American trip by his mentors Simon, Taine, Le Play and Sloane, make it impossible to interpret his CONCLUSIONS ON COUBERTIN’S VIEWS NATIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL EDUCATION 149 interest in American educational as resulting from of a flash of inspiration. It was Coubertin’s personal contacts with American professors, politicians, social reformers and representatives of gymnastics in the United States that enabled Coubertin to examine in detail the universities, their esteem for the educational value of sports and gymnastics, and the sports scene outside the educational system. Shaw’s biographical essay “Baron Pierre De Coubertin” clearly illustrates that Coubertin, in his orientation towards the United States, was not interested in merely confirming his insights on modern education methods already gained at English schools and universities. Shaw remarks in this essay published in the American magazine The Review of Reviews in 1898 that Coubertin wanted to gather selective information on the American educational system to be able to compare it with the English model: “M. de Coubertin was not content with any merely casual study of English school life, nor did he jump at quick conclusions or attempt to propagate theories of French educational reform until he had tested his views and impressions by repeated comparative inspections of the educational 1 life of the two countries” (SHAW 1898, 437) . Coubertin’s willingness to cover the costs of the 1889 study trip despite officially traveling as representative of the French government, illustrates how strongly Coubertin felt about carrying out his task. The financial expenses meant less to him than the honor of traveling in the footsteps of A. de Toucqueville (cf. MACALOON 1984, 113), whose volumes Démocratie en Amérique were published in 1835 and 1840 and were known to

Coubertin (cf. LOLAND 1995, 57). With the same intensity he had read Toucqueville’s four-volume work, that together with J.H. Crèvecoeurs’ 1782 Letters from an American Farmer, was considered a “locus classicus” description of the American self-image, Coubertin prior to his first trip to the United States also read American Commonwealth (cf. LUCAS 1993, 105), an 1888 book by the

1 Shaw wrote a detailed version of this biographical essay in his preface to the 1897 American edition of Coubertin’s The Evolution of France under the Third Republic (cf. SHAW 1897(a), IIIff.). A year previously the original edition was published in France under the title L’Évolution Française sous la Troisième République. 150 CONCLUSIONS ON COUBERTIN’S VIEWS NATIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL EDUCATION pro-American Scotsman Lord Bryce that in its brilliance was compared with

Toucqueville’s work (cf. HEIDEKING 1996, 210).

1.1.1 The confirmation of the reformatory approach

Coubertin in his comprehensive assessment of American institutions of higher education points out the universities’ high public esteem. Coubertin was certain that universities would never have achieved their popularity if they had not proven their importance in the development of the American republic. (cf.

COUBERTIN 1897(f), 787): “But the entire nation has turned their attention to the universities, asks their leaders for advice and rushes to the lectures . . .”

(COUBERTIN 1898(c), 227). Coubertin sees evidence of the public regard for American universities in the high sums of money raised by graduates or industrialists for the maintenance and development of universities and the 2 construction of new ones . Thus, Coubertin enthusiastically describes the scientific patronage of E. Cornell, J. Hopkins, M.L. Stanford, M. Rockefeller, M. Tulane and M.G. Caldwell, who with their donations enabled the construction of the universities of Cornell, Johns Hopkins, Stanford Junior University at Palo Alto, Tulane and the Catholic

University of Washington (cf. COUBERTIN 1897(a), 70). For Coubertin this patronage is neither an expression of exaggerated sentimentality towards the former university nor an effort to make one’s name immortal by financing such institutions, but rather an expression of support for centers bent on educating an intellectual responsible for maintaining and developing the republic (cf. COUBERTIN 1897(f), 787). At the end of his first study trip, Coubertin was already so impressed by the development of universities in the United States that he did not consider it necessary to visit American students at European universities to find out more about the education and strength of character that were to qualify them for

2 Nowadays the budget of many American universities is still covered by donations made by graduates. The Harvard Business School has, for example, received over $ 545 million from approximately 65,000 alumni (cf. FEHR 1997, 15). CONCLUSIONS ON COUBERTIN’S VIEWS NATIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL EDUCATION 151 positions of leadership (cf. COUBERTIN 1977, 859). Coubertin thus identifies American universities as moral factories “où se façonne l’âme collective des peuples” (COUBERTIN 1897(f), 781). His assessment includes not merely the best- known universities in large cities like Boston, New York, Philadelphia or Chicago, but also the less influential ones in Amherst, Madison, Lehigh and the more secluded ones in Charlottesville, New Orleans and Ann Arbor (cf. COUBERTIN 1897(a), 72). The fact that Coubertin showed so much interest in reformed American universities and thereby learned to value the self-character and educational objectives of American universities has hitherto been completely neglected in Coubertin research. It is therefore even more surprising that in Brubacher’s and Rudy’s history of colleges and universities in the United States – a standard work in its fourth edition – Coubertin is included in the circle of French, German and English analysts of the American university system who formulate similar positive views on the university system of the ‘New World’:

Foreign visitors have noted many of the dominant characteristics of the American universities . . . . They have taken note of the intensive public support given to higher education in the United States and the continuing interest which organized alumni groups manifested in the welfare of their alma maters. . . . They have seen American colleges and universities as contributing to the life of the Republic the things it most needed – higher political standards, liberal culture, and a desire to ameliorate social injustice (BRUBACHER/RUDY 1997, 437).

Brubacher and Rudy put Coubertin’s statements in his essay L’Amérique Universitaire published in 1897 on the same level with the observations of other

“foreign visitors” (IBID., 437) such as J. Bryce in The American Commonwealth (1888), M. Chaullery in Universities and Scientific Life in the United States (1922), B. Gebhardt in Amerikanische und Englische Universitäten (1889) and O.

Gross in Das Amerikanische Universitätsleben (1879) (cf. BRUBACHER/RUDY 1997, 540). Coubertin does not see the reforms promoted by White, Gilman and Eliot as the only reason for the admirable development of American universities. Although he admired the curriculum of Cornell University (cf. COUBERTIN 1977, 758), the progressive measures teaching methods at Johns Hopkins University (cf. IBID., 152 CONCLUSIONS ON COUBERTIN’S VIEWS NATIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL EDUCATION

890f.) and the example of the laical character of the Catholic University of Washington that he describes so emphatically for his French countrymen (cf.

COUBERTIN 1888(b), 349ff./cf. MACALOON 1984, 113f.), Coubertin sees the freedom granted to students to organize themselves in their leisure time in various associations as a virtue in the effective development an intellectual elite (cf.

COUBERTIN 1977, 765ff.). During his visit to Cornell University, Coubertin received detailed information from White on the Greek-letter fraternities that in Coubertin’s eyes promoted the students’ character development together with music or literary communities (cf.

COUBERTIN 1897(a), 62ff.). In Universités transatlantiques Coubertin describes his impressions on these “sociétés secrètes” (COUBERTIN 1977, 765) and reproduces in condensed form White’s views previously published in his 1887 article “College Fraternities.” According to White’s and Coubertin’s observations the fraternities did not only offer cheap and comfortable housing, but also promoted solidarity, tolerance, a sense of responsibility and democracy because the students had to manage their living arrangement themselves, with only marginal involvement by former members (cf. WHITE 1887, 244ff./cf. COUBERTIN 1977, 768). It is remarkable that Coubertin considered American fraternities more efficient than the English ones because fraternity members were granted more freedom in the

United States (cf. IBID., 767). What Coubertin omits completely and White mentions only peripherally are the problems and conflicts in student life that developed through the fraternities. White strangely characterizes excessive drinking, the forming of cliques and enmity between different fraternities as a problem of the past (cf. WHITE 1887, 246). Of course Coubertin also found confirmation at American universities of his assessment of the educational significance of extra-curricular activities, already observed in England. Especially at Princeton, Coubertin was able to satisfy himself that the two debating clubs – the Whig Society and Cliosophic Society – were true CONCLUSIONS ON COUBERTIN’S VIEWS NATIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL EDUCATION 153

3 learning centers of democratic openness and tolerance (cf. COUBERTIN 1897(a), 62ff.). In this Coubertin concurs with Sloane for whom the significance of university education was doubled by a membership in one of these debating clubs because the students were not only trained in speech theory, but also became familiar with basic parliamentary structures and behavior patterns. Accordingly Sloane considers an active membership in the Whig or Cliosophic Society essential for any Princetonian that wanted to assume a leadership position in the political or public sector after graduation (cf. SLOANE 1895, 130ff.). Coubertin’s special interest in extra-curricular activities focused on student sport associations, which he was able to study intensively at Princeton (cf.

COUBERTIN 1897(a), 64). It is not surprising that Coubertin could convince himself of their educational importance at Princeton because Sloane as Coubertin’s mentor for American universities was an advocate of clean university sports. Sloane’s views regarding student-organized organizations correspond with those of Coubertin, who at this time in his home country supported the freedom of students to organize their sport activities as extra-curricular activities as a way of developing the character needed to be responsible and circumspect citizens (cf.

COUBERTIN 1892, 536). If Coubertin had noticed during visits to other American universities that the students there were granted a maximum of freedom to organize their extra-curricular activities (cf. COUBERTIN 1977, 767), then the contact with Sloane finally confirmed his observations. At Princeton, Coubertin also became aware of the special status of sport education that Sloane noted among students. Precisely because university sport was to contribute to preparing students for the world of work, it was even more important for this age group than for children or employed persons. Thus the students were offered a testing ground on which they could develop their strengths, and recognize and remedy their weaknesses before entering the professional world. Therefore university sports also represented a training ground

3 Although Coubertin mentions both debating clubs in his notes on Princeton he only describes the Whig Society in detail and was naturally more impressed by its educational significance than its luxuriously furnished conference halls (cf. COUBERTIN 1897(a), 62ff.). 154 CONCLUSIONS ON COUBERTIN’S VIEWS NATIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL EDUCATION for students because it was still possible for the students to reduce their weaknesses without being faced with serious consequences (cf. SLOANE 1890, 170ff.). Coubertin also considers sports a testing ground especially for students preparing to take over social and professional responsibilities. In 1935 he still advocates holding the Olympic Games in honor of this age group: “Human spring is expressed by the youthful awakening comparable to a precious machine whose mechanisms have just been completed and that is about to start moving. This youthful awakening must be honored by celebrating Olympic Games and maintaining their rhythm because the near future and the harmonic concatenation of the past and future depends on them” (COUBERTIN 1967, 152). Princeton appeared to be a model for with which Coubertin could underline his French campaign to including athleticism in education and convince critics that athleticism was regarded as a valuable educational tool in other countries besides England. This can be deduced in particular from a letter that Coubertin wrote during his second visit to Princeton. In this “Lettre D’Amerique,” which was published in the weekly newspaper Les Sports Athletiques on October 2, 1893, Coubertin informs the French public and the members of USFSA, whose official association newspaper was Les Sports Athletiques (cf. MacAloon 1984, 158), about the American university athletic scene, using the example of the Princeton University (cf. MACALOON 1984, 158). Moreover he mentions at the beginning of the letter the connection already established by him between the USFSA and Princeton:

Princeton New Jersey, 28. Sept. 1893.

I shall take advantage of the few moments I have before the Chicago express [train] arrives to give you some news about sports, from this beautiful Princeton University with which we shared ideas for a long time already and where our union counts numerous friends and warm supporters (COUBERTIN 1893(a), 13).

Coubertin introduced his French countrymen to the athletic system of Princeton for a reason. As was already mentioned Princeton was one of the few American universities that strongly supported the amateur code. In Sloane’s opinion only CONCLUSIONS ON COUBERTIN’S VIEWS NATIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL EDUCATION 155 amateur sports provided the necessary conditions for moral, social and educational benefits from competitive sports (cf. SLOANE 1890, 170ff.). In addition to Sloane, who was Princeton’s representative to the Intercollegiate Athletic Committee and who, 1884, served as president of this committee charged with protecting the amateur code in university sport (cf. SLOANE/SARGENT 7. March 1884/Archivalia), Wilson was a member of the Faculty Committee On

Outdoor Sports (cf. PRESBREY/MOFFAT 1901, 57). Wilson, who was President of the

United States from 1913 to 1921 (cf. GUGGISBERG 1993, 35), had made a name for himself, before becoming the president of Princeton in 1902 (cf. DESANTIS 1989, 209), as coach of the very successful Wesleyan College football team in 1889. As university president and president of the country, Wilson believed in the transfer of the characteristics acquired in sports to the professional and political field. For Wilson and other progressives this transfer was only possible when sport was based on an understanding of amateurism and the closely linked basic principles of fair play (cf. DYRESON 1998, 186). Coubertin refers most directly to the topic of professionalism in American university sports in the context of the Thanksgiving Football Match. Accordingly he asks what the profits of the ticket sales, which he estimated at $20,000, were used for. Coubertin, however, does not discuss this topic in depth (cf. COUBERTIN 1894(b), 699). In the United States Coubertin also confirmed his view on the educational function of gymnastics whose programs were restricted to physical education. In particular, his introduction to the systems of American gymnastics offered by Sargent and Hartwell showed Coubertin that these programs did not result in the social and moral educational experiences that in his and Sloane’s opinion were provided by the sports that students themselves organized (cf. SLOANE 1890,

170ff./cf. COUBERTIN 1892, 521ff.). Coubertin strongly criticizes in particular the gymnastic exercises applied at Harvard that Sargent prescribed for students to treat organic and anatomic imbalances: “As we left the Hemenway Gymnasium that evening, my thoughts were quite confused. Certainly I had seen curious, interesting things. I had also seen other utterly ridiculous things. But I could not 156 CONCLUSIONS ON COUBERTIN’S VIEWS NATIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL EDUCATION formulate my basic impression, balancing out the sum of all my good and bad impressions. At this point, I know quite well what to think of it, and my judgment is clear and precise. This who approach is not education, it is animal husbandry!”

(COUBERTIN 1977, 650). This text passage induced a American reader of the book Universités transatlantiques to criticize Coubertin’s views on the Harvard program of gymnastic education. In a short letter to the editor of Scribner’s Magazine the unknown author accuses Coubertin of a certain superficiality as well as of daring to write disrespectfully about the scientific gymnastic program for physical education that was based on anthropometric data (N.N. 1890, 525). Ultimately, Coubertin’s visits to American universities confirmed what he had already observed and experienced at English public schools and universities. The future intellectual elite were to have the possibility at schools and universities to gain practical experience dealing with democratic rights and obligations. Coubertin hoped that this education – and in this he concurs both with his English idol Arnold and famous university reformers e.g. White, Eliot and Gilman – would also produce comprehensively qualified people in France who would manage the political affairs of the French nation and contribute to strengthening the republic. Accordingly Coubertin writes in 1889 in his report to the French Minister for Education that the necessary French educational reforms had to include the two factors that were such an integral part of English and American school and university education: namely sport and freedom (cf. COUBERTIN 1977, 923ff.): “Therefore let us pursue our reforms, strengthened by the example of England and America. Let us attempt to implement the program summed up in these words: ‘sports and freedom.’” (IBID., 939).

1.1.2 The model function of the American public sports scene for Coubertin

During his study trips to the United States, Coubertin noticed that the “sportive virus” in the ‘New World’ (N.N. 1890, 525) had also developed a contagious effect outside school and university institutions (cf. COUBERTIN 1977, 931ff.). MacAloon remarks that it would have been unusual if Coubertin, as a highly sensitive CONCLUSIONS ON COUBERTIN’S VIEWS NATIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL EDUCATION 157 observer of the Anglo-American sports scene, had missed the sport enthusiasm of American citizens: “In the city parks no less than in the private clubs and colleges, and in the rural towns no less than in the cities, no French visitor in 1889 could have failed to take note of the sporting character of the American nation. Coubertin, of course, was on special lookout for all this, and was quite taken with it. He returned to France a passionate publicist for the American way, the United States having to no small degree replaced England in his heart”

(MACALOON 1984, 124f.). 4 Coubertin found a prospering state in the United States whose vitality and democratic awareness he credits largely to the fact that “beyond the ocean . . .

[the] role played by sport within this upward trend” (COUBERTIN 1967, 56) has been recognized. Coubertin is impressed by the views of the progressives, which exploited amateur sports for developing the American republic. The ideal of 5 “sporting republic” (DYRESON 1998, 8) became apparent to Coubertin especially through his exchange Roosevelt, who said to Coubertin: “The healthy development of the body by vigorous and manly sports is one of the methods of building up this high and healthy national life. Of course, sport can be grossly exaggerated, and it becomes a harm the minute it assumes a disproportionate position in the life of any man” (ROOSEVELT 21. July 1905/Archivalia). Apart from the aim of protecting amateur sport from the vices of professionalism Coubertin also agreed with the representatives of the “sporting republic” on declaring a class-neutral amateur code for the national educational utilization of sport to a “condicio sine qua non.” Similar to Roosevelt, Coubertin therefore also emphasizes the importance of opening the membership in sports club to as many citizens possible. Thus Coubertin also rejected the class- orientated amateurism of the ARA. In his opinion the amateur idea must not be

4 The increase of all economical indicators for the United States in the last decades of the nineteenth century illustrates that the economic depressions (1866/67, 1873-1878, 1884-1887 and 1893-1897) occurring cyclically after the Civil War could only stop the growth trend for short periods (cf. HEIDEKING 1996, 198f.). 5 On the basis of the original meaning of the Latin term “res publica”(a public thing) and its connection to the term “republic” as a name for a system of government, Dyreson constructs the term “sporting republic’', which is to point out the correlation between the general public interest in sport activities and their national educational claim made by representatives of progressivism (cf. DYRESON 1998, 8). 158 CONCLUSIONS ON COUBERTIN’S VIEWS NATIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL EDUCATION employed as a weapon of social distinction and he considers it a mistake to regard workers and craftsmen as professionals. To Coubertin this class-orientated way of thinking appears more than inappropriate in a democracy: “The Amateur Rowing Association errs, it must be admitted, by confining itself to aristocratic members. It is surely a mistake to refuse to a workingman the right to become an amateur, and to connect with manual labor, the thought of professionalism. The discord between this decayed legislation and our democratic age is sharp”

(COUBERTIN 1894(b), 699f.). In his speech “L’Athlétisme. son rôle et son histoire,” presented in Paris to the CVJM in 1891, Coubertin speaks of the democratic nature of athleticism by describing the United States club sports scene to his listeners (cf. COUBERTIN 1891(a), 202ff.). He mentions in his speech that wealthy club members willingly helped the less affluent by paying their membership fees (cf. IBID., 206). It has already been mentioned in the description of the clubs, however, that this generosity was only granted if the prospective member was able to successfully represent the club at sport competitions. MacAloon, in particular, criticizes not only Coubertin’s all-too-idealistic comments on the membership policy of these clubs in this context, but also Coubertin’s absolute belief in the United States as the land of the freedom and equality (cf. MACALOON 1984, 127). Surely MacAloon’s critical comments on Coubertin’s ideal of the United States are understandable and can still be widened, if one includes in the assessment that the American society of the free and equal also had slaves (cf. YOUNG 1985, 643ff.). The fact that in the decades after the Civil War the desired legal, political and social equality of the African-

American population had still not been achieved (cf. DIPPEL 1996, 59), did not weaken the prestige of the United States as a land of freedom, equality and democracy. Of course, Coubertin too criticizes the exclusion of the African American population from white public life he observed in the South (cf.

COUBERTIN 1977, 815ff.), but he sticks with his assessment that the United States CONCLUSIONS ON COUBERTIN’S VIEWS NATIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL EDUCATION 159 was a country “full of true liberty” (COUBERTIN quoted according to MACALOON 1984, 127). This assessment of Coubertin is explicable because it corresponds to the contemporary interpretation of the New World. The new and admirable thing about the United States is the pursuit of a special way that commenced with the separation from the mother country and the creation of a new social order that had – as described in Crèvecoeur’s 17892 book Letters from an American Farmer - “no aristocratic families, no courts, no kings, no bishops, no ecclesiastical dominion” (CRÈVECOEUR 1957, 35f.). Furthermore this special way also includes the establishment of a liberal governmental system in which the citizens could actively influence political events through elections of representatives to state legislatures and congress as well as through local self-government (cf. HEIDEKING 1996, 58). In this context Crèvecoeur's statements on a 'new man' in the United States, that has distanced himself from traditional European ways of thinking and organizes his life according to new political, economic and social principles, also are comprehensible (cf. CRÈVECOEUR 1957, 39ff.). Coubertin praises the open membership policy of the sport clubs just as he idealizes, to his French audience, the elite sport club as “l’asile de l’athlétisme”

(COUBERTIN 1891(a), 206) that served the members as a source of revitalization for everyday demands and burdens (cf. IBID., 206). Coubertin omits the comments of the sport manager of the Chicago athletic club, who informed him that the club’s sport facilities and gymnasiums were frequented far less by the members than the exclusive club lounges (cf. COUBERTIN 1893(b), 4). With this idealized description of American athletic clubs, Coubertin probably wanted to stimulate his compatriots to form associations. Only a year later

Coubertin laments France’s lack of associations (cf. COUBERTIN 1892, 528) whose educational value had already been recognized by his countryman Toucqueville. The latter sees basic elements of American democracy in local self-administration and voluntary associations. Toucqueville interprets the participation in public affairs and in personal or material decisions exercised by citizens in both settings as a self-educating-process of dealing with given rights, duties and obligations 160 CONCLUSIONS ON COUBERTIN’S VIEWS NATIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL EDUCATION

(cf. HERETH 1991, 55f.). In this context Toucqueville also discusses the acquisition of “practical clever-ness that is won by habit, experience and actions”

(TOUCQUEVILLE quoted according to IBID., 67) and is far more essential for developing a healthy democracy than a mere theoretical instruction on rights and freedoms (cf. IBID., 56). Coubertin’s esteem for American club sports scene also is attributable to the positive impressions he gained during visits to the PAC and brought back to France. Coubertin points out in particular that the PAC medals encouraged for many workers to take part in athletic competitions, although the sport facilities created by Pullman already offered sufficient encouragement. The PAC did educational work for Coubertin, of which he approved, that contained the statement that even the hardest physical labor was no substitute for an active athletic engagement (cf. COUBERTIN 1977, 227). Coubertin returns to the theme again at the end of World War I, advocating the construction of practice facilities available to workers without payment. This was meant not only to be an institution for physical training, but also training grounds for democracy, morality and hygiene. Coubertin envisions a self-disciplining process resulting from sportive experiences. Athletes from different social layers were to learn democratic interaction with each other that was so important to national unity by participating together in the preparation and performance of athletic activities rather than through mere theoretical instruction. Coubertin did not want to produce mandated rules of behavior to counteract the widespread moral and hygienic problems among the workforce. Rather, he wanted to attempt to positively influence physical and mental vitality by the experiences gained through active athletic activity. The self-awareness acquired through sport would, above all, show hard working physical laborers that alcohol abuse - a widespread problem among the contemporary work force - was incompatible with physical activity (cf. ALKEMEYER 1996, 114ff.). It remains to be said that Coubertin’s knowledge of the public sport-scene in the United States played a decisive role in his extending his sport-based education campaign beyond the institutional framework of schools and CONCLUSIONS ON COUBERTIN’S VIEWS NATIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL EDUCATION 161 universities. Undoubtedly, Coubertin’s observation of Americans’ passion for sport was among the factors that awakened his great interest in the United States. Coubertin memorized the image of a sporting republic that he held on to long after his study trips to the United States: “On July 4, 1912, forty-two public associations gathered more than thirty-thousand applicants in the parks and public gardens of New York. 1492 medals were distributed to the winners of sprint, jump, throwing competitions etc.; one thousand members of the gymnastic and athletic associations ensured a smooth event. We want to add that sport facilities, tracks, gymnastic devices, parallel bars etc. already exist in many states of America and are free for public use” (COUBERTIN 1967, 85).

2. The American influence on Coubertin’s concept of international understanding

2.1 Coubertin’s efforts to promote the rapprochement of France and the United States

Coubertin provided his compatriots not only with information on the university system and athleticism in the United States, but also with diverse regional knowledge on the New World. Apart from travel reports such as “Sur la côte de 6 Californie” (cf. COUBERTIN 1894(a), 204ff. ) and “L’Ouest américain” (cf. COUBERTIN 1897(a), 20ff.), Coubertin in 1896 and 1897 published the essay series “La formation des Etats-Unis” in the magazine La Nouvelle Revue. Coubertin had performed detailed research in French libraries for this essay and communicated this to Eliot, the president of Harvard (cf. COUBERTIN 24. February

1896/Archivalia). The essay on United States colonial history (cf. COUBERTIN 1896(b), 712ff.) is followed by Coubertin’s two historic papers describing the difficult and bloody path to American independence (cf. COUBERTIN 1897(g), 55ff.) as well as the crises afflicting the United States until the end of the Civil War. In addition to the economic difficulties mainly caused by war damages and exclusion

6 This essay is also printed in Coubertin’s work Souvenirs d’Amérique et de Grèce (cf. COUBERTIN 1897(a), 33ff.). 162 CONCLUSIONS ON COUBERTIN’S VIEWS NATIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL EDUCATION from the “Empire,” Coubertin discusses the socio-political tensions that emerged from slavery and were the main reason for the Civil War (cf. COUBERTIN 1897(h), 319). Coubertin in tracing the course of American history devotes himself in the penultimate essay in the series to the process of continental American settlement and the Monroe Doctrine of 1823 (cf. COUBERTIN 1897(i), 495ff.), introduced earlier as an expression of increased American self-confidence and sense of mission. Finally, in the fifth part of his study, “La formation des Etats-Unis,” Coubertin deals with the various religious denominations in the United States whose coexistence and practice is guaranteed by the constitution (cf. COUBERTIN 1897(j), 459ff.). Much more decisive for Coubertin’s study than an extensive analysis of the 7 historical and societal information about the United States , which was probably already known, are warnings about the process of estrangement between the New and the Old World, which to Coubertin’s surprise had started in spite of the improvement in transportation and communication. “As inventions and discoveries have facilitated material relations, friendly relationships have become less frequent. The more we have occasion to get to know each other, the less we understand each other. In the time of de Toucqueville, the Atlantic seemed less wide and less deep.” (COUBERTIN 1897(a), 75).

Using the example of his own nation, Coubertin tries to explain to his compatriots, why the New World exhibited an increasing disinterest in the political and social affairs of the European states (cf. COUBERTIN 1898(b), 714). Thus Coubertin accuses his own nation of being interested merely in competing with the United States in the economic sector and not making any effort to establish academic connections with the New World.

7 The works of Toucqueville De la démocratie en Amérique whose two volumes had been published in 1835 and 1840 and the book Lettres d'un cultivateur américain published in 1782 by J. H. St. John de Crèvecoeur were very famous among the intellectual and academic circles of France. Botta's French edition of Storia della guerra dell'indeppendenza delgi Stati Uniti d'America already published in 1812/13 was also very famous. Another standard work on American history was E. Laboulaye's Histoire des Etats-Unis with its three volumes published between 1862-1866 (cf. BRICKMAN 1962, 5ff.). The book The American Commonwealth by Scot J. Bryce was of particular relevance for the last decade of the nineteenth century (cf. HEIDEKING 1996, 210). CONCLUSIONS ON COUBERTIN’S VIEWS NATIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL EDUCATION 163

The efforts made by Quesnay de Beaurepaire, who wanted to establish an academy of science and art in 1786 in Richmond, Virginia, was in Coubertin’s eyes the only promising French contribution to academic development in the

United States (cf. COUBERTIN 1897(a), 73ff./COUBERTIN 1898(b), 714). According to Quesnay de Beaurepaire’s plans, headquarters of an academy would be built in Virginia's capital with branches in Baltimore, New York and Philadelphia. There, American and European students were to be instructed by French professors in foreign languages, mathematics, physics, architecture, art, astronomy, geography, botany, chemistry and anatomy. This project failed in the end not because of the outbreak of the French Revolution, but rather because of a lacking of support by Jefferson, who preferred to build a university in his hometown under his patronage (cf. BRUCE 1920, 55ff.). This statement contradicts Coubertin, who considers Jefferson among Quesnay de Beaurepair’s supporters (cf. 8 COUBERTIN 1897(a), 74). . Coubertin expresses his regret over the fact that the progress of American universities received only limited notice in France – as in all of Europe – (cf.

COUBERTIN 1977, 924). If one follows Coubertin’s statements then he found only two compatriots, Simon and Taine, who were similarly enthusiastic about the American university model and also complained about European indifference toward American university reform (cf. COUBERTIN 1897(b), 654). As evidence of his countrymen’s ignorant behavior, Coubertin cites in his book Souvenirs d’Amérique et de Grèce a conversation with Gilman, the president of Johns 9 Hopkins University, at the centenary of the University of Montepellier . Coubertin regretted deeply France’s retreat from American academic life and the refusal of French professors, out of pure arrogance, to accept chairs in the United States. This ignorant behavior was particularly shameful to Coubertin because German professors occupied the chairs for French language and literature (cf. COUBERTIN

8 At the turn of the year 1787/88 Quesnay de Beaurepaire had the possibility of presenting Jefferson with his plans for the establishment of the academy because he was in Paris at this time as official envoy of the American government (cf. Bruce 1920, 56f.).

9 Since the university was founded in 1289 this can only be the 600-year celebration at which Gilman was present. 164 CONCLUSIONS ON COUBERTIN’S VIEWS NATIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL EDUCATION

1897(a), 74). If France did not go to the trouble of correcting this, it was clear to Coubertin that a negative picture of the French republic would develop in the United States that would be shaped solely by political and economic scandals. According to Coubertin, the numerous government changes of the Third Republic would be interpreted as an upheaval of the entire political system. But actually it was only a changing of the prime minister his cabinet (cf. COUBERTIN 1898(d), 982). Coubertin regarded an increased information flow of historic and political facts as a means and to not only counter this ignorance and disinterest, but also to impart information that illustrated that besides the politically scandalous French republic there still was a solid one whose representatives were patient, energetic, industrious and honest (cf. COUBERTIN 1897(a), 73ff.). As a representative of France, Coubertin made an effort to eliminate the information deficit on the French republic prevailing in the United States. Coubertin in the final analysis thought that that other European states also should correct their information policies in the United States, since their reputation was hardly better in the United States than that of the French (cf. COUBERTIN 1898(b), 714). Coubertin saw an opportunity to avoid potential conflicts between the Old and New World by improving American knowledge on the European states (cf.

COUBERTIN 1898(c), 226ff.). Coubertin needed no prophet to predict that the United States would strongly intervene in world politics and would no longer be satisfied with a passive role in international affairs originally assigned by the imperial powers of Europe (cf. COUBERTIN 1897(f), 794). Coubertin rightly believed that the principle of ‘manifest destiny’ - the almost unshakable belief of Americans in their divine predestination of extending the American experiment of federal self-government and democracy to the west (cf. HEIDEKING 1996, 146ff.) - 10 would not halt at the Pacific Ocean . He thus interprets this mission, in his lecture “La Philosophie de l’histoire des États-Unis,” presented at the École libre des sciences politiques in 1898, not only as the decisive impulse for continental

10 The geographical borders of this Manifest Destiny – thus the “apparent destiny” (HEIDEKING 1996, 146) – were defined so vaguely that no one really knew whether an implementation of the Manifest Destiny referred to Canada, Mexico, the Caribbean or even Europe (cf. IBID., 145ff.). CONCLUSIONS ON COUBERTIN’S VIEWS NATIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL EDUCATION 165

American settlement, but also as the imperial objectives of the American republic

(cf. COUBERTIN 1898(b), 708ff.). Coubertin had already anticipated this in 1892, 11 first hinting at the increasing aggression of American foreign policy in a lecture : “I remember having said in lecture about six years ago that in the near future, one will be swift to man the cannon in Washington and that these words were contradicted by my audience since this assumption appeared too audacious.

Currently though, it seems as if this is about to be realized” (COUBERTIN 1898(c), 12 223) . Coubertin tried to support the better relations between France and the United States with different measures. It is obvious that in this case Coubertin was guided by some recommendations that were presented by the Englishman H. Pratt at the World Peace Congress held in 1891 in Rome and eventually passed by the congress participants. In his speech on the Conférence internationale annuelle des représentants des Universités d'Europe et d'Amérique Pratt’s main aim was the presentation central themes meant to improve international understanding. In this context, he bases his speech on the following thought: “This is why it is of the utmost importance to educate the electors of all countries, and especially the ruling classes, in a spirit of justice toward foreign countries, ridding them of the tyranny of hatred, prejudice and especially the ignorance in which they find themselves with respect to foreign nations; all causes which, even in our age, blind poor humans as much as they incite them.” (PRATT quoted according toFACELLI/TESO 1892, 119f.). Since world public closely followed the pronouncements of the congress and the media of most countries constantly published reports on its progress and resolutions (cf. KLEBERGER 1988, 80), it can be assumed that Coubertin, who according to his own statements attentively observed international affairs (cf. COUBERTIN 1974, 11), knew about on this World

11 Coubertin neither mentions the title of the lecture nor the location where the speech was held. Only the date can be deduced. Coubertin’s remark on the aggressiveness of American foreign policy is taken from his article “Die Beziehungen zwischen Europa und den Vereinigten Staaten im zwanzigsten Jahrhundert“ published in the magazine Deutsche Revue in 1898. 12 Coubertin refers to an essay on the Cuba Crisis that eventually led to war between the United States and Spain. 166 CONCLUSIONS ON COUBERTIN’S VIEWS NATIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL EDUCATION

Peace Congress whose resolutions were published - as the previous quotation 13 shows - in French in 1892 .

2.1.1 Coubertin’s medal campaign at American universities

During his second stay in the United States and in following years, Coubertin initiated discussion days on the domestic and foreign policy situation of the French republic in the debating societies of Princeton, Tulane, Stanford University and the University of California. Students competed against each giving speeches in which they presented their themes in front of a committee (cf., QUANZ 1998, 257). As the prize for the best speech, Coubertin donated the French Medal at Princeton and the Carnot Medal at the universities of New Orleans (Tulane university), Palo Alto (Stanford University) and Berkeley (University of California). Whereas the medal winners at the universities of Princeton and Tulane were determined in intra-university debates, the winner in California was determined by inter-university competitions between students from Berkeley and Palo Alto

(cf., COUBERTIN 12. March 1897/Archivalia). The fact that Coubertin dedicated one of these medals to the French statesman Carnot, who had been the French President from December 1887 until his assassination on June 24, 1894, is it to be understood both as an honor for the slain statesman (cf., SHAW 1894, 644) and recognition of Carnot’s interest in reviving American interest in the French republic: “As to President Carnot, of the many topics which he permitted to

13 The main text only deals with Pratt’s proposals for improving international understanding since they alone correlate with Coubertin’s efforts of improving Franco-American relations. But these were not the only resolutions passed. Other resolutions treated among other things developing international arbitration with a reduction of armed forces, disarmament and peace education at schools (cf. INTERNATIONAL PEACE BUREAU 1898, 9/15/21). But doubtlessly one of the most important resolutions was to found “an international and permanent bureau in Bern […] as a means of linking peace societies and any friends of peace” (IBID., 20). This agency was already established in 1892 and with a further chamber for grouping dispersed peace activities (cf. QUANZ 1993, 198ff.). Baroness B v. Suttner appeared at a World Peace Conference for the first time in Rome where she represented the newly founded Austrian Peace Movement. In Fried’s opinion it was v. Suttner’s novel Die Waffen nieder that sensitized the Austrian and German population for the peace issue. Fried compared the impact of this book translated into 16 languages to the success of the novel Uncle Tom’s Cabin in which the American-American Beecher Stowe propagates the abolition of (cf. FRIED 1913, 101ff.). The name of V. Suttner, who received the Nobel Peace Prize (cf. IBID., 278) in 1905, is also to be found on the honorary members list of the 1894 Congress at the Sorbonne (see also appendix on page 213) (cf. QUANZ 1993, 195). CONCLUSIONS ON COUBERTIN’S VIEWS NATIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL EDUCATION 167 discuss with me on more than one occasion, none interested him more than the subject of the intellectual relations between the United States and France. And that is why I gave the name of Carnot to the students’ annual debate on contemporary French politics which I instituted between the universities of Berkeley and Palo Alto at San Francisco, and at Tulane University, New Orleans.

And the Carnot medal is already popular in California and Louisiana” (COUBERTIN 1897(b), 654). The French Medal bears among other things the inscription of the American Whig Society, thus it almost certain that Coubertin donated the French Medal only to this debating club that existed alongside the Cliosophic Society in Princeton.

14 Fig. 3: Front and back of the French Medal (SHAW 1894, 646)

Especially valuable information on these and further medals appears in the report of the committee of the Union Française Des Universités D'Amérique 15 (UFUA), that was written at the inaugural session March 8, 1897 . The declared objective of this society was the further development of Coubertin’s medal campaign, the purpose, origin and successes of which in the United States were 16 first presented to the future members of the UFUA As stated in the

14 Front of the medal: Marianne, the national personification of France. She is wearing a Phrygian hat on her head. Back of the medal: In the middle of the iron wreath the name of the medal as well as the donator Pierre de Coubertin is engraved. American Whig Society (top) and Princeton University (bottom) is stamped on the side of the medal. 15 Apart from Coubertin the following persons were also in the committee: Duke of Noailles, P. Bourget, Vicomte de Toucqueville, Count de Rouanbeau, G. Hersent, O. Cambefort, Graf J. de Pourtalès and C. Bloch (cf. UFUA 1897, 3). 16 The committee determined an annual membership fee of 20 Francs (cf. UFUA 1897, 3). More detailed data on the members present on March 8 can only be provided by referring to an English-language 168 CONCLUSIONS ON COUBERTIN’S VIEWS NATIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL EDUCATION introduction, Coubertin, who presided over this society, used the debating societies to direct the American students’ attention towards the modern and not the scandalous France, and received detailed information about the medals presented thus far at University of California, Princeton, Tulane, and Stanford. It is reported that an American member of the Whig Society of Princeton won the French Medal for the fourth time in 1897. In 1894 J. S. Campbell from Pennsylvania had won this medal, speaking brilliantly on the question whether the French republic had the characteristics of a definite government. In the following year J.C. Sloane a student from Pennsylvania had received the medal because he skillfully argued that France’s head of state should be elected directly by the people. In 1896 the students of the Whig Society were asked the question whether modern France should opt for the American constitutional or the parliamentary type of government. F.W. Loetscher of Iowa, who lucidly argued for a constitutional type of government, won this debate. At Tulane University, where the Carnot Medal was awarded early in 1897, the students debated on the same topic as the Princetonians in 1896. Like Princeton’s Loetscher, Tulane's medal winner also argued for a constitutional type of French government. The lecture of the student, whose name is unfortunately not mentioned, led to a lively debate as the advocates of the parliamentary type of government also represented their point of view outstandingly. In 1896, when the competition for the Carnot Medal was first announced at Tulane University, the organizers did not use the same subject as that of Princeton, but instead had asked the students to deal with French colonial policy. W.A. Dixon proved he was best informed about France's imperial policy and was duly awarded the medal after his speech. Before the inaugural session the, Carnot Medal had only been awarded twice to winners of the inter-university debating competition between students from the two

newspaper excerpt that is not used as a main source because during archival work in Harvard neither the name of the paper nor the author of the article were to be found. In the article “America and France. Baron de Coubertin on “The National Ideal of the United States”, the following members of the inaugural session of the UFUA are mentioned together with Coubertin and Sloane: Prof. Cohen from Columbia College, H. Vign and N. Eustis as representatives of the American embassy in Paris, Dr. Pozzi, Count Rochambeau, M. G. Hersent and M.C. Bloch, who had the office of secretary. Moreover this source proves that the inaugural session of the UFUA was held on the premises of the ‘Société de Géographie’. Merely the date of this source can be established. The text indicates that the article was written on March 9, 1897 on day after the founding session. CONCLUSIONS ON COUBERTIN’S VIEWS NATIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL EDUCATION 169

Californian universities in Berkeley and Palo Alto. While Sandwick from Stanford University received the medal in 1895 for his speech on the last presidential crisis of the French republic, C. Flaherty from the rival university won it the year after for his speech on the advantages and disadvantages of administrative centralization in France for the stability of the French government. All in all the UFUA considered the medal campaign initiated by Coubertin a great success judged by the large numbers spectators at these débats français (UFUA 1897, 6) in Louisiana and California, the festive supporting program and to the positive reports in the San Francisco Morning Call and New Orleans Daily Pi- cayune newspapers. Furthermore, the committee announced in its report that White had agreed to the introduction of the Victor Hugo Medal at Cornell University, Gilman had given his consent to awarding the Toucqueville Medal at Johns-Hopkins University and Eliot had also agreed to the award of the Pasteur 17 Medal at Harvard (cf., UFUA 1897, 3ff.) . A letter from Coubertin to Gilman from March 12, 1897 indicates that the Toucqueville Medal - in contrast to the other medals - was to be awarded for the best essay on a freely chosen topic dealing with French politics or history from

1815 to 1890 (cf. COUBERTIN 12. March 1897/Archivalia). Furthermore this letter also includes a chronological list of all medals, which Coubertin had donated at American universities since 1893. In order to once again present Coubertin’s medal campaign clearly, the list is quoted from the letter:

(1) French Medal, founded 1893, awarded to Princeton University (Whig Hall only). (2) Carnot Medal, founded 1894, awarded to Tulane, New Orleans. (3) Carnot Medal, founded 1894, awarded to Palo Alto and Berkeley, California (intercollegiate debate).

17 Since Toucqueville has already been introduced as the great French theoretician of democracy, the following only briefly deals with L. Pasteur and V. Hugo. After 1854 Pasteur reformed scientific studies at the École normale, by constantly endeavoring to link theoretical and experimental sciences in his classes. From 1877 he increasingly turned to researching infectious diseases e.g. cholera, anthrax and rabies. Two years after Pasteur’s death the medal bearing his name was introduced at Harvard. V. Hugo was not only a famous poet in France but also a well-known politician who spoke out for the development of the republic that was no longer influenced by the church. In his will, Hugo emphasizes that his commitment for a strict partition of state and church did not exclude faith in god (cf. CARON 1991, 134f./310f./367f.). 170 CONCLUSIONS ON COUBERTIN’S VIEWS NATIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL EDUCATION

(4) Toucqueville Medal, founded 1898, awarded to Johns Hopkins. (5) Pasteur Medal to be awarded to Harvard University. (6) Victor Hugo Medal to be awarded to Cornell University (COUBERTIN 12. March 1897/Archivalia).

A note from the university lecturer A. Fortier of Tulane University addressed to A. Shaw, the chief editor of The American Monthly Review of Reviews, states that the Toucqueville and Carnot Medals were still awarded at Johns Hopkins University and the universities of Palo Alto and Berkeley in 1900. While in Baltimore E. Rouch was awarded the medal for his essay on French colonial policy and E. Martin, representing Berkeley, won over a Stanford representative in the debate on the condition of the Third Republic. Fortier, writing about the debate at Tulane University, reports that the discussion centered on French social policy and that C.A. Duchamp won the medal (cf., FORTIER 11. July 1901/Archivalia). It is not known what topics were debated at Harvard and at Cornell University for the Pasteur and Victor Hugo Medals or who received these medals. However, it can be verified that Coubertin had the Pasteur Medal passed on via the American ambassador in Paris to the Department of State in Washington in the years 1898, 1899 and 1902. From there, the medals were then handed over to the president of Harvard (cf. HILL 3. November 1898; 11. December 1899; 22. December 1902/Archivalia). Letters from Coubertin to Eliot provide further information on the Pasteur Medal that indicate initial misunderstandings arose as to the intended purpose of this medal. Harvard University wanted to award the medal to the university lecturer H.K. Oliver who wanted to establish a reader post for French history at the elite university in Boston. However, after Coubertin informed Eliot about the contest rules, Harvard introduced debates among students on the most recent events in French history and politics (cf. COUBERTIN 24. February 1898; 9. November 1898/Archivalia). It also should be mentioned that a letter dated February 24, 1898 proves that Coubertin was planning a third visit to the United States, but did not intend to go to Boston: “I look forward to another visit to America & this time I want leave Boston aside as I did last time – I always remember my pleasant visit of 1889 & CONCLUSIONS ON COUBERTIN’S VIEWS NATIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL EDUCATION 171 your kindness in showing me over the university” (COUBERTIN 24. February 1898/Archivalia) Coubertin’s medal campaign at American universities was related to the measures of promoting peaceful internationalism presented by Pratt in Rome in 1891. Pratt states that knowing and respecting one another, so important to the understanding among peoples, should be promoted by introducing international historical studies at European and American universities. Pratt demands not only learning the history of one’s own nation and factual knowledge of military conflicts, but also overviews of contemporary political and social conditions in other countries. The document Resolutions of the First Eight Peace Congresses, 1889-1897 specified the following resolutions of the 3rd World Peace Conference that formed the bases of Pratt’s recommendations: “The congress expresses the desire that a ruling is to be established: 1. That in the universities of Europe and America a spirit of respect and friendship for the strange nations is to be established among the students; 2. That, in order, to achieve this the professors for history should include the progress of civilization and the political, social and religious institutions of all nations in comprehensive study and particularly point out the influence that each peoples has had on the progress of mankind; . . .”

(INTERNATIONAL PEACE BUREAU 1898, 26). Pratt addresses this primarily to student youth because they were still free of vocational and political obligations and thus suited for the reflection on the “affaires étrangères” (Pratt 1892. 120) In Pratt’s opinion this could sensitize the future intellectual elite to the development of a peaceful internationalism (cf.

IBID., 119ff.). Thus, Coubertin with his medal campaign does not pursue a concept of history that simply limits itself to listing data and facts whose interpretation is imprinted by national subjectivity (cf. COUBERTIN 1889(b), 381ff.). It is important to him that historiography be conducted in a way that leads to learning about the differences of foreign nations. In his opinion this is the only way to establish the basis for mutual respect of different peoples (cf. COUBERTIN 1967, 154). With the medal campaign that he had initiated, Coubertin does not focus on only theoretical 172 CONCLUSIONS ON COUBERTIN’S VIEWS NATIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL EDUCATION discussions, but also demands the close consideration of history and political as well as social conditions of other nations. With his focus on American universities Coubertin directly addresses the future leaders whom American citizens will entrust with national or international responsibilities (cf. COUBERTIN 1898(c), 227). Precisely because of the impending entrance of the United States into world politics, Coubertin considers it essential to make the future administrators of an aggressive American foreign policy familiar with the contemporary and social history of other countries. Coubertin’s appreciation of the national educational assignment of American universities therefore goes hand in hand with a critical look at the “international forces” which start the movement at the universities of the New World (COUBERTIN 1897(f), 780). This assessment of the American university system illustrates not only the accuracy of Coubertin’s impressions of the United States, but also affirms his conception that the future intellectual leadership must be both experienced in handling the values of democracy and sensitized to the necessity of developing a peaceful internationalism.

2.1.2 The publications of L’Evolution Française sous la Troisième République in the United States and Coubertin’s contributions in the American Monthly Review of Reviews

A. Shaw the chief editor of the magazine The American Monthly Review of 18 Reviews since 1891 , still has to be integrated into the previously presented circle of acquaintances that Coubertin established for himself in the United States (cf. N. N. 1891, 1). With the 34-year-old Shaw, one had chosen a relatively young chief editor in England whose progressive opinion had been marked by his studies at Johns Hopkins University where he had received his doctorate in 1884. As a fellow student Shaw had become acquainted there with the later American

18 The Review of Reviews was a society magazine founded in England that produced individual issues for England, Australia, South Africa, India and the United States. The editorial office responsible for the American issue was opened in New York City in January 1891 (cf. N. N. 1891, 1). In spite of differences of content, the development of different national issues was almost identical. Apart form articles on national affairs, the issues included essays on world news as well as reviews of essays that had appeared in other national and international magazines. CONCLUSIONS ON COUBERTIN’S VIEWS NATIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL EDUCATION 173

19 president W. Wilson , to whom he could develop just as friendly a relationship as to Th. Roosevelt (cf. DYRESON 1998, 21). As was true of Coubertin’s correspondence with Sloane and White, his letter to Shaw shows that Coubertin developed a personal relationship to the American journalist. Aside from the familiar forms of address in letters, the two exchanged private information regarding their family lives, as evidenced by Coubertin’s wedding announcement (cf. COUBERTIN 12 March 1895/Archivalia) that is also to be found in Shaw's legacy as well as by Coubertin’s letter, in which he congratulates Shaw on the birth of his son (cf. COUBERTIN 29 March 1900/Archivalia). The contact between Shaw and Coubertin was however initiated by neither Sloane nor by White, but by J.B. Reynolds whom Coubertin had become acquainted with in the NYUC in 1893. Thus Reynolds writes the following to Shaw on club stationary on November 20, 1893:

University Club Madison Square Nov 20/93

My dear A. Shaw,

I want to introduce to you Baron Pierre de Coubertin of Paris. He has been actively interested in the introduction of athletics into the French lycées and has written on the subject of education. He is also interested in university extension which he hopes to introduce in France. His book on our colleges “Les Universités Transatlantiques” you may know. I am sure you will enjoy meeting him and he will be glad to have a talk with you. Very sincerely

James B. Reynolds (REYNOLDS 20. November 1893/Archivalia).

Coubertin’s contact with Shaw and their conversation on the university system and athleticism in the United States are, at this stage, of secondary importance to this study. Of greater interest is their common goal of increasing knowledge about France in the United States to improve international relations between the

New and Old World. Shaw describes in detail the modern French capital (cf. SHAW

19 Wilson earned the title of doctor only two years later than Shaw at Johns Hopkins University (cf. DESANTIS 1989, 209). 174 CONCLUSIONS ON COUBERTIN’S VIEWS NATIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL EDUCATION

1900(a), 1ff.) and the system of French municipal government in his book Municipal Government in Continental Europe published in 1900. By February 1896

Shaw had sent these two chapters of his book to Coubertin for revisions (cf. SHAW 23 February 1896/Archivalia). In September of the same year Coubertin in turn had asked Shaw to have his work L'Evolution Française sous la Troisième République translated into English for publication in the United States. It is particularly noteworthy that in this letter of September 6 Coubertin’s appeal to Shaw stressed that the book not be translated and published by an English publishing house. In the barely readable letter, which only now exists in fragments, Coubertin puts forward the following reasons: “. . . because I would prefer an exclusively American edition of it because what I want is to make my country better understood in America, and yours better understood over mine. That is the reason why I feel so [?] the “Evolution Française sous la Troisième

République” should be published in America” (COUBERTIN 6. September 1896/Archivalia). This request by Coubertin again shows his receptiveness to the suggestions that had been presented in 1891 at the World Peace Congress in Rome. Pratt’s demand at the World Peace Congress, which was established by resolution, to translate well-known works on the policy and contemporary history of a country into other languages to provide students and pupils with usable working materials for learning international history (cf. PRATT 1892, 121f.) was implemented by Coubertin and Shaw with their publications in the United States and France. Although Pratt – as already stated in the previous point – mainly addressed students, he also includes in his considerations the voters of all countries (cf.

IBID., 119) and thus extends the circle of recipients of international historical writing. Coubertin regards Sloane’s Napoleon biography as an outstanding example of an educational resource. However he states with regret that this work was only one of the few describing an era or personality of French history in the

English language (cf. COUBERTIN 1899(a), 44). The close connection that Shaw felt to the work The Evolution of France Under the Third Republic is expressed in his extensive preface that he wrote for the CONCLUSIONS ON COUBERTIN’S VIEWS NATIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL EDUCATION 175 book. Shaw first acknowledges the main purpose of the book, calling it an outstanding resource for the study of the 3rd French Republic. After short notes on Coubertin’s aristocratic descent Shaw describes Coubertin’s efforts to popularize the central ideas of the Anglo-American educational and sport system. Shaw does not shrink from comparing Coubertin’s affinity to England and the United States with that of Toucqueville. However, before Shaw summarizes the contents for his compatriots, he informs his readers about Coubertin’s medal campaign at American universities and its success in initiating an important 20 international sport event, the modern Olympic Games (cf. SHAW 1897(e), 3ff.) . The educational intent of The Evolution of France under the Third Republic is comparable to the essay series that Coubertin published on the Third French Republic in the magazine The American Monthly Review of Reviews, edited by 21 Shaw . With the articles that appeared from 1896 to 1901 in this society magazine, Coubertin strives to give readers a comprehensive overview of the French republic, whose reputation in the United States was in Coubertin’s eyes so 22 deplorable (cf. COUBERTIN 1897(a), 73ff.) . Apart from detailed information on the genesis of the parliamentary republic and its condition (cf. COUBERTIN 1896(c), 307ff.) Coubertin introduces many personalities who affected the political fate of the republic in completely different ways. In doing so he does not restrict himself just to the political achievements of intimate republican friends such as J. Simon (cf. COUBERTIN 1896(a), 450ff.), J.

Grévy, J. Ferry, S. Carnot (cf. COUBERTIN 1896(c) 307ff./1901(b), 448f.), G.

Hanotaux (cf. COUBERTIN 1897(k), 545ff.) and E. Loubet (cf. COUBERTIN 1899(b),

20 Shaw published an abridged form of this preface in the American Monthly Review of Reviews in April 1898. 21 Doubtless the essays are more up-to-date in regard to their content. As synopsis of the book and the article series, however, indicates that main parts of The Evolution of France under the Third Republic were also treated in the essay series. 22 Additionally Coubertin published articles in the American journal The Century and the English/American magazine The Fortnightly Review. References to these essays are only to be found in footnotes because the articles correspond in their main points to the content of the essay series in The Review of Reviews already described in the main text. 176 CONCLUSIONS ON COUBERTIN’S VIEWS NATIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL EDUCATION

23 423ff.) , but also describes the anti-parliamentary and extremely nationalistic efforts of a G. Boulangers (cf. COUBERTIN 1897(k), 547) and P. Déroulèdes (cf.

COUBERTIN 1899(b), 426), who substantially jeopardized the consolidation of the 24 French republic . Although Coubertin had already recognized the danger, he stresses to his American readers that the process of consolidating the republic may be slowed by the Boulangisme and the attempted putsch by Déroulèdes that failed because the republican conviction of a majority of French citizens and 25 politicians was too strong (cf. COUBERTIN 1897(k), 547/1899(b), 426) . Coubertin also writes about the political plots and scandals that had considerably damaged the reputation of French politicians abroad. Thus Coubertin mentions, among other things, the Wilson Affair (cf. COUBERTIN 1898(e), 192), by which the republican president Grévy was forced to retreat, because his son-in- law D. Wilson had operated a lucrative trade with state medals. In addition

Coubertin lists the Panama Scandal (cf. COUBERTIN 1898(e), 192) in which shareholders bribed parliamentarians to illegally use lottery bonds worth millions in order to finance the construction of the canal (cf. SIEGBURG 1997, 155), and the

Dreyfus Affair (cf. COUBERTIN 1898(e), 191), in which the Jewish artillery captain A. Dreyfus was discharged from the army in 1894 because of alleged espionage

23 Dispensing with detailed biographical data, it can be said about these persons that they all were republican statesmen that always tried as State Presidents (Grévy, Carnot, Loubet), Minister Presidents (Simon, Ferry, Loubet) and Foreign Ministers (Ferry, Hantaux) to prevent the restoration of authoritarian forms of government that was repeatedly attempted by supporters of past forms of government. Thus under Grévy’s presidency the republic was doubly secured against coups, by Grévy declaring the republican state form as constitutionally inviolable in 1884 and excluding members of monarchist dynasties from the candidature as State President (cf. ERBE 1982(b), 237). As staunch republicans these statesmen all supported the emancipation of the state from church influence. But only in 1906 did republican France manage a complete partition of church and state (cf. GALL 1997, 23). 24 Whereas Boulanger, who was removed from office as war minister in 1887 because he had promoted a renewed outbreak of war by public calls for military mobilization against the German Reich (cf. SIEGURG 1995, 353), wanted to convince his supporters in speeches in 1888/89 of the apparent political inefficiency of the parliamentarian republic, Déroulèdes in February 1899 even tried to gather troops for a coup d’état. Since Boulanger fled to Belgium in fear of a charge of conspiracy against the state and committed suicide in 1889, and Déroulèdes was arrested before his military plans were executed, both attempts did not have the envisioned broad effect necessary for a change of the political system (cf. CRAIG 1995, 266). 25 Coubertin also describes important statesmen with different political views in the following articles: The Statesmen of the Third Republic (cf. COUBERTIN 1904, 623ff.), Royalists and Republicans. Notes of a Parisian (cf. COUBERTIN 1897(b), 643ff.), Contradictions of Modern France. The Political Paradox (cf. COUBERTIN 1898(d), 977ff.) M. Declassé: A Character Sketch (cf. COUBERTIN 1902, 71ff.). CONCLUSIONS ON COUBERTIN’S VIEWS NATIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL EDUCATION 177 for the German Reich and was condemned to a high prison sentence in doubtful legal proceedings (cf. CRAIG 1995, 267ff.). Although Coubertin deeply regrets these plots and scandals, he condemns the French writers and journalists, whose works and articles consciously dramatized these domestic affairs in such a way that from abroad the French republic appeared corrupt and ungovernable (cf. COUBERTIN 1898(e), 192). Coubertin clearly counts these writers and journalists among the social fringe group that would only turn against the republican system out of personal frustration: “They are usually men who have constantly gone the wrong way through life and never proved able to succeed in anything. They have become embittered against society, are envious, complicated, and pessimistic. Such men are to be found in every country. . . . They are led to hope that some day a revolution of one kind or another might come and make room for them, and each time they see the beginning of a disturbance somewhere they work their best to increase it and make it the worst possible” (COUBERTIN 1898(e), 192). Coubertin also includes in his criticism the French writer E. Zola (cf. IBID., 191f.), who in his 1898 press article “J'accuse” strongly criticized the behavior of the army and government in the Dreyfus affair and whose subsequent escape abroad made the legal scandal a 26 matter of international interest (cf. CRAIG 1995, 269) .

Coubertin in contrast to these damaging reports on the Panama Scandal, and the Wilson and Dreyfus affairs points out positive aspects of the Third Republic. Coubertin regards the World Exhibition, held in 1978 and 1889, and scheduled to take place in Paris for the third time in 1900, as an indication of the efficiency of the Third Republic. Even Coubertin’s remarks on the vagueness of planning for 1900, which stood in contrast to the 1889 World Exhibition, did not lead to

26 It is also imaginable that Coubertin in his usually general criticism of the press refers to the politically extreme right newspaper La Libre Parole that had uncovered the Panama Scandal and constantly denounced the republic (cf. SCHMIDT 1981, 34). 178 CONCLUSIONS ON COUBERTIN’S VIEWS NATIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL EDUCATION

Coubertin to doubt the reliability with which this event was prepared in France 27 (cf. COUBERTIN 1898(e), 193f.) . Not without a certain feeling of pride does Coubertin also describe the reforms in the education sector that were introduced and implemented with the consolidation of the republic. Apart from his efforts supported by J. Simon to popularize athletics as a valuable educational instrument (cf. COUBERTIN 1896(a), 453), Coubertin tells his American readers about the increasing administrative and academic liberties that the French universities gained after Napoleonic rule

(cf. COUBERTIN 1897(c), 53ff.). Coubertin particularly emphasizes that both the university leaders and the public recognized the democratic educational values instilled by student associations: “He [Napoleon] deemed that an independent society of young men was absurd and pernicious and a permanent threat to social order, while the leaders of a true democracy will ever consider that young men’s societies are the corner-stone of their country’s moral prosperity and power”

(IBID., 55).

Coubertin also stresses the reform spirit in French university life with his description of the École libre des sciences politiques, opened in 1871, which contrary to national universities offered the broader general education that Coubertin considered indispensable for assuming leading positions in politics, economics, administration and the army (cf. IBID., 56). In his writings on republican France, however, Coubertin not only tries to eliminate misunderstandings regarding the internal affairs of his homeland, but he also describes important developments of French foreign policy that went unnoticed in the United States. Thus Coubertin initially tries to not describe the state of France’s relations with the German Reich as hopeless. However Coubertin does admit that despite the present peaceful relationship between both countries, the French-German relations would always be strained by Alsace Lorraine, whose

27 In the Century Magazine Coubertin published the article “Building up a World Fair in France” on the World Exhibition in Paris (cf. COUBERTIN 1898(f), 114ff.). CONCLUSIONS ON COUBERTIN’S VIEWS NATIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL EDUCATION 179 annexation by the German Reich the French naturally regarded as illegitimate (cf. 28 IBID. 1900(a), 182f.) .

Just as important as Coubertin’s comments on French-German relations are those on the Franco-Russian military convention of 1892 in which both countries 29 assured mutual military support in case of a German attack . If in 1896 Coubertin had still described the French-Russian alliance as being very popular in

France and as a defensive alliance intent on preserving peace (cf. IBID. 1896(e), 700ff.), he corrects his statements two years later. In his essay, The Present Problems and Politics of France, Coubertin describes the increasing fear among his compatriots over an integration of France into Russian imperial interests, which could lead to conflict with England particularly in the East Asian area. The introduction of France into this conflict would lead automatically to a strained 30 relationship with England (cf. COUBERTIN 1898(e), 190) . The American Monthly Review of Reviews published two further essays by Coubertin that differ from previous essays in that neither “Does Cosmopolitan Life Lead To International Friendliness?” nor “Modern History and Historians in France” addresses the explosive topic of French domestic and foreign policy. The main objective of these two articles is rather the renewed emphasis of Coubertin’s pacifist request to intensify mutual understanding of the peoples on the basis of an international historiography. Coubertin again stresses in these articles that modern historiography of other nations must be based on respect and tolerance of the peculiarities of foreign cultures (cf. COUBERTIN 1898(a)

433ff./cf. COUBERTIN 1899(a), 44). To a certain extent Coubertin considers these

28 See also Coubertin 1907, 223ff. 29 As was already mentioned the jubilee celebrations of the American FSA had also taken place in 1892 and Coubertin had for the first time presented his idea of reintroducing the Olympic Games in front of large audience. Quanz remarks that this event was not a pure national festivity. For the Russian flag was, beside the Tricolor and the Marseillaise, followed by the Russian national anthem. Furthermore grand duke W. Alexandrowitsch took over the patronage for the sport events during these festivities. The name of the Russian grand duke is also to be found on the honorary members list of the congress at the Sorbonne 1894 (cf. QUANZ 1993, 210). 30 Coubertin also describes the Franco-English relations in detail in the essays A French View of the British Empire (cf. COUBERTIN 1897(l), 803ff.), The Possibility of a war between England and France (cf. COUBERTIN 1900(b), 719ff.) and England and France. The Conditions of Franco-British Peace (cf. COUBERTIN 1901(c), 1013ff.). 180 CONCLUSIONS ON COUBERTIN’S VIEWS NATIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL EDUCATION virtues as a “condicio sine qua non” for the structure of peaceful internationalism because tolerance and respect towards of other nations were necessary in order to substitute international arbitration for wars (cf. COUBERTIN 1899(a), 43). The knowledge of history of other nations would make a stay abroad worthwhile and directly counter the rise of any superficial cosmopolitanism. Therefore Coubertin believes it is important to study the recent history of a particular country before making a trip there (cf. COUBERTIN 1898(a), 429ff.).

2.1.3 Sport meetings for promoting French / English and French /American friendship

After his first stay in the United States, Coubertin strove to organize sport competitions in which his compatriots could compete against English or American athletes. Accordingly in 1893 Coubertin accompanied the rugby team of the Racing Club de France to London and a French rowing crew, consisting of athletes from the Société d'encouragement d'aviron and the Société nautique, to the

Henley Regatta (cf. MACALOON 1984, 161). But before the football game between the Rosslyn Park Football Club and the Stade Français, which took place in 1892 on the grounds of the Coursing Club (cf. COUBERTIN 1974, 60), Coubertin and some other members of the committee for promoting physical exercise received athletes from the MAC in July 1891 for a sport competition with the Racing Club 31 in Paris (cf. IBID., 54f.) . For Coubertin this meeting was a considerable success not only because many organizational difficulties could be solved before this meeting, but also, and probably most importantly in Coubertin’s mind, it established friendly contacts between French and American citizens (cf. IBID., 55): “But when the flags were fluttering in the wind and an elegant crowd of spectators appeared under a blue sky they were thrilled and after four days we parted as the best friends in the world” (IBID., 55).

31 MacAloon states that the athletes of the NYAC and not those of the MAC were invited to this sport competition (cf. MACALOON 1984, 161). Since both clubs were American institutions it makes no difference to this study which of these elitist clubs sent athletes to Paris. CONCLUSIONS ON COUBERTIN’S VIEWS NATIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL EDUCATION 181

This quotation illustrates that the atmosphere in which he made acquaintances at such events is important to Coubertin. This attitude is understandable since surroundings that produce positive emotions certainly contribute to the openness and sensitivity that render a person receptive to the peculiarities of other nations. The fact that Coubertin attributes such importance to atmospheric surroundings shows that the unknown was not only to be studied but also experienced. In the same way that athleticism can produce democratic behavior, it can also induce people to become acquainted with other nations (cf. COUBERTIN 1891(a), 202ff.). Coubertin considers the meetings of students of different nations essential for sensitizing the future leadership elite to internationalism (cf.

COUBERTIN 1891(a), 204), which he saw as the second prevailing trend of the late nineteenth century next to democracy (cf. COUBERTIN 1967, 9f.). In 1892, Coubertin, with the support of Sloane, invited athletes from American universities to a sport event in Paris. Sloane and Coubertin, for this event, founded the American Committee, which organized the planning and preparation of this project: “Again, in that same season [1892], he secured the visit to Paris of a team of American university athletes, as the result of the efforts of an American committee which he had organized and in which his friend Professor Sloane, then of Princeton University, was especially active” (SHAW 1897(e), 10). In the same year, Coubertin informed White about his project of sending a sports team of French students to the United States. Coubertin clearly emphasizes in his letter to White that he did not aim merely at a pure competitive comparison but also wanted to offer the French students the possibility of visiting well-known cities and universities in the United States: “But athletics are not the end of the voyage. I want our young men to visit New York, Boston & Chicago & some of the leading universities . . . . The French Government will help us in giving free tickets across the ocean. I want to know what I ought to do in order to make the expenses as small as possible on the U.S. railways & in the hotels”

(COUBERTIN 21. July 1892/Archivalia). Precisely at this point, the two educational goals that Coubertin and Sloane wanted to achieve through athleticism come together. Thus not only do they 182 CONCLUSIONS ON COUBERTIN’S VIEWS NATIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL EDUCATION attribute to athleticism the ability to educate adolescents about democracy and character development, they also see athleticism as a medium, by which developing elites from different nations are brought together to become acquainted. The role of athleticism in national education is therefore coupled with the task of teaching peace at the international level. Surely it is no coincidence that Coubertin increased his efforts after the World Peace Congress in Rome 1891 to create a close relationship between French and American students; for Pratt had pointed out in his speech that international student meetings between representatives of European and American universities could instill in future elites a tolerance towards the idiosyncrasies of other cultures necessary for developing peaceful internationalism (cf. PRATT 1892, 122ff.). Quanz interpreted this part of Pratt’s speech and concluded that Pratt was suggesting international meetings that were to take place annually in different university towns and whose programs should include sport, artistic and literary competitions to strengthen ties and cooperation of participants (cf. QUANZ 32 1993, 201) . In the document Resolutions of the First Eight Peace Congresses, 1889-1897 specified the following resolutions of the 3rd World Peace Conference, based on Pratt's proposals:

The congress expresses the desire to determine measures: [ points 1-3 ]

That an appeal is made to the students of universities, in which they are advised of contributing to the implementation of the peace principle;

That a meeting and an annual celebration of fraternization are to be held alternately at different large universities, whose task would be to find the means of attaining this aim. The celebrations are to consist of physical exercises and prize work in prose and poetry on the topic of unity and international co-operation (International Peace Bureau 1898, 27).

32 As already described in Chapter I, Quanz sees a connection between this proposal of introducing international students meetings and Coubertin’s early efforts of employing athleticism as an instrument for international understanding (cf. QUANZ 1993, 201/QUANZ/BORGERS 1996, 86). Quanz, however, in this context, does not regard this part of the resolutions as a main impulse for Coubertin’s efforts of initiating sport meetings between French and American students. CONCLUSIONS ON COUBERTIN’S VIEWS NATIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL EDUCATION 183

Like the World Peace Congress in Rome, the annual student meetings were also to be held in a solemn atmosphere (cf. FRIED 1913, 101) that for the future intellectual elite produced an unforgettable moment. In this way it was possible according to Pratt to create a relaxed ambience at such meetings that would swiftly produce friendly contact among fellow students of foreign universities. Pratt considers the openness towards the social, political and historical conditions of other nations acquired at international student conferences as an indispensable experience that the students could employ in assessing other nations after having assumed leadership roles in government services and the economy (cf. PRATT 1892, 122ff.). As in the case of the medal campaign at American universities and the educational publications in the United States, the student meetings planned by Coubertin document his agreement with Pratt’s ideas for peace education. Coubertin strove to implement Pratt’s presentations to the 1891 World Peace Congress.

2.2 The American patronage of reintroducing the Olympic Games

Coubertin could not accomplish the promotion of a friendly atmosphere between France and the United States without the support of partners in the United States. Shaw helped him with the publication of his essay series in The American Review of Reviews and his book The Evolution of France under the Third Republic. Sloane, White and Coubertin planned sport meetings between the French and American youths. White, Gilman, Eliot and Sloane supported Coubertin’s medal campaign that he had started at American universities in 1893. This circle of Americans became integrated in a system of academic internationalism that included student exchanges, international historiography and the idea of uniting peace friends at international conferences and congresses. After studying in the United States, Eliot, White, Gilman and Sloane spent a long time in Europe and enrolled at different universities during their stays. Eliot visited the Universities of

Marburg, Karlsruhe, Heidelberg, Hohenheim, Stuttgart and Tübingen (cf. JAMES 184 CONCLUSIONS ON COUBERTIN’S VIEWS NATIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL EDUCATION

1930, 115ff.), White and Gilman studied at the University of Berlin (cf. ALTSCHULER

1979, 33/cf. CORDASCO 1973, 12f.). Sloane, who in 1872 had enrolled at the University of Berlin, terminated his graduation studies on Arabic Poetry before the

Time of Mahomet in Leipzig in 1875 (cf. LUCAS 1991, 231). In the academic year 1912/13 Sloane returned to Berlin to accept the Roosevelt professorship as a guest lecturer (cf. QUANZ 1993, 207). (cf. QUANZ 1993, 207). Naturally, Gilman, White, Eliot and Sloane sought to pursue studies at German universities that at this time they could not perform at American institutions; but linked to this was the goal of becoming acquainted with social, political and historical conditions of the country where they studied. Gilman, White and Sloane's activities at American embassies in Europe enhanced these 33 experiences . While White and Gilman acted as assistants to the American ambassador in St. Petersburg in 1854 (cf. ALTSCHULER 1979, 30), Sloane worked as secretary-general of the American ambassador Bancroft, introduced earlier in this study as the founder of ‘Round Hill School’ and author of the ten-volume work The History of the United States. In Berlin, Bancroft completed the last volume of this extensive work with the help of Sloane (cf. LUCAS 1991, 230f.). Its single volumes were published between 1834 and 1874 (cf. HEIDEKING/NUENNING 1998, 17). During these foreign stays, White, Gilman, Eliot and Sloane mastered the languages of the host nations (cf. EDWARDS 1902, 698/QUANZ 1993, 207). Sloane, in particular, was multilingual, having mastered the German language just as perfectly as French, Italian, Latin, Greek, Arabic and Hebrew (cf. LUCAS 34 1991, 230f.) .

33 Later White was even the ambassador of the United States in Berlin (1879-1881/1897-1902) (cf. EDWARDS 1902, 700/cf. ALTSCHULER 1979, 234ff.) and St. Petersburg (1892-1894) (cf. ALTSCHULER, 191ff.). It is surprising that White was ambassador from 1879 to 1881 living in Berlin and at the same time was also president of Cornell University. When White was assigned this office by American President R. B. Hayes, the criticism on the incompatibility of White’s political and university interests increased (cf. ALTSCHULER 1979, 118). When White subsequently handed in his resignation it was unanimously refused by the university administration (cf. BISHOP 1962, 199f.). 34 In his speech at the World Peace Congress in Rome 1891 Pratt emphasizes the necessity of acquiring at least one foreign language by each citizen who had an important role in the world (PRATT 1892, 122). CONCLUSIONS ON COUBERTIN’S VIEWS NATIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL EDUCATION 185

Characteristic of this circle of acquaintances that Coubertin had developed in the United States was the active engagement of the members in national and international peace work after their studies. Sloane and Shaw turned to international historiography, White and Gilman belonged to international arbitration tribunals, White, Gilman and Eliot were members of international peace conferences and organizations. Sloane published not only his Napoleon biography in the United States, but also works on French history with The French War and the Revolution (1893) and The French Revolution and Religious Reform (1901). The fact that Sloane was awarded the important French medal, Chevalier de la Légion d’Honneur (cf. LUCAS 1991, 239), points out the appreciation of historical works in Coubertin’s homeland. Sloane’s achievements in the field of international historiography surely also contributed to him receiving the peace medal (cf. QUANZ 1993, 207) from the Conciliation International, founded in 1905 by Count C. de Estournelles

(cf. JOSEPHSON 1985, 265). Shaw’s efforts in this field was reflected by his book Municipal Government in Continental Europe (1900) as well as by numerous articles on the French capital published in American society magazines, of which the article Paris and the

Exposition of 1900 constitutes an impressive example (cf. SHAW 1900(b), 679ff.). In addition White and Gilman were appointed together with J.D. Brewer of the United States Supreme Court, R. Alvey, who was chief justice of the Court of Appeals in the District of Columbia, and F. Coudert, who had been chief counsel for the United States in the Bering Straits dispute to the so-called Venezuela

Commission in 1896 (cf. ALTSCHULER 1979, 219f (1895/96 to (cf. ALTSCHULER 1979, 219f.). Venezuela and England had argued about the border between Venezuela and British Guiana since 1887. In accordance with the Monroe Doctrine, American President G. Cleveland as well as the American foreign secretary R. Olney warned the English government in 1895 of military intervention in Venezuela and requested that the English minister of foreign affairs Lord Salisbury accept an arbitration tribunal commission in this border conflict. After Lord Salisbury rejected this request in December 1895, Cleveland summoned the Venezuela 186 CONCLUSIONS ON COUBERTIN’S VIEWS NATIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL EDUCATION

Commission that was to clarify the border question based on the study of maps and documents in Washington, D. C. The work, led mainly by White, served as the basis for the English side’s acceptance of an international arbitration 35 tribunal . The decisions presented in 1899 in Paris, in which American, English and Russian experts of international law participated, essentially corresponded to

English views on the border between Venezuela and British Guiana (cf. DESANTIS 1989, 73f.). The three university presidents Eliot, White and Gilman were also members of General Committee of the 13th International World Peace Congress that met in Boston from the October 3 to October 7, 1904. The list of participants at this peace congress also included J. Addams of Chicago’s Hull House as well as Cardinal Gibbson and Bishop Spalding of the Catholic University of Washington,

D.C. (cf. MEAD 4 October 1904/Archivalia), whom Coubertin had contacted during his trips to the United States. At the congress in Boston White was still president of the American delegation, which had participated in the first Hague Peace

Conference in 1899(cf. OFFICE OF THE PEACE CONGRESS COMMITTEE SEPTEMBER 1, 1904/Archivalia). White and Eliot also were founders of the Carnegie Endowment for International

Peace created in 1910 (cf. FABIAN 1985, 9f.). A. Carnegie, whose philanthropic patronage had already led to the founding of the Carnegie Technical School at Pittsburgh in 1900, the Carnegie Scientific School at Washington in 1901 and the

Carnegie Foundation for the Advancement of Teaching in 1905 (cf. FLEXNER 1946, 155), had donated “10 million dollars for the plainly expressed purpose of 36 accelerating the abolishment of international wars” (FRIED 1913, 239) .

35 The fact that the English eventually agree to the summoning of an international arbitration tribunal is mainly due to their aim of preventing a war with the United States. If the English had intervened militarily in the border row with Venezuela, this war would have been inevitable because of the Monroe Doctrine. The reasons for this diplomatic arrangement with the United States are mainly due to the political difficulties that England was faced with in the last years of the nineteenth century. The arms race of extending the fleet to compete with the German Reich, colonial disputes with France as well as the Boer War in South Africa did not permit a war with the United States (cf. HEIDEKING 1996, 230). 36 Carnegie, who made millions in the iron industry, sold his firm for $ 492 million in 1901 to the New York banking house Morgan & Co. (cf. HEIDEKING 1996, 205). CONCLUSIONS ON COUBERTIN’S VIEWS NATIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL EDUCATION 187

In order to achieve this aim the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace considered it major task to be financial support all efforts that served peace (cf.

KLEBEGER 1988, 183). It was this financial support that Fried valued most in the patronage of Carnegie: “In this the peace movement was rendered the largest service; they did not lack workers or ideas but mainly financial aid in order to efficiently employ the existing work force” (FRIED 1913, 239). The fact that Coubertin contacted precisely this circle of acquaintances in the United States cannot be regarded as coincidence. Apart from personal reasons, Coubertin was linked to Sloane, White, Eliot, Gilman and Shaw by their common interest in the educating young people to become responsible citizens who would strengthen the democratic system and improve international communication. The supports that this group of Americans gave to Coubertin’s efforts to reintroduce the Olympic Games must now also be regarded in the knowledge of this common interest. This therefore illustrates that on the one hand there were Americans in addition to Sloane who showed interest in Coubertin’s Olympic project and on the other hand that Coubertin’s efforts to promote an international sports event by introducing the Olympic Games must not be regarded as narrow- minded nationalism. Coubertin’s allegiance to contemporary internationalism and his co-operation with its representatives in Europe (cf. QUANZ 1993, 197ff.) and in the United States are far too obvious.

2.2.1 Early talks with Sloane and White

It has already been stated that Sloane and Coubertin met not only in 1889 during

Coubertin’s first study trip to the United States (cf. MACALOON 1984, 128), but also earlier, in late 1888, at the house of the French philosopher Taine. At this meeting Sloane and Coubertin probably discussed for the first time the possibility of reintroducing the Olympic Games. This assumption is based on the two newspaper articles already discussed, which were published on April 29, 1913 in the Austrian newspaper Neue Freie Presse and on May 4 of the same year in the Wiener Allgemeinen Sportzeitung. These articles deal with a lecture Sloane made 188 CONCLUSIONS ON COUBERTIN’S VIEWS NATIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL EDUCATION by invitation of the Olympic Committee for Austria on 28 April 1913 in Vienna. As the title of Sloane’s lecture “The Olympic Games and their Moral Importance for the Youth” suggests, Sloane discusses the educational benefits attributed to Olympic sports whose implementation was to be guaranteed by the IOC by settling the amateur question and promoting sportive internationalism. Sloane in this lecture unmistakably denies that gymnastics offer the moral and social educational value that he assigns to track and field athletic competition. Sloane identifies these sport disciplines as most suitable for achieving “the highest perfection . . . of the powers of the human body” (N.N. 1913(a), 11/N.N. 1913(b), 545) because they do not rely on equipment that is required in rowing, tennis or cycling contests. Accordingly he elevates track and field athletics to the main discipline of the Olympic Games, which are to be supplemented by the other sports competitions (cf. N.N. 1913(a), 11). In his remarks on the formation of the IOC Sloane informs his listeners of the enormous amount of time and money honorably spent to establish of the IOC and also dates the beginning of the considerations concerning the formation of this international sport organization to the 1888 meeting with Coubertin and Taine: “He [Sloane] first describes the genesis and development of the International Olympic Committee by saying that met the young Baron Coubertin in the house of the historian and philosopher Taine about 25 years ago, had talked with him about the importance of sports for public health . . . . Coubertin came to the United States with covering letter of Taine in order to propagate the idea of an 37 organization of sport of all civilized countries” (N.N. 1913(b), 545) . It can be assumed that Sloane’s interest in the Olympic Games already had been stimulated during his study stays in Berlin. Surely Sloane was informed beforehand on the negotiations between German scientists and the Greek authorities concerning the plans to excavate Olympia because he had attended Curtis’ lectures at the Friedrich Wilhelm-University. Curtis was one of the persons to sign the German-Greek contract concerning the excavations of Olympia in

37 This quotation is printed in a modified form in the paper Neue Freie Presse (cf. N.N. 1913(a), 11f.). On the date of the meeting between Sloane and Coubertin see p. 96ff. CONCLUSIONS ON COUBERTIN’S VIEWS NATIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL EDUCATION 189

1875 (cf. BORGERS (i.a). 1996, 28f.). In Berlin Sloane also became committed to sport education. This impetus came from ambassador Bancroft, whom Sloane’s served as secretary-general (cf. LUCAS 1991, 231). Bancroft was an enthusiastic supporter of sportive outdoor education (cf. SLOANE 1890, 170ff.) and had supported as co-founder of the ‘Round Hill School’ the introduction of gymnastic and sport programs whose curriculum also included running in the woods, various ball games, long walks, swimming and gymnastic exercises (cf. BENNET 1970, 41f.). The statements in both articles published in the Austrian newspaper Neue Freie Presse on April 29, 1913 and in the Wiener Allgemeine Sportzeitung on May 4, 1913 do not by themselves contradict Young’s thesis that Coubertin, as of July 1892, had not once thought to propose reintroducing the Olympic Games at the congress in November 1892. Young bases his supposition on statements made by Coubertin in a letter to Brooke from July 20, 1892: “We shall have an eight day festival in Paris from November 20 to Nov. 27 to commemorate the foundation of the Union five years ago . . . Next spring I shall take over to America a French team to compete in New York, Boston, and Chicago. It may be that we shall play football in England before then” (COUBERTIN quoted according to YOUNG 1996, 84). The fact that Coubertin mentions the November congress in this letter but omits his plan of reintroducing the Olympic Games is enough for Young to formulate the thesis that “that Coubertin still – in late July 1892 – had no thought of making that proposal” (YOUNG, 84). Thus Young claims that Coubertin expressed the idea of reintroducing the Olympic Games for the first time at the November congress held on the occasion of the fifth anniversary of the USFSA (cf. IBID., 85). Only one day after writing this letter to Brooke, Coubertin also wrote to White. Young does not evaluate this since he hardly includes Coubertin’s contacts and study stays in the United States in his examinations. In this letter dated July 21, 1892 White is not only informed on the congress in November but also invited him to it: “I have . . . good news to give you about our Union here. We have now over 62 societies & 7000 members. Next November we . . . have an eight days festival in Paris to commemorate the fifth anniversary on the foundation of the 190 CONCLUSIONS ON COUBERTIN’S VIEWS NATIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL EDUCATION

Union. If only you could happen to be in Paris from Nov. 20. to Nov. 27. I am sure the program would suit you” (COUBERTIN 21. July 1892/Archivalia). In this letter Coubertin mentions his plan of supporting the establishment of an international sport events by reintroducing the Olympic Games:

I have lately studied very carefully the question of international athletics & the way of making international meetings as easy & useful as possible. A few days ago 38 we had a team from the New Zealand Athletic Association in Paris . Australia is growing very fast in the way of sports, as are also France, Holland, Belgium & Germany. I have come to the conclusion that if the Olympian Games will start anew & held . . . , it would be a great benefit to modern athletism. . . . I am sure the question of the reestablishment of the Olympian Games [Brookes] has already been thought of in Athens as well as in England) would be discussed with great sympathy by both the athlete & the learned man; & I want to know if you would accept to become a member of a Comité de Patronage” (COUBERTIN 21. July 39 1892/Archivalia) .

Coubertin had doubtlessly already worked on the plan of reintroducing the Olympic Games before the congress took place in November. This letter to White can be regarded as one of the earliest sources in which Coubertin explicitly mentions his Olympic project. Furthermore this quotation indicates that Coubertin’s plans of reintroducing the Olympic Games were not solely based on his primary goal of stimulating national sport development to make youth more able-bodied (cf. YOUNG 1996, 68ff.), but should be interpreted as a reaction to his observation that athleticism was spreading throughout the world as indicated by which he points out with the words “Australia is growing very fast in the way of sports as are also France, Holland, Belgium & Germany” (COUBERTIN 21. July 1892/Archivalia). The parallel to his speech “L’Athlétisme – son rôle et son histoire,” that he previously presented at the CVJM in Paris, is especially visible at this stage. In

38 Coubertin refers to an international sport event that was organized by the American FSA on July 15, 1892. In addition to from athletes of the Racing Club de France and the New Zealand Amateur Athletic Association (NZAAA), athletes of the LAC and the AAA also participated in this international sport event. L. Cuff was a member of the NZAAA and was elected into the newly founded IOC at the congress of 1894 at the Sorbonne (cf. CUFF 14. July 1892/Archivalia). On April 24, 1894 Cuff in his function as Honorary Secretary of the NZAAA thanks Coubertin for organizing the sport event on 15. July 1892. Furthermore he wishes Coubertin success for the impending congress at the Sorbonne in which Cuff himself could not participate (cf. CUFF 24. April 1894/Archivalia). 39 A copy of the original letter is to be found in the appendix on page 215-218. CONCLUSIONS ON COUBERTIN’S VIEWS NATIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL EDUCATION 191 this speech illustrating Coubertin’s views on the democratic educational impact of sport, Coubertin points out the potential of athleticism for peace education. The fact that athleticism was enthusiastically practiced internationally is in Coubertin’s opinion ideal for bringing together representatives of different nations (cf.

COUBERTIN 1891(a), 203f.). It formed a basis for mutual acquaintances and respect that was considered so essential for the development of peaceful internationalism. Other forms of these “international contact opportunities” (LENK 1972, 120) that Coubertin identified included innovations in the transport and communication system as well congresses and exhibitions. But of all these possibilities of establishing contact Coubertin considers athleticism as the most effective because the enthusiasm for athleticism in all nations created the highest form of relaxation and constructive energy creating the ideal basis for intensive contact and cultural exchange (cf. COUBERTIN 1891(a), 202ff.). Coubertin therefore regards athleticism as an instrument for accompanying and supporting the diplomatic efforts of the peace movement: “It is evident that the telegraph, trains, telephone, passionate scientific research, conventions [and] exhibitions have done more for peace than all the treaties and diplomatic congresses. Well, I hope that sport will do even more . . . Let’s export, gentlemen, let’s export rowers, runners, fencers: they will be the messengers of peace” (IBID., 204). Although the word Olympic does not appear in this speech it can nevertheless justifiably be regarded as the “actual founding text of modern Olympic Games”

(QUANZ 1993, 208), since Coubertin expresses himself similarly in speech at the Sorbonne in 1892 before finally proposing the reintroduction of the Olympic Games: “This is enough to encourage your servant to dream now about the second part of this programme; he hopes that you will help him as you help him hitherto, conditions of modern life, this grandiose and salutary task, the restoration of the Olympic Games.” (COUBERTIN 1994, 57f.).

2.2.2 Sloane and the Congress of 1894 in Paris 192 CONCLUSIONS ON COUBERTIN’S VIEWS NATIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL EDUCATION

Coubertin found a supporter in Sloane who could help him refine the idea of reintroducing the Olympic Games as well as organize the congress of 1894. Thus both see the in the Olympic Games an opportunity to contribute to the education of the future intellectual elite, who would mature through international sport competitions. For Sloane and Coubertin the Olympic Games were a forum for educational processes that simultaneously serve the recovery and development of peaceful internationalism. For Coubertin and Sloane sport competition offers the possibility of inculcating democratic values, and providing moral and social educational experiences to adolescents who as future representatives of the political, economic and administrative elite of a nation would benefit from them

(cf. SLOANE 1890, 170ff./COUBERTIN 1891(a), 194ff.). Moreover competitions also offered adolescents of different nations the opportunity of establishing friendly contacts that could contribute to reducing prejudices and misconceptions obstructing the development of peaceful internationalism: “Should the institution [Olympic Games] prosper, – as I am persuaded, all civilized nations aiding, that it will – it may be a potent, if indirect, factor in securing universal peace. Wars break out because nations misunderstand each other. We shall not have peace until the prejudices which now separate the different races shall have been outlived. To attain this end, what better means than to bring the youth of all countries periodically together for amiable trials of muscular strength and agility” 40 (COUBERTIN 1896(f), 53) . The main aim is clearly to marginalize narrow-minded nationalism that ignores the different characteristics of other nations as well as overcoming of the superficial cosmopolitanism whose leveling of respective national characteristics led to a complex “mix of uniformity” (QUANZ 1993, 202) or “mix of states” (FRIED quoted according to IBID., 203) (cf. SLOANE 1921, 75ff.). The development of a

“properly understood, peaceful internationalism” (COUBERTIN 1967, 10) therefore requires the preservation and demonstration of national characteristics. Only in this manner is it possible to explain that national and international aspects do not

40 See also Coubertin 1978, 118ff. and Coubertin 1988(b), 179ff. CONCLUSIONS ON COUBERTIN’S VIEWS NATIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL EDUCATION 193 negate each other at the Olympic Games and Coubertin cannot be accused of merely having instrumentalized internationalism for his national educational aims. Given their common interests, it is not surprising that Coubertin, during his second United States visit, had already discussed with Sloane the topics of the 1894 Congress at the Sorbonne at which Sloane functioned as vice-president of the commission that worked on the standardization of international amateur rules

(cf. COUBERTIN 1974, 76ff.). The fact that Sloane worked in this commission and not in the commission that dealt with the reintroduction of the Olympic Games is certainly due to the fact that Sloane was considered a strict advocate of amateur 41 sports (cf. SLOANE 1978 , 130f.) and thus guaranteed that the amateur question would be discussed extensively. After all, the determination of valid international amateur rules was a “condicio sine qua non” for the educational values of athleticism. In this context it was important not only to protect the moral and social educational values from the vices of professionalism, but also to preserve the opportunity of athletes from different nations to actually meet and learn to respect each other. A competition at the amateur level provided a better basis for this than sport event characterized by the sternness of professionalism in which athletes were motivated to participate only by prize money. The importance that that Sloane and Coubertin assigned to the amateur issue is expressed by the order of the issues on the invitations for the congress at the Sorbonne in 1894. The first invitation circular that was sent out in January 1894 includes eight issues altogether. Of these eight issues the first seven refer to the amateur question. The eighth issue was as follows: “possibilities of reintroducing the

Olympic Games?” (cf. COUBERTIN 1974, 75). The order of the two main points clearly illustrates the dependence of the latter on the former. In this regard it is often alleged that Coubertin thought tactically and used the bait of amateurism to convene the congress in order to realize his real goal of 42 reintroducing the Olympic Games more swiftly (cf. YOUNG 1984, 62ff.) . The main starting point for this accusation is the second invitation that circulated in May

41 The original version this article was published in 1912 in the June issue of the Century Magazine. 42 See also Höfer 1994, 51f. and Alkemeyer 1996, 134ff. 194 CONCLUSIONS ON COUBERTIN’S VIEWS NATIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL EDUCATION

1894 and in which the congress was not called International Congress in Paris for Examining and Spreading Amateurism anymore, but rather the International

Congress in Paris for Reintroducing the Olympic Games (cf. MÜLLER 1983, 23f.). This alteration can lead to misunderstandings and false interpretations especially if one does not recognize that the actual program and its order did not change. The discussion of the amateur question is also listed before the reintroduction of the Olympic Games in this second invitation. The second issue is however is presented in a more differentiated way in the invitation circular of May 1894 than in the previous one. The version from May 1894 contains the following consultation topics:

Amateurs and professionals I. Definition of the amateur status; basis of this definition. Possibilities and advantages of an international definition. II. Suspension, disqualification. Facts that are essential for this and possibilities to correspond to these. III. Is it just to maintain a in regard to the amateur question a differentiation of individual sport disciplines especially horse racing (gentlemen) and shooting – Can one be a professional in one sport discipline and an amateur in another? IV. On the value of artifacts that awarded as prizes. Is it necessary to determine a value limit? Which measures are to be meted out towards those that sell the awarded artifact? V. Legitimacy of profits of entrance fees. Can this money be distributed among the associations (means: clubs) or the competitors? How high can the recompense be for members of a team; by the opposing or the own club? VI. Can the general definition of the amateur be applied in the same way to all sport disciplines? Does it include special restrictions concerning cycling, rowing, track and field athletics etc.. VII. The betting problem. Are bets compatible with the amateur status? Possibilities of stopping the development in this direction.

Olympic Games VIII. Possibilities of reintroducing them. Advantages from a sportive, moral and international point of view. IX. Conditions for competitors. Sport disciplines that are to be represented. Material questions of organization, regularity of the reintroduced Olympic Games etc.. X. Summoning an international committee that is to be entrusted with the preparations for reintroducing the Games” (COUBERTIN 1967, 4).

CONCLUSIONS ON COUBERTIN’S VIEWS NATIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL EDUCATION 195

The accusation of shrewdness lacks credibility. Coubertin and Sloane would have acted shrewdly if they had kept the first version of the invitation and then made the topic of reintroducing the Olympic Games the main issue. It is certain however, that changing the congress description and expanding the discussion about the Olympic Games to include points IX and X moved “Coubertin’s actual goal […] even more strongly into focus” (MÜLLER 1983, 23). But, the order of the issues still shows that the amateur question had to be dealt with first to guarantee Coubertin and Sloane’s moral, social and peace educational effect that was to implemented by reintroducing the Olympic Games. Coubertin explains this precisely in his article “The Olympic Games of 1896,” which he published in November 1896, after the first Olympic Games in Athens, in the American periodical The Century Illustrated Monthly Magazine. Coubertin focuses his thoughts on Olympic amateur sport. He regards the Olympic Games as a medium in which athleticism can develop its educational potential only if it is practiced at the amateur level. He also adds that the Olympic amateur rules provided a unifying function since they created the necessary consensus among the nations and prevented the participation of athletes who did not want to comply with the amateur rules. In Coubertin’s opinion the amateur rules of the Olympic Games facilitated the meeting of athletes of different nations (cf.

COUBERTIN 1896(f), 50ff.). These educational considerations must have also guided Sloane when he visited the persons who were to represent the United States at the congress at the Sorbonne and/or become founding members of the American Honorary Committee for the Olympic Games. Sloane had addressed a letter to Gilman on January 2 in which he invited the president of Johns Hopkins University to the congress at the Sorbonne in 1894 and in addition asked him to speak at this congress. Sloane also attached the

English version of the congress program to this letter (cf. SLOANE 2. January 1894/Archivalia). The date of the letter indicates that Sloane had already informed Gilman before January 15, thus before the date at which Coubertin officially started posting the invitations for the 1894 Congress (cf. Coubertin 196 CONCLUSIONS ON COUBERTIN’S VIEWS NATIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL EDUCATION

1974, 76) at the Sorbonne. This invitation to speak illustrates that Sloane was involved in the congress planning from the beginning. Although Gilman could not fulfill Sloane’s request of presenting a speech at the congress he still agreed to putting his name on the honorary members list (cf. COUBERTIN 29. March 1894/Archivalia). Gilman can be added to Quanz’s category of people belonging to the contemporary peace movement who comprised nearly 30% of those listed as honorary members (cf. QUANZ 1993, 204). Apart from Gilman this list also includes G.A. Adee, W.T. Harris and Charles.Waldstein, other Americans who were part of the circle that favored reintroducing the Olympic Games. It cannot be proved by sources but it can be assumed with great probability that Sloane also invited Adee and Harris to the congress. Waldstein was probably invited by Coubertin although there also were connections between Sloane and Waldstein showing that Waldstein’s commitment to reintroducing the Olympic Games was also encouraged by Sloane. In Adee, who had been president of the NYAC 1891, Sloane had invited a representative of the American club sports scene who he hoped would send a sports team the first Olympic Games. In May 1895 Sloane writes to Gilman that the NYAC had agreed to send a team to Athens and that he now also expected the cooperation of other American sports clubs (cf. SLOANE 25. May 1895/Archivalia). Almost exactly one year later, in March 1896, Sloane informed Gilman of the NYAC’s decision to not send any athletes to Athens after all (cf.

SLOANE 2. March 1896/Archivalia). In W.T. Harris, Sloane had invited the United States Commissioner of Education who has already been mentioned in connection with Coubertin’s visit to the Congress on Physical Training 1889 in Boston. Since Harris – as can already be deduced from his speech at the congress in Boston in 1889 (cf. BARROWS 1890, 3ff.) – was a supporter of the athletic educational campaign, Sloane could gain another famous American who valued the educational aspect of sport under consideration at the Sorbonne congress. Waldstein is identified incorrectly in the honorary members list as still being Directeur de l’École Américaine d’Athens. He had already left this office to his CONCLUSIONS ON COUBERTIN’S VIEWS NATIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL EDUCATION 197

American colleague R. Richardson in 1892. The American School of Classical Studies, which was founded in 1881 and subsequently located in Athens, nominated Waldstein as professor of arts in 1892. After 1892 the school looked for a director capable of staying in Athens for all eight months of the academic year (cf. SEYMOUR 1902, 7). Waldstein, who spent many weeks in Greece every year due to his excavations in Argos, did however not want this office (cf.

MACALOON 1984, 168) because he still read archaeology at the elite English University of Cambridge and was the director of the Fitzwilliam Museum. The fact that Waldstein taught at Cambridge often causes his American nationality to be overlooked. Waldstein was born in New York and like Sloane graduated from Columbia University (cf. LORD 1947, 32). Sloane’s connection to Waldstein is proven by Sloane’s involvement in the Managing Committee of the

American School of Classical Studies from 1882 to 1897 (cf. SEYMOUR 1902, 51). It is probable, however, that Waldstein’s invitation to the Sorbonne congress came from Coubertin, who had visited Waldstein in England in 1886 (cf.

COUBERTIN 1977, 218ff.). As a letter from Coubertin to White illustrates, Coubertin had already early tried to gain Waldstein’s participation in the 1892 congress (cf.

COUBERTIN 21. July 1892/Archivalia). Furthermore Coubertin, in his Sport Campaign, describes his personal relationship to Waldstein whom he had asked to persuade the Greek Crown Prince to lend his name to the honorary members list of the Sorbonne congress (cf. COUBERTIN 1974, 78). The fact that in May 1895 the American School of Classical Studies declared it support of the reintroduction of the Olympic Games as an international sport event (cf. LORD 1947, 68) was due to Waldstein’s and Richardson’s perception of the Olympic project as an instrument of modern education. Thus Richardson did not see the Olympic Games in Athens merely as a sports event that was attractive to him because he considered the modernization and extension of the

Panathenian stadium as absolutely indispensable (cf. RICHARDSON 1896(a), 453), but he also saw the Games as an opportunity to convey the culture of ancient

Greece to the athletes and spectators (cf. RICHARDSON 1896(b), 270). Richardson thus adapted the main idea of the American School of Classical Studies’ that on 198 CONCLUSIONS ON COUBERTIN’S VIEWS NATIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL EDUCATION the one hand was a center for archaeological studies and on the other a schooling center for classical philology that was visited by select American students. This target group included not only students of archaeology, but also future school and university teachers for philology and history (cf. SEYMOUR 1902, 17). The reason for this group studying at the American School of Classical Studies was explained as follows: “. . . a Greek scholar will be a better teacher of Greek literature, as well as of history, if he has visited Greece . . . The student of ancient Greece needs to see, with his own eyes, not only the country where the Greeks lived, but the extant monuments of their civilization . . . So one important part of the work of our School at Athens is to help our students not simply to learn what has been said and published about Greece and its monuments, but also to become acquainted with Greece and its monuments themselves” (IBID., 17f.). The Olympic Games in Athens offered the American School of Classical Studies the possibility of also conveying the culture of antiquity to athletes and spectators that were not students at the American School of Classical Studies. Richardson regrets that few American students were able to visit Greece due to their preparations for exams in April 1896 (cf. RICHARDSON 1896(b), 272).

Fig. 4: List of the universities and colleges that cooperated with the American School of Classical Studies (SEYMOUR 1902, 4)

CONCLUSIONS ON COUBERTIN’S VIEWS NATIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL EDUCATION 199

The American School of Classical Studies, however, still presented exhibitions on their excavations in Corinth during the 1896 Olympic Games and once again during the Interim Games of 1906 (cf. D.K. 1896, 237). Athletes and spectators were given the opportunity to discover more about the host country and learn to respect its culture. At the same time, the Olympic Games gave them the chance of honorably representing their home country as competing athletes or interested spectators. Thus, the concept of peaceful internationalism that, among other things, Sloane and Coubertin wanted to introduce through the Olympic Games was realized. For Waldstein it was primarily in the context of this internationalism the organization of the modern Olympic Games could be understood. In his articles published in the American magazine Harpers Weekly in April and May 1896 Waldstein sought to provide the American public with a detailed description of the sport events in Athens and to erase misperception that the Olympic Games were merely an “archaeological show . . . [or] a historical . . . spectacle” (WALDSTEIN 1896(a), 391). Accordingly, Waldstein also addressed the contribution of peaceful competition to international understanding: “Its origin [Olympic Games] has been international, and the United States are intimately associated with it from the beginning. . . . Is it too visionary to hope that these games may contribute to the realization of the ideal striving of the nobler citizens in our civilized communities; that they may intensify this longing for a great federation as they will combine all nationalities in peaceful emulation out of which the physical welfare of our men will ensue?” (IBID., 391). For Sloane, Coubertin and Waldstein, the amateur ideal not only was the fundamental component in the transfer of moral and social characteristics acquired in athleticism to other areas of life, but also in the implementation of peace education, a potential outcome that Waldstein associated with the reintroduction of the Olympic Games (cf. IBID., 391). In Waldstein’s opinion it was amateurism that made the first modern Olympic Games a “thorough success as an athletic performance, as an inspiring spectacle, and as an international social event” (WALDSTEIN 1896(b), 515). 200 CONCLUSIONS ON COUBERTIN’S VIEWS NATIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL EDUCATION

Waldstein also mentions in his articles what was neglected during the Olympic Games in Athens. He praises Coubertin and his supporters for making the Olympic project possible because of their commitment. Thus Waldstein does not concur with the Greek press that called Coubertin a thief because he had spoken out against holding the Olympic games in Greece permanently (cf. COUBERTIN 1974, 101ff.). Precisely because of the peace educational purpose of the modern Olympic Games, Waldstein considers it essential to hold the Olympic Games at different locations. Waldstein regards the idea of holding Interim Games in the middle of the four-year cycle determined by Coubertin and the IOC as a reasonable compromise in this issue (WALDSTEIN 1896(b), 515).

2.2.3 The founding of the American Honorary Committee for the Olympic Games

Sloane however did not restrict his commitment to the congress of 1894; he also founded the American Honorary Committee for the Olympic Games in 1895 whose executive committee was to keep the public informed about the planned reintroduction of the Olympic Games (cf. LANIER 1895, 578). One unprinted primary source documenting Sloane’s efforts to recruit committee members is a letter to Gilman in which Sloane asks the president of Johns Hopkins University to become a member of this committee chaired by the American-President G.

Cleveland (cf. SLOANE 25. May 1895/Archivalia). An article published in the New York Times mentions others that Sloane managed to recruit to the committee in 1895 and the first months of 1896: “PRINCETON, N.J., March 17. – Prof. William M. Sloane, representative of America in the Olympian Games, announced to-day that the following men had accepted his invitation to act as members of the American Honorary Committee: President Grover Cleveland, Presidents Dwight of Yale, Patton of Princeton, and Eliot of Harvard; Provost Harrison, J.W. Alexander, William S. Wilson, Joseph H. Choate, and President Gilman of Johns Hopkins” (N.N. 1896(a), 7). On March 22, 1896, the New York Times published another article on the planned reintroduction of the Olympic Games and on the American Honorary CONCLUSIONS ON COUBERTIN’S VIEWS NATIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL EDUCATION 201

Committee founded by Sloane. In the intervening period Sloane managed to attract Shaw, Harris, J. Whitel, president of the NYAC, as well as S. Low, president of Columbia University’, as committee members (cf. N.N 1896(b), 9). It is remarkable that half of this committee consisted of university presidents and professors and that Harris, the United States Commissioner of Education, also belonged to this body. This collection of people who dealt with educational matters in their institutions also constitutes the circle to whom Coubertin and Sloane addressed their campaigns regarding sport and national education as well as sport and peace education. The committee membership of Whitel, the president of the NYAC, has to also be considered against the backdrop of these deliberations. Since most athletes of elite sport clubs were university graduates who had to present their university degrees in order to meet the strict admission requirements (cf. RADER 1983(a), 56), and since competitors were hardly any older than students in their last term, Coubertin and Sloane considered it sensible to direct them to the same Olympic 43 educational campaign that had been directed toward the universities . Furthermore it was often easier for the sport clubs to let their athletes compete in international competitions, because they were not financially dependent on 44 university budgets and had no academic responsibility towards the athletes . The admission of J.H. Choate to this committee should not be regarded as mere name dropping. Far more important to Sloane than Choate’s reputation as co- founder of the elite NYUC (cf. ALEXANDER 1915, 14) was that Choate was extremely receptive to the development peaceful internationalism. Like the two committee members Gilman and Eliot, Choate also was a founding member of the

Carnegie Endowment for International Peace (cf. FABIAN 1985, 9f.). With the addition of Shaw, Sloane had finally attracted to the committee a journalist who constantly encouraged the editors of the magazine The American

43 Thus e.g. the team of the Boston Athletic Association (BAA) consisted of three former Harvard students that were sent to Athens (cf. MANDELL 1976, 122). 44 J.B. Connolly, because of his poor academic achievements, was not permitted to go to Athens by the dean of Harvard University. But in spite of the threats of having to leave Harvard if he travelled there, Connolly went to Athens. He competed for the Suffolk Athletic Club of Boston (cf. MACALOON 1984, 201). 202 CONCLUSIONS ON COUBERTIN’S VIEWS NATIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL EDUCATION

Monthly Review of Reviews to report briefly on the planned reintroduction of the

Olympic Games (cf. N.N. 1894, 139/LANIER 1895, 578f./LANIER 1896, 61f.). Shaw himself had already written an article on the plans and resolutions of the Sorbonne congress in December 1894. In this article Shaw summarizes for his American readers the educational goals that Coubertin and Sloane were pursuing with their Olympic education campaign. For Shaw the reintroduction of the Olympic Games created a model that provided amateur sports with the boost needed to prevail against professionalism. Shaw also emphasizes that the educational importance of athleticism would only be preserved if it were able to free itself of the negative influence of money, material prizes and gambling (cf. 45 SHAW 1894, 643f.) . In accordance with the educational aims of Coubertin and Sloane, Shaw describes the Olympic Games to his American compatriots as a possible way of improving international understanding. Shaw clearly signals this with the title of his essay “The Re-Establishment of Olympic Games. How International Sports May Promote Peace Among The Nations”: “. . . so the modern revival of international contests of sport, conducted in a manly and honorable way and in an atmosphere of moral purity, will play a very important part in the supreme task of binding together rival nations, and relegating the barbarism of war to an evil past” (IBID., 646). As basis for this article, Shaw surely did not merely take the data that he received from Coubertin on the Sorbonne congress (cf. COUBERTIN 23. June 1894/Archivalia), but also information from Coubertin’s article “The Re- Establishment of the Olympic Games,” published in the American magazine The Chautauquan in September 1894. This publication is a translation of Coubertin’s article “Le Rétablissement des Jeux Olympiques,” printed in June 1894 right before the Sorbonne congress in the French journal La Revue de Paris. This publication certainly should be interpreted as a short form of Coubertin’s 1891 speech to the French youth of the CVJM. As in the speech, the basic theme of

45 W. A. Elliot, lecturer at Allegheny College, shared this opinion with Shaw and hoped that a reintroduction of the Olympic Games would set an example for American university sports (cf. ELLIOT 1896, 50). CONCLUSIONS ON COUBERTIN’S VIEWS NATIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL EDUCATION 203 which has been referred to often here, Coubertin in this article praises the moral and social educational values of athleticism, which he considers to be better than those of gymnastics (cf. COUBERTIN 1894(b), 696ff.), and also describes the worldwide interest in athleticism:

From the United States sport has spread throughout Europe; it has gained a firm footing in France, in Belgium, Holland, Germany; it is rapidly instating itself in Hungary, Italy, Spain, Switzerland. Upon all rivers glides the light race boat, upon all roads runs the bicycle, and football forces an entrance into all collegiate establishments. The same sun in the course of twenty-four hours lets its light fall upon a boat race in Australia, a football party in Uruguay, and the carriage of President Kruger on his way to Pretoria, Cape Colony, for the celebration of I know not what great occasion, under the escort of eighty bicyclists (IBID., 698f.).

The assessment, presented earlier, of Coubertin’s CVJM shows that this worldwide enthusiasm for emerging athleticism forms the basis for the interest in an international sport competition and creates the atmosphere that facilitates contacts among representatives of different nations (cf. COUBERTIN 1891(a), 202ff.). Of course Coubertin’s article also mentions that the educational value of athleticism could develop only on the amateur level and that sport had to be protected from the vices of professionalism by strict rules (cf. COUBERTIN 1894(b), 699f.). Thus Coubertin discusses the two main issues of the congress of 1894 in his article. Moreover he also informs his French and American readers that the Olympic Games would be modern and that their goal and organization would not be modeled on antiquity. Even the word ‘Olympic’ has parallels to antiquity in name only. In content, the word awakens pictures of an event with the potential 46 of worldwide attraction and use. (IBID., 700) . Both Shaw’s and Coubertin’s articles definitely support Sloane’s efforts of making the educational intention more transparent in his home country, where Coubertin and he combined their efforts to reintroduce the Olympic Games. In the United States Sloane’s founding of the American Honorary Committee created a forum that helped him publicize the educational claim of the Olympic Games. To

46 The modern nominal forerunners of modern Olympic Games used the word Olympic in order to give the event the legitimate appearance of antiquity. 204 CONCLUSIONS ON COUBERTIN’S VIEWS NATIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL EDUCATION

Sloane, contact with people who saw the importance of the Olympic Games not in sport itself, but rather in its potential to contribute to the education of future leaders whose mature personalities would serve both their own nations and the development of peaceful internationalism, was more important than contact with high autocratic American sport officials. For Sullivan, who in 1893 expressed no interest in the Olympic plans whatsoever this did not appear logical and he disclosed this with the following words: “Professor Sloane is a lovely gentleman; I have met him once. He knows nothing about athletics . . . I doubt if he ever attended an important athletic meeting in America. Certainly he is unknown in the athletic legislative halls of this country.”

(SULLIVAN quoted according to LUCAS 1991, 237). RESULTS 205

Results

New insights for Coubertin research and their impact on the reintroduction of the modern Olympic Games

This study argues that it does not suffice, in assessing Coubertin’s study trips to the United States, to merely highlight his personal relationship to Sloane and the 1893 NYUC meeting at which Coubertin and Sloane tried in vain to gain the support of important American sport officials for reintroducing the Olympic Games. Although Coubertin hardly divulges any more data on his study trips to the United States in his Sport Campaign and his other autobiographical book Olympic Memories, these sources must not become guidelines for debating Coubertin’s study trips to the United States. When using theses sources, one must always consider the intention that prompted Coubertin to draft his autobiographical works. In the understandable effort of not letting his part and that of his French supporters be forgotten in the process of forming the Olympic Games there are only few allusions to his contacts and impressions gathered during his American trip. Interpretations of Coubertin’s study trips to the United States are only possible in light of many other printed and unpublished sources by Coubertin and his contacts in the United States. With the aid of these sources, some having been analyzed in Coubertin research for the first time, this study shows that Coubertin in the United States made contact with university presidents and lecturers, representatives of high school sports and of US functional gymnastics, politicians as well as social reformers. These contacts allowed Coubertin to gain insights into the reformed American university system, university sport and gymnastics programs as well as the public sport scene. A detailed evaluation of Coubertin’s comments on these three areas allows conclusions on the importance of Coubertin’s American studies for the analysis of his early education campaign whose content outline was already distinctive before the 1896 Olympic Games in Athens. New insights for Coubertin and Olympic research are that Coubertin, in his early works, not only 206 RESULTS preached the concept of physical, ethical and intellectual education for adolescents, but also the education guidelines of political education whose foremost objectives were the consolidation of republicanism and the development of internationalism. In particular, the inauguration of the world event of the Olympic Games was to abet these two political education objectives and not merely to promote physical, ethical, and intellectual education. Furthermore, it can be said that in assessing Coubertin’s motives for reintroducing the Olympic Games, the role of antiquity and nationality is clearly overrated and that of internationalism is unjustifiably underrated. The following interrelations have led to these new insights in Coubertin and Olympic research: In the United States Coubertin initially found encouragement for his national education campaign which was to grant pupils and students more freedom and leisure for organizing extra-curricular activities. Coubertin regarded precisely this self-organisation of reader circles, debating clubs, music and sport communities as an appropriate means of conveying democratic, social and ethical behavior patterns. Although Coubertin already knew and cherished these extracurricular activities organized by pupils and students from his trips to England, his position was strengthened when he pointed out that the USA also practiced these education principles. Many of Coubertin’s fellow countrymen had misgivings about reforming the French education system after the English model. Moreover, Coubertin believed that American pupils and students were granted even more freedom in choosing their extracurricular activities than their English counterparts. The extracurricular activities offered at English and American teaching and learning institutions that particularly intrigued Coubertin were school and university sports, which he observed with great interest. In the United States Coubertin was especially interested in the “national mania for intercollegiate sports” (GUTTMANN 1992, 10) and was predominantly influenced by Sloane to regard university sport as a valuable educational instrument for maturing the character of the future intellectual elite. Sloane’s influence also induced Coubertin to regard physical education of adolescents as indispensable. Directly before RESULTS 207 entering into working life, adolescents were offered the possibility of developing the abilities required for important positions in commerce, politics and administration. For Sloane and Coubertin sport competition and direct responsibility for the organization of these competitions were an ideal trial. Coubertin also agreed with Sloane that functional gymnastics were very useful from the medical viewpoint, but that it could hardly fulfil the ethical and social tasks of education ascribed to competitive sports and their organization. The fact Coubertin chose Princeton and the university sport practiced there as model for his education campaign in France is lastly due to this university’s efforts to protect student sport from the vice of professionalism. Like the responsible teaching staff Coubertin was of the opinion that the educational potential attributed to athleticism can only develop on the level amateur sport: “It is my belief that no education, particularly in democratic times, can be good and complete without the aid of athletics; but athletics, in order to play their proper educational role, must be based on perfect disinterestedness and the sentiment of honor” (COUBERTIN 1896(f.), 53).

However, this study also points out that Coubertin established contacts in the United States that provided an insight into the public sport scene. The experiences that Coubertin made in the field contributed greatly to his decision to extend the scope of his sport- accentuated education campaign. In the United States Coubertin found a prospering nation whose vitality he to a great extent attributed to the upsurge of athleticism in the last decades of the 19th century. Together with Roosevelt and other representatives of the American progressive reform movement, Coubertin regarded the development and extension of a republican state as indispensable requirement for granting as many citizens as possible the opportunity of gaining experience in amateur sport on a social and ethical educational level. The fact that Coubertin chose the United States as model for pointing to the socio-political importance which was accompanied by an apparent opening of athleticism for all population groups and classes, precisely 208 RESULTS corresponds to the contemporary idealistic interpretation scheme of praising the ‘New World’ as the land of the free and equal. Discussing Coubertin’s American studies does not merely contribute to understanding the content of his national education campaign more clearly, but also illustrates his trans-national political education view that the development of a national intellectual elite was to be achieved only in an international environment. On the one hand Coubertin regarded American universities with admiration for developing upright and responsible leaders who advanced the American republic, but on the other hand he also saw that this university elite was to enable the United States to play a regulating role in world politics. Hence, Coubertin remarks that people in Europe had to become aware of national and international powers that emanated from the reformed American universities

(COUBERTIN 1897(f), 780). Against the background of an increasingly aggressive American foreign policy that Coubertin had already noted in 1892 and due to his observations on the increasing alienation process between the Old and New World, it was important to Coubertin to rouse in American adolescents an interest in Europe. Knowledge of the policy, contemporary and social history of other nations, as well as experiencing foreign cultures through trips, and student meetings between European and American youth were to contribute to the development of peaceful internationalism. As France’s representative, Coubertin donated medals at various American universities for the best speeches and essays on contemporary French history and politics, published a multitude of articles on the Third French Republic in the magazine The American Monthly Review of Reviews and had his book L’Evolution Française sous la Troisième République translated into English. The discussion of these measures, which Coubertin adopted to defuse the growing alienation between the United States and his homeland, also lets the study demonstrate Coubertin’s notional proximity to internationalism emerging in the late nineteenth century. Thus, it can be said that all Coubertin’s measures were inspired by important resolutions passed at the World Peace Conference 1891 in Rome. Additionally, Coubertin’s connection to contemporary RESULTS 209 internationalism can be demonstrated by the personal network that supported Coubertin in implementing the medal campaign, the publication of the essay series in the aforementioned American magazine, as well as the publication of the book The Evolution of France Under The Third Republic. These people, who included the university presidents and lecturers such as Eliot from Harvard, White from Cornell University, Gilman from Johns Hopkins University, Sloane from Princeton University and the journalist Shaw, were open minded in various ways towards the emerging internationalism. Thus it can be shown that Coubertin cultivated contacts in the Old as well as the New World to persons who endeavored to develop international understanding. The discussion of Coubertin’s political education measures to alleviate the ongoing process of alienation between the Old and New World, which he notes was exemplified by the American disinterest in France, now allows the conclusion that his desire to develop peaceful internationalism also was a crucial stimulus to his endeavor of creating “a forum for international contacts” (LENK 1972, 120) for representatives of different nations by reintroducing the Olympic Games. Coubertin’s personal and notional connection to contemporary internationalism was too close to ascribe the establishment of modern Olympic Games solely to Coubertin’s national intention of promoting his athletic education campaign in France. The awareness of emerging internationalism that Coubertin and his American and European supporters demonstrated also undercuts the hypothesis that they promoted the Olympic Games as a way of legitimizing antiquity. Long before the 1894 Congress at the Sorbonne, athleticism was regarded with interest worldwide and international sport competitions were held. By reintroducing the Olympic Games, this interest in international competitions was to be consolidated and developed in order to more strongly integrate athleticism into international life. In doing so, the word “Olympic” merely reminds of ancient proceedings: “Modern, very modern, will be these restored Olympian Games. There is no question of reviving the old-time dress and manners; and those who suppose that it will be upon some sacred hill and to the revived tones of the “Hymn of Apollo” that the contest will be waged have only their own imaginations to thank for the 210 RESULTS mistake. There will be no tripods, no incense; those things are dead, and dead things do not revive” (COUBERTIN 1894(b), 700). Coubertin and Sloane, who under no circumstance must be considered the main innovators for introducing international sport competitions, on the one hand agreed that athleticism was an educational instrument at national level, but on the other hand they recognized that the worldwide enthusiasm for athleticism presented ideal conditions for carrying out peaceful competitions. Sloane and Coubertin believed that “the world . . . had not yet found a better method for young men to get to know and respect each other” (COUBERTIN quoted according to NIGMANN 1996, 70). Coubertin and Sloane saw the possibility of supporting peace and conflict prevention in the internationalization of sport. Coubertin repeatedly took up the idea of internationalism and ennobled it in his speech “The Philosophical Foundations of Modern Olympism,” together with democracy, as the foundation pillar of human society (cf. COUBERTIN 1967, 150ff.). Coubertin, however, found further contacts in the United States with whom he could discuss the importance of the Olympic Games as an international forum for adolescents. He thus already had informed the American university professor and politician White in 1892 of his plan to bring together representatives of different nations by reintroducing the modern Olympic Games. Accordingly, it was no sudden inspiration that induced Coubertin to propose the reintroduction of the Olympic Games at the jubilee of the USFSA in November 1892. Doubtless Coubertin already had the idea of reintroducing the Olympic Games before this event. With Coubertin’s letter to White, this study identifies the earliest source in which Coubertin explicitly expresses his Olympic project before the Congress of 1892. This study points out for the first time that Coubertin’s efforts to reintroduce the Olympic Games were supported by a large group of people in the United States. This group does not include the high-ranking American sports officials who, after 1896, as is generally known, abused the Olympic Games as a forum RESULTS 211 for demonstrating the national strength of the United States1, but rather a group of people with an intellectual core that already supported Coubertin’s measures of promoting harmonization between the United States and France. In this context, it can be shown without doubt that this American patronage group, the American Honorary Committee for the Olympic Games, connected an educational assignment with the reintroduction of the Olympic Games and their modern execution. They accordingly hoped that the Olympic Games would have the aforementioned peace education effect and be a model for strengthening amateur sport against professionalism. Amateur sport was considered to be the basis of the implementation of educational values of athleticism and also as a requirement for the realisation of the peace education assignment since only a unification of amateur rules permitted the smooth execution of an international sport competition. Furthermore, the Olympic amateur rules were to preserve the chance of athletes from different nations actually respecting and getting to know each other. Moreover, a competition at amateur level provided better conditions than a sport event characterised by the sternness of professionalism in which the athletes could only be motivated by high prize money. This interest of the American patronage group in the reintroduction of the Olympic Games points out that Coubertin was supported by people in the United States who did not regard the Olympic Games merely as an archaeological spectacle, but properly assessed Coubertin’s deliberations on establishing mandatory international amateur rules at the 1894 Congress as the basis for discussions of a possible reintroduction of the Olympic Games. In 1937, Coubertin thanks this patronage group in an interview that was sent to the New York Times by the press agency Associated Press: “. . . I evoke the memory of Theodore Roosevelt, of William Sloane and of Andrew D. White and so many of my American friends who have worked willingly with me, understood me and

1 After the 1908 Olympic Games in London, Coubertin complained that Sullivan and the American athletes regarded their victories in athletics as an indication that the United States was superior to Britain. At the reception organized for the Olympic delegation of 1908 at city Hall in New York, the athletes and Olympic team officials had brought a bound Britannic lion with them. 212 RESULTS sustained me, throughout that long period in which I have had to struggle throughout the world – and particularly in France, my own country – against the lack of understanding or public opinion ill prepared to appreciate the value of the

Olympic revival” (COUBERTIN quoted according to N.N. 1937, 17). APPENDIX 213

Fig. 5: List of Honorary Members for the 1894 Sorbonne Congress (Quanz 1993, 194)

214 APPENDIX

Fig. 6: Questionnaire on the importance of the 'exercises physiques dans les Ecoles d'Angleterre, d'Amérique, d'Australie et dans les colonies anglaises' (Borgers/Quanz 1996, 194)

APPENDIX 215

Fig. 7: Letter from Coubertin to White (COUBERTIN 21. July 1892/ARCHIVALIA)

216 APPENDIX

(Continuation Fig. 7)

APPENDIX 217

(Continuation Fig. 7)

218 APPENDIX

(Continuation Fig. 7)

BIBLIOGRAPHY 219

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1 1. Archival Documents

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1 This refers to unpublished sources that were found in various US archives.

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SLOANE, W.M./SARGENT, D.A.: Einladungszirkular 7. März 1884. Archive of the 1ST Century Project. Los Angeles.

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