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MEMORANDUM

Subject: Ending the Democracy—Protecting the Forests and the Future of

From: Melanie Stanek Graduate Student Kroc School of Peace Studies University of San Diego

in partnership with

Lampogno Conservation Society Vohemar, SAVA Region Madagascar

To: The Global Environment Facility (GEF)

Date: May 14, 2021

I. Executive Summary

The illegal trafficking of endangered rosewood and palisander trees, which are being exported almost exclusively to China, is threatening endemic habitats and community livelihoods in Northeastern Madagascar. Studies suggest that the implications of forest destruction include: the extinction of endangered and endemic species; the destruction of ecosystems; soil erosion; climate change; and further entrenched systemic poverty and corruption. The black-market mechanisms facilitating rosewood trade further threaten democratic institutions, political stability, and long-term growth potential in a country currently ranking 164th on the human development index (UNDP, 2021). Local communities involved in the trade rely on the consistent demand and high prices of bois de rose for income; lack of conservation awareness implies little concern with the disappearance of a tree that seems to “grow everywhere” (Zhu, 2017). Meanwhile, the political patronage of timber barons in the SAVA region has created a “rosewood democracy” that enriches Malagasy government officials and businessmen through issuing permits for logging at politically opportune moments, even as they claim cooperation with international conservation societies (Anonymous, 2018). The institutional capture and verticalization of this market further entrench systemic poverty in the region by preventing the development of stable, transparent market economies. Despite signing the Convention on International Trade in (CITES) treaty agreement in 2013, rosewood logging shows no signs of slowing down (Klein et. al, 2021). In 2020, The United States Department of State listed Madagascar as both a Focus Country and Country of Concern as part of their END Wildlife Trafficking Campaign (U.S. Department of State, 2020). With the sharp decline in tourism profit and economic strain induced by the global COVID-19 pandemic, activities and the associated negative externalities are likely to increase. Ending the Rosewood Democracy in Madagascar

II. Rosewood Democracy and Forest Destruction on the 8th Continent

The Red Island

The of Madagascar is so rare and under such imminent threat that USAID recently named the country as “the highest biodiversity priority on the planet” (2017). 80% of the island’s flora and fauna exist nowhere else in the world, including over one hundred endemic species of , ninety-six species of , and over 3,000 unique tree species (FAO 2020). Unique, endemic ecosystems are found throughout the spiny deserts of the south, dry deciduous forests in the west, and humid in the northeast. Yet agricultural development and illegal logging threaten the future of these biomes as well as the survival of indigenous communities that have relied on forest resources for generations. The Food and Agricultural Organization (FAO) estimates that the total percentage of forested land in Madagascar has decreased by 3 percent in the last 20 years, with the area of humid primary forest decreasing by 40% in the last ten years; this is equivalent to around 4.13 million hectares of humid primary forest, resulting in an estimated 1.37 gigatons of CO2 emissions (Global Forest Watch, 2020). Significantly, most of this has occurred along the northeast coast, where there exists the largest density of humid rainforests, which are home to, among other biomass, the most valuable and most highly trafficked tree in the world: rosewood. Illegal trafficking of the tropical rosewood tree is a multi-billion-dollar black- market industry. Indeed, dalbergia rosewood is currently the most highly valued and most frequently traded endangered species of flora or fauna in the world today. Nearly 60% of the world’s Dalbergia rosewood comes from Madagascar; around 95% of it is destined exclusively for China (Ong and Carver, 2019). The percentage of total deforestation attributed to rosewood operations is difficult to measure due to its highly secretive nature and lack of transparent documentation. However, environmentalists have raised the alarm, noting that cuttings are happening so frequently that “the last decade has left relatively few large-diameter trees in the forest” to regrow appropriately (USAID 2021). The Masoala and Makira national forests of northeast Madagascar contain “the greatest density of rosewood trees left on the island,” whose ecosystems house innumerable endemic species such as the ruffed and the , which is critically endangered (Zhu 2017 and Ong and Carver 2019). Yet the disappearance of these forests precludes not just animal extinction, but also ecosystem destruction, which threatens the sustainable livelihoods of local communities through soil erosion and climate change. The rapid destruction of rosewood and palisander trees are contributing to the already severe problems of soil erosion and weather- related climate change prevalent on the island. The country, which is currently ranked 164th on the global human development index, has maintained a long-standing cultural practice of slash-and-burn agriculture and forest exploitation (UNDP 2021). Most of the population still burns wood for fuel, heat, and light, either directly or through the home-made charcoal industry. Such unsustainable practices threaten the future of the Malagasy people by depleting nutrients from the soil and emitting large amounts of carbon dioxide into the atmosphere, raising sea levels, and worsening tropical cyclones, which affect large areas of the island’s residents each year.1

1 Previous cyclones in 2000, 2004, 2007, 2015, and 2016 left towns and roads underwater and wiped-out vital cash crops such as , of which 80 percent of the world’s supply comes from the SAVA region. Our data suggests

2 Ending the Rosewood Democracy in Madagascar

Additionally, the black-market mechanisms and institutional capture that facilitate the rosewood trade weaken democratic institutions and the rule of law, threaten political stability, and hinder long-term growth potential (Zhu, 2018 and Klein et. al, 2021). Political unrest in the early 2000s, coupled with “strategic neglect,” has led to an unofficial policy of “pre-electoral trade permissions, followed by post-electoral prohibitions,” giving local businessmen carte blanche to profit off the trade by claiming compliance with international regulations in exchange for political allegiance (Remy, 2018). Merchants, loggers, and local “timber barons” took advantage of political instability brought on by a military coup in 2009 to “massacre” the forests to meet the growing demand of the wealthy Chinese middle class, while international attention was directed towards unrest in the Madagascar’s capital of Antananarivo, hundreds of miles away (Anonymous, 171-172). Since the military-backed coup in 2009, rosewood trafficking has ballooned into a government monopoly, with many former businessmen now holding seats in government ministries, including the Ministry of Forests, which controls the national parks where rosewood grows (Zhu 2018).

Forest Cover Loss in Madagascar 120.00 9.00%

8.00% 100.00 7.00%

80.00 6.00%

5.00% 60.00 4.00%

40.00 3.00%

2.00% 20.00 Primary Forest Cover kHa) Cover (in Forest LossPrimary 1.00%

0.00 0.00%

Year

Forest Cover lost (in kha) % "commodity driven deforestation"

Kilohectares of forest cover lost in Madagascar in the last two decades. “Commodity driven deforestation” refers to marketable wood, which combines wood used for charcoal production as well as exports. Source: Global Forest Watch

International Interventions In 2010, Global Witness and the Environmental Investigation Agency (EIA) published a series of reports exposing the depth and scale of rosewood trafficking operations from their source in the rainforests of SAVA (the northeast region) of Madagascar to the furniture that cyclones are often linked to an uptick in rosewood trafficking, as loggers can claim the trees were destroyed by “acts of God” (TRAFFIC, 2016).

3 Ending the Rosewood Democracy in Madagascar warehouses of Chinese cities across the country (Courtney and Middleton, 2010). UNESCO responded to the reports by putting these forests, known locally as Makira, Masoala, and Marojejy, on the “World Heritage in Danger” list and redirecting international attention to conservation efforts at the source. The Malagasy government reacted by officially banning the sale and export of rosewood. In 2013 and again in 2017, the Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species (CITES) followed suite and added additional varieties of rosewood, ebony, and palisander to its list of banned exports. The Global Witness/EIA report also exposed 15-20 major Chinese rosewood buyers operating out of the SAVA region, as well as the French shipping company Delmas and the American-based Gibson guitar factory, which was raided by US officials the follow year in response to the report (Global Witness, 2010). Since the report’s publication, both companies have ceased any further involvement in the rosewood trade. However, this has done little to curb global demand, and more shipping companies from China and East Africa have replaced European ones in recent years (Ratsimbazafy et. al, 2016). Over 95% of raw rosewood exports from Madagascar are destined for China, where they are turned into high-end furniture for local consumption (Zhu 2017). Retail prices for rosewood furniture range from the thousands to millions of USD, making rosewood the most valuable trafficked good on the market today. The furniture is considered a demarcation of wealth and sophistication for the modern Chinese family and is often gifted to children as a future heirloom. The ornate styles pay homage to the ancient Ming and Ching dynasties and are quite complex and labor-intensive to produce. Once the raw wood reaches Chinese ports, it is easily transported with the help of forged CITEs certifications or small-scale bribes paid to local authorities (Ong and Carver, 2019). Lack of awareness or concern over the true origins of the rosewood mean that it is easily sold in high-end show rooms throughout the country without legal consequences. In 2012, the American-run World Conservation Society (WCS) in partnership with the Madagascar Ministry of Forests, delineated and assumed management of the Makira protected area. Following popular neo-liberal conservationist theories of forest management (Foucault, 2008 and 2013), WCS implemented a series of trainings in which local communities were tapped to manage forest conservation using GPS mapping techniques and regular reporting, paid for largely by carbon credits (Klein et. al, 2021). WCS is now the “delegated manager” of Makira and Masoala National Parks, where most of the rosewood logging occurs (World Conservation Society, 2021). But, as scholars have pointed out, the “conservation ethos”—preserving biby (flora and fauna) for the sake of “just looking” at them—is often lost on local people, who have a traditional relationship of stewardship in combination with exploitation for survival (Walsh, 2005). WCS’ interventions were often seen as another attempt at foreign control and have left local communities skeptical at best and defiant at worst (Zhu 2017). Many local actors also laugh off the idea that rosewood could be “endangered,” insisting that bois de rose is a tree that will “grow everywhere” (Zhu 2017). The effort to increase and conserve these forests was financed by a $52 million grant from the World Bank shortly after the coup, but this has not stopped the logging. It only consolidated it, leading local communities to view conservation efforts as simply another form of foreign intervention. Today, logging and conservation exist side by side (Anonymous, 151).

4 Ending the Rosewood Democracy in Madagascar

Map of rosewood stakeholders and operators (Remy, 2017)

Rules in Use The manipulation of both Chinese demand and Western conservationism has created and entrenched a “rosewood democracy” (nicknamed la bolabolacratie in local jargon) in which timber barons exchange political allegiance for logging permits. Timber logging is labor- intensive and dangerous, but the “hot money” immediately available from Chinese merchants provides more incentive than farming rice and has led to massive inflation across the SAVA region in the last decade (Zhu 2018). Currently, it remains more profitable for local communities to cooperate with the logging industry than with WCS or other international conservation bodies. A typical logger might make between $3-5 USD a day, which is above the local average. A villager with expert knowledge can make three to five times that amount if they lead loggers to rosewood (Klein et. al, 2021). By contrast, there is little incentive to cooperate with conservation societies like WCS who provide no economic benefit for doing so. Despite the efforts of WCS and other international agencies to bolster local support of these protected areas, most communities operate under “rules in use” rather than rules of law, which position them to profit more from the immediately lucrative logging endeavors than to follow a conservation ethic that does not seem to benefit them directly (Gore et. al, 2013). The “resource curse” has long been theorized as a basis for the relationship between weak political institutions and abundant extractable wealth in nations (Snyder 2006; Gore et. al, 2013). Yet legacies of extractive colonial industries must be considered in the Madagascar context if we are to understand local relationships to resources, wealth, and institutions that might stem the tide of resource exploitation. Some of this, scientists and anthropologists speculate, is due to a longstanding skepticism of Western intervention and manipulation of Madagascar’s extractable resources. Additionally, the history of French colonialism, foreign intervention and exploitation

5 Ending the Rosewood Democracy in Madagascar leads many communities to view and conservation through lenses of skepticism and mistrust (Walsh 2005).

Estimated tons of rosewood exported from Madagascar or seized at ports around East Africa, Hong Kong, and Singapore, based on combined data from Global Witness/EIA (2010), UNODC (2016), and TRAFFIC (2016). Due to the highly illicit nature of the trade, actual figures are likely much higher.

Local Interventions: Some local conservation groups have begun raising the alarm in recent years, attempting to hold their government accountable for the destruction of local habitats. But environmental activists have been consistently threatened, intimidated, and arrested for speaking out against prominent timber barons and corrupt politicians. In 2016, local teacher and environmentalist Clovis Razafimalala was arrested and transported to (Tamatave), hundreds of miles away from his home in , SAVA region. He was held in prison there without bail or trial for nearly a year, after he had discovered and publicized a permit from the Ministry of Forests authorizing the transfer of 5,700 rosewood logs to “a powerful local businessperson.” Before his arrest, Razafimalala’s house and radio station, where he used to run a program about local environmental issues, were both set on fire (Rafidiharinirina 2017). Other activists have been met with similar fates (Carver, 2018). All belong to the local conservation organization Lampogno and have previously collaborated on trainings and interventions headed by the USAID-funded Conservation and Communities Project (CCP) launched in 2017.

“Rosewood Democracy” In 2016, 35% of UNODC wildlife trafficked seizures were rosewood, the largest single category (Zhu, 2019). The threats of continued rosewood decimation on climate change, endangered species, and global transparency are so severe that Madagascar has been named both a Focus Country and a Country of Concern on the US Department of State END Wildlife

6 Ending the Rosewood Democracy in Madagascar

Trafficking Report of 2020. Yet despite official cooperation with the Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species (CITES) treaties and decade-long partnerships with both USAID and WCS, rosewood logging shows no signs of slowing down (Klein et. al, 2021). The political patronage of timber barons in the SAVA region, combined with growing demand from a bourgeoning Chinese middle class, have created a “rosewood democracy” that enriches Malagasy businessmen and political elites through the issuing of permits for logging at politically opportune moments, even as the government maintains a policy of official cooperation with CITES (Anonymous 2018). Deforestation on such a large scale not only destroys endemic species of trees and animals but destroys vital pollinators that are responsible for fruit and vegetable growth over the long term. Wiping out Madagascar’s forest could lead to large scale crop destruction as well (FAO 2020). Sources on the ground suggest that, with the sharp decline in tourism profit due to the COVID-19 pandemic, and without any global decline in demand, illegal logging activities will likely increase.

Endangered rosewood cut in Marojejy National Park, home of the critically endangered sifaka and bush lemurs. This tree was cut in 2009, when a military coup led to a flood of illegally felled trees on the market. Source: OCCPR

III. Policy Options

A complex problem with so many diverse stakeholders requires policy solutions that address local and international communities; remedy immediate threats in the short-term; and establish sustainable, positive trends for long-term growth. Our efforts to disrupt rosewood trafficking should be aimed at actors involved in all levels of the trade, including the Chinese government, high-profile businessmen and other agents; the Malagasy government; and local communities currently involved in conservation and/or logging efforts. We thus present several different

7 Ending the Rosewood Democracy in Madagascar policy options, keeping in mind that the most effective intervention will occur when all of the following options work in tandem across sectors.

We therefore suggest several options that aim to:

1) Decrease demand for rosewood furniture in China through a partnership with WildAid based on the success of similar anti-trafficking campaigns (notably shark fins and ivory) 2) Incentivize conservation efforts above exploitation on the ground by working with local communities and politicians to create a jointly managed forest system that regulates the growth and trade of rosewood to address the short-term need for immediate conservation 3) Support sustainable reforestation efforts in Makira and other protected forests across Madagascar that promote soil restoration and regenerative agriculture and ensure the long-term growth of endangered rosewood species 4) Additionally, we suggest further research and investigation into small rosewood plantations that are being raised in Chinese provinces as a possibility to provide an alternative source of the commodity with fewer negative externalities evident in the current black-market system.

1) Save the Forests Campaign Targeting Chinese Consumers (in partnership with WildAid)

Reducing demand for rosewood consumption will dramatically lower the global supply and therefore the price, thus disrupting the supply chain and reducing the incentive for loggers to participate in the industry. Because nearly 95% of the world’s rosewood ends up in China, our campaign will target Chinese consumers. Analysis of recent successful anti-ivory and anti- shark fin campaigns launched in the early 2000s to prevent extinction of major endangered animal species presents an interesting comparison. Several previous anti-wildlife trafficking campaigns launched by the international conservation organization WildAid have been largely successful in reducing demand for and thus supply of endangered animals such as several species of sharks, rhinoceroses, and elephants. Additionally, these campaigns have emphasized not only the moral imperative for preserving endangered species but also the drastic climate affects predicted by their loss, such as sharks’ role as an apex feeder in oceans. Similar mechanisms can be employed to emphasize not only rosewood’s unique and inherent value, but also its role as a habitat for endangered species of lemurs, chameleons, and other as well as its ability to safeguard topsoil and reduce weather-related climate change. As one leading activist remarked of the popularity of shark fin soup in the 1990s, “Consumption is based on ignorance rather than malice” (Denyer 2013). This implies that educational awareness campaigns with a moral imperative can be remarkably successful if properly implemented. After less than a year of officially banning shark fin soup and issuing state-run TV ads warning against it, shark fin soup consumption reduced by a dramatic 70% (Denyer). The shark fin and ivory campaigns were effective for several reasons:

• They educated the public (the main consumer) about the environmental costs of the product

8 Ending the Rosewood Democracy in Madagascar

• They relied heavily on popular celebrities like basketball start Yao Ming and actress Hai Qing to lead social campaigns • They caught the attention of influential businessmen who successfully lobbied government officials to pass legislation banning the sale and trade of shark fins.

Additionally, a crackdown on corruption led by president Xi Jinping helped to curb the distribution of many black-market goods such as ivory, which were typically used to line the pockets of politicians (Zhu, 2020).

Given the enormous success of these campaigns, we believe launching a “save the rosewood, save the forests” campaign using similar techniques can yield the same, positive results.

2) Establish a Jointly Managed Forest Policy in Makira Reserve

Locally owned and jointly managed forests that work alongside local and national anti- corruption and conservation campaigns are the best solution. Drawing on lessons learned from the WCS-Makira project, as well as other models of joint forest management (Joshi, 2000) we propose finding ways to increase local income streams from local conservation, ecotourism, and education projects, funded by GEF and the World Bank in the form of grants, to make conservation more lucrative for locals than logging. The World Bank has been a financial supporter of community-managed forest projects since their rise in popularity in the 1990s. Many scholars have suggested that the future of conservation exists outside traditional governmental structures and have called for international financing of community managed forests, in which partnerships are built between international conservation societies and local community groups to manage forest resources, promote conservation, and police destructive behaviors such as logging and (Wilshusen, 2019). This model has been promoted throughout the global south, including in Makira Preserve and Ankarafantsika National Forest in the western region of Madagascar (Aymoz et. al, 2013). But there are severe limitations, as evidenced in our examination of the WCS managed Makira reserve. The role of corruption in mismanagement, institutionalized capture of highly lucrative resources (such as rosewood or other valuable timbers), and a general skepticism of foreign conservation efforts (Klein, 2021, Zhu, 2017 and 2018, and Walsh, 2005) make community managed forest projects risky endeavors. Given the history of exploitation as a former French colony, these latter attitudes are understandable and must be taken seriously in policy and in practice. A jointly managed forest policy would involve the transfer of some land ownership from the Ministry of Forests to local community groups. The current model involves training community members as forest guards; but without the financial incentive, political clout, or local buy-in to enforce conservation over logging, there is little incentive for communities to stop logging and turn instead to conservation. Payments to both ministry officials and locally trained forest guards would therefore need to come in the form of grants in exchange for regular reporting on the conditions of protected areas. This model would be similar to the model currently being used by WCS in cooperation with local institutions, which has had the positive result of reducing low-level instances of corruption (Klein et. al, 2021). However, this model differs in that ownership would be returned to local communities in cooperation with official government ministries. As such, profits from tourism efforts and locally harvested goods,

9 Ending the Rosewood Democracy in Madagascar including small amounts of sustainably sourced rosewood and other properly sanctioned forest commodities, would be split evenly between community groups. Some studies suggest returning proceeds from park entry fees back to local communities (Aymoz et. al, 2013) at a percentage. However, this only works if the tourism sector is robust and dependable. In the wake of COVID-19 and increasing political instability, the future of the tourism sector in Madagascar is at risk. Regardless, this effort should employ and support more local guide agencies located in the SAVA region as community educators as well as forest managers. These agencies tend to be well run, if not small and underfunded; tour guides in this area are often well educated, speak multiple languages, and take a lot of pride in their local forests. These guides would benefit tremendously from responsible forest management, as foreign tourists and rich Malagasy people are more likely to invest in the parks if they see local people investing. Yet because logging and conservation efforts currently exist side by side, any investment in sustainable forest management must be seen as more beneficial for local populations than felling rosewood. Finally, we must bolster support for local activists by employing them in the education, training, and management of the forests. Under a jointly managed system, there will be more incentive for ministry officials and environmental activists to work together if both parties receive profits and depend on the other for long-term success.

3) Support Sustainable Reforestation Efforts in Madagascar

For all its environmental and economic devastation, rosewood logging remains the primary source of income for impoverished communities in northeast Madagascar. If the demand for rosewood drops significantly, the immediate consequences for these communities could be severe. It is imperative that we undertake policy that will support the long-term environmental and economic health of local communities where rosewood grows. “People living in places where rosewood still grows are more likely to be receptive to investments in sustainable forestry than to trade restrictions and funding for anti-logging conservation militias” says Annah Zhu, rosewood researcher (2020). Rosewood is already seen as a commodity amongst local actors; as has been argued by some scholars, banning a highly lucrative good from the market alone does not reverse black-market trends. In fact, it often strengthens them, further entrenching conflict (Hsiang and Sekar, 2016 and Do, 2016). Rosewood plantations that are closely monitored and regeneratively structured have been tentatively proposed in some conservation circles, and similar models are currently underway in China (see below). Sustainable reforestation in the form of regenerative agriculture is vital for securing the long-term livelihoods of local communities and could be successful in conjunction with a jointly managed forest system. If raising and exporting rosewood becomes highly selective, monitored, and specialized, the profits would likely remain high for a select group of businessmen who agree to comply with local laws. Even ivory, which has declined in popularity, is still a highly valuable and sought-after commodity in an elite market (Zhu, 2019). Rosewood can be the same: rare, regulated, and valuable enough to benefit the local communities that raise the trees as well as the merchants who sell them abroad.

10 Ending the Rosewood Democracy in Madagascar

4) Support Sustainable Reforestation Efforts in China

The most innovative solution for reducing black market activity, deforestation, and exploitation of endangered rosewood is to support small-scale, sustainable, regenerative rosewood forests while simultaneously running campaigns to reduce demand and position rosewood as less desirable. Small scale regenerative forests have sprung up in China since 2018, and experts on the rosewood trade believe this to be a creative, sustainable solution (Zhu, 2020). Following the principle of “biodiversity offsetting,” which dictates that “negative environmental effects from a development activity can be compensated by ecological restoration or improvement at a similar, proximal site,” (Wilshusen, 2019) we take note of several rosewood nurseries that have sprung up China in the last two years as an alternative to black-market trading. Several government-run plantations also include “understory economies of goods raised below the trees, such as premium teas, herbs for Chinese medicine and free-range chickens, which provide financial support for growing the trees” (Zhu, 2020).

A selection of a 2,000 hectare government-run rosewood plantation in Guandong Province, China. Source: Annah Lake Zhu (2020)

11 Ending the Rosewood Democracy in Madagascar

IV. Recommendations

Regulating local supply while lowering global demand will reduce the need for forest “massacres” and grow rosewood in a sustainable way. If the demand for rosewood decreases due to Chinese-led efforts aimed at global and local conservation in tandem with changing social norms,2 this could be possible. Currently, the black-market business is messy, secretive and very dangerous. To the extent that bribery and black-market smuggling are the rules of the trade, it will be challenging to implement regulatory, sustainable harvesting if there is not the national political will to do so. Reducing demand is the best way to reduce supply and decrease the rate of deforestation. China must lead these efforts, which is why we recommend Option 1 due to the demonstrated success of previous, similar efforts. As has been demonstrated by previous anti-corruption and environmental regulatory policies, the Chinese government has tremendous capacity to change the hearts and minds of consumers if they properly invest in these efforts.

Risks and Assumptions: As has been previously demonstrated, banning a highly desirable good may not necessarily decrease demand; it may have the opposite effect, “by masking illegal trades, or demand… reducing social stigma or fear of penalties,” and muddying the market between legal and illegal rosewood, as was the case before the 2017 CITES ban (Hsiang and Sekar, 2016). Designating a valuable commodity as illegal tends to intensify and stratify trafficking operations and can often lead to a higher value of the product as well as more dangerous conditions for those involved in its procurement, trade, and sale. Yet legalizing formerly black-market goods do not necessarily decrease demand either and can perhaps increase desire. Additionally, the main issue with Policy Options 3 and 4, both of which involve biodiversity offsetting by increasing support for regulated and highly monitored rosewood growing, is that, of course, the business of rosewood is not currently regulated. Yet decreasing demand would likely decrease the desire for institutional capture and weaken current illicit logging structures, making room for regenerative approaches.

This is why all our proposed options are designed to work together to decrease demand while regulating supply and interrupting illegal supply chains while promoting transparency at every level. If implemented successfully, all four options have the potential to interrupt black- market supply chains, regenerate Malagasy forests, and protect our ecosystems and livelihoods for future generations.

2 Some rosewood scholars suggest that the trend of buying ornate furniture as an investment or an heirloom is going out of fashion and that “young people prefer simpler designs, like IKEA” (Ong and Carver, 2019).

12 Ending the Rosewood Democracy in Madagascar

V. List of Works Cited

Anonymous (2018). Rosewood Democracy in the Political Forests of Madagascar, Political Geography, 62, 170 – 183.

Aymoz, Benoît G.P; Vololobaohangy, R. Randrianjafy; Zarasoa, J.N Randrianjafy; & Khasa, Damase P. (2013). Community Management of Natural Resources: A Case Study from Ankarafantsika National Park, Madagascar, Ambio, 42(6), 767 – 775. doi: 10.1007/s13280-013- 0391-9

Carver, E (2018, June 19). Madagascar: Yet another anti-trafficking activist convicted. Mongabay. https://news.mongabay.com/2018/06/madagascar-yet-another-anti-trafficking- activist-convicted/

Courtney, O., and Middleton, A (2010, October 26). Luxury consumer market fueling illegal destruction of Madagascar’s forests, says new report. Global Witness. https://www.globalwitness.org/en/archive/luxury-consumer-market-fuelling-illegal-destruction- madagascars-forests-says-new-report/

Denyer, S (2013, October 19). In China, victory for wildlife conservation as citizens persuaded to give up shark fin soup. Washington Post. https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/in-china-victory-for-wildlife-conservation-as-citizens- persuaded-to-give-up-shark-fin-soup/2013/10/19/e8181326-3646-11e3-89db- 8002ba99b894_story.html

Do, Q (2016, September 14). To trade or not to trade elephant ivory? That’s going to be the question. World Bank Blogs. https://blogs.worldbank.org/impactevaluations/trade-or-not-trade- elephant-ivory-s-going-be-question

Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (2020). The State of the World’s Forests. UN Environmental Programme. http://www.fao.org/3/ca8642en/online/ca8642en.html#chapter-3_1

Global Forest Watch. Madagascar. Accessed May 13, 2021. https://www.globalforestwatch.org/dashboards/country/MDG/?category=summary&location=W yJjb3VudHJ5IiwiTURHIl0%3D&map=eyJjZW50ZXIiOnsibGF0IjotMTguNTY2NTI4MzY3NT M4NjE2LCJsbmciOjQ1LjE0NjM1Nzg1ODE0MzU5fSwiem9vbSI6NC4wNjYyMTYzNzE0Nj M3MTcsImNhbkJvdW5kIjpmYWxzZSwiZGF0YXNldHMiOlt7ImRhdGFzZXQiOiJwb2xpdGlj YWwtYm91bmRhcmllcyIsImxheWVycyI6WyJkaXNwdXRlZC1wb2xpdGljYWwtYm91bmRhc mllcyIsInBvbGl0aWNhbC1ib3VuZGFyaWVzIl0sImJvdW5kYXJ5Ijp0cnVlLCJvcGFjaXR5Ijox LCJ2aXNpYmlsaXR5Ijp0cnVlfSx7ImRhdGFzZXQiOiJ0cmVlLWNvdmVyLWxvc3MiLCJsYX llcnMiOlsidHJlZS1jb3Zlci1sb3NzIl0sIm9wYWNpdHkiOjEsInZpc2liaWxpdHkiOnRydWUsInB hcmFtcyI6eyJ0aHJlc2hvbGQiOjMwLCJ2aXNpYmlsaXR5Ijp0cnVlfX1dfQ%3D%3D

Global Witness and the Environmental Investigation Agency (US) (2010, October). Investigation into the Global Trade in Malagasy Precious Woods: Rosewood, Ebony and Palisander.

13 Ending the Rosewood Democracy in Madagascar https://cdn.globalwitness.org/archive/files/pdfs/mada_report_261010.pdf Accessed 13 May 2021.

Gore, Meredith, Ratsimbazafy, Jonah, & Lute, Michelle (2013). Rethinking Corruption in Conservation Crime: Insights from Madagascar. Conservation Letters, 6 (6) 430 – 438.

Hsiang, S. and Sekar, N (2016). Does legalization reduce black market activity? Nber Working Paper Series, June 2016 (22314). DOI 10.3386/w22314

Joshi, A (2000). Roots of Change: Front Line Workers and Forest Policy Reform in West Bengal. [Doctoral Dissertation, Massachusetts Institute of Technology. MIT Library Archives.

Ong, S., and Carver, E (2019, January 29). The Rosewood Trade: An Illicit Trail from Forest to Furniture. Yale Environment 360. https://e360.yale.edu/features/the-rosewood-trade-the-illicit- trail-from-forest-to-furniture

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