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1 Introducing an Age of Impostors Notes 1 Introducing an Age of Impostors 1. Davis (1997a). 2. Pappano (1937). 3. Chatterjee (2002). 4. Bercé (1990) and Lecuppre (2005). On claimants to the Ottoman throne, see Le Thiec (1996). For one of the Sebastian impersonators in Portugal, see Brooks (1964), and for another, Olsen (2003). For royal pretenders in seventeenth- century India and Iran, see Flores and Subrahmanyam (2004). 5. Fingerprinting, of course, is not a recent invention but approximately 150 years old. See Sengoopta (2003). 6. Behringer (2006). 7. Delumeau (1978). 8. For a recent study of the verification of the identity of witches in England, see Alyagon Darr (2011). 9. See, for example, Sharpe (2000). 10. Clark (2009) provides the most comprehensive survey and analysis of the obsession regarding the gulf separating appearance from reality. 11. Hazard (1953). 12. Zagorin (1990 and 1996). 13. On the comparison made by early modern authors between the dangers posed by Jewish messianic movements and those presented by “enthusiasts”, see Heyd (2004); on responses to Jewish messianism in German lands see Carlebach (2001b). 14. Hotchkiss (1996), p. 10. 15. Van Elk (2004). 16. See below in Chapter 2. 17. Greenblatt (1980). 18. Villari (1987); Johnson (2011), pp. 88–93. 19. Snyder (2009), p. 19. 20. Bok (1978 and 1982). 21. Delumeau (1990), p. 257. 22. Keevak (2004). 23. Sinclair (2003). 24. Bossy (2001). 25. Rowland (2004). 26. Grafton (1990). 27. Exceptional in this respect is Hiatt (2004). But his book is concerned mostly with the production of institutional histories – such as those of monasteries and colleges – and not with private documents. 28. Quoted in Weissman (1989), p. 272. 29. Kahn (1967). 222 Notes 223 2 Religious Dissimulation 1. Delumeau (1978). 2. Zagorin (1990). The last paragraph of this book reads, “The sixteenth and earlier seventeenth centuries have long been known primarily as the Age of Reformation and Counter- Reformation. The results of our inquiries here indicate that we might add to this designation a further title and name this era the Age of Dissimulation” (p. 330). My chapter here is, in some respects, an elaboration of Zagorin’s argument, although – as will be clarified below – my emphasis is on imposture rather than on lying. 3. Zagorin (1990), p. 14. 4. Tutino (2006) argues that the dissimulation of the Jesuits was “offensive” and thus of a different category than the Nicodemism practised by Protestants in Catholic countries. 5. Nalle (2001), p. 63. 6. Peters (1974); on the instructions for the careful unmasking of witches, see articles by Tedeschi in the volume of his collected articles (1991), and Martin (2004), pp. 28–9. A comprehensive study of these directories is to be found in Errera (2000). 7. Although it might be perceived as an anachronism and an exaggeration, a com- parison between the fear of imposture in early modern Europe to the terrorist scare in the West following September 11 2001 seems to suggest itself. The two types of publications, manuals for inquisitors and edicts of faith, could then be compared to different types of modern warnings about terrorist attacks: on the one hand instruction booklets on detonation of bombs or on interrogating suspects, studied by professional security squads; on the other hand, leaflets or television broadcasts – issued in countries such as my own – on how to identify and report “suspicious objects” (see also in Chapter 4). 8. Lea (1922), 2:91. 9. Lea (1922), 2:101. 10. For criticisms of Lea’s views see, for example, Kamen (1987) and articles in Alcalá (1987). 11. B. Bennassar (1987). See also Lunenfeld (2000). 12. For documents pertaining to the Spanish Inquisition see the Harley L. McDevitt Collection on the Spanish Inquisition at the University of Notre Dame Library, which can be accessed online. See also Villa Calleja (1987). 13. The full text in Spanish appeared in 1980 in a collection of documents for the study of the Spanish Inquisition: Monteserin (1980), pp. 503–37; Gitlitz included the section on the followers of the “Law of Moses” in English translation as an appendix to his book (1996), pp. 625–8 (Salomon, reviewing Gitlitz’s book, pointed out that the Cuenca Edict of Faith was but “the umpteenth revised edition” of a text that had been appended to Tomás de Torquemada’s Instrucciones of 1484 [1998, p. 136]). 14. Lea (1922), 2:93 and in the documents to vol. 2, pp. 587–90. 15. Quoted in Root (1988), p. 127. 16. Netanyahu (1966), p. 3: “it was not a powerful Marrano movement that provoked the establishment of the Inquisition, but it was the establishment of the Inquisition that caused the temporary resurgence of the Spanish Marrano movement”. 224 Notes 17. For example, both the father and brother of Antonio Enríquez Gómez, whose return to Spain is discussed below, were tried for inhabilidad and for wearing expensive clothes not permitted to family members of a condemned Judaizer. 18. Spain’s first printed index of prohibited books was issued in 1551. 19. On the significance of protecting society from dangerous notions, see Hillerbrand (2006), pp. 593–614. 20. See for example Salomon’s criticism of Gitlitz’s book, referred to above in n. 13. 21. Amos 5:14. 22. Maneck (1996). 23. Jewish martyrology and the glorification of death to avoid apostasy have a very long history. An interesting hypothesis about the origins of the Ashkenazi phe- nomenon of entire families sacrificing themselves for “the sanctification of God’s name” is offered by Yuval (2006), ch. 4. 24. See, for example, in the file on the trial of Francisco Dies Mendes Brito, in Beinart (1974–85), leg. 142, exp. 6, fol. 22r. 25. Yerushalmi (1971), pp. 38–9 n. 56. 26. Devar Shemu’el (Responsa), Venice, 1720, quoted in Kaplan (1989), p. 333. 27. Kaplan (1989), pp. 213, 343; Yerushalmi (1971), pp. 303–9. 28. St Augustine, City of God, Book VIII, ch. 46. 29. Hess (1968), p. 5. 30. Hess (1968), p. 25. 31. Wiegers (2006), pp. 498–518. 32. These frustrations are best exemplified by the Archbishop of Valencia Juan de Ribera’s change of heart. See Ehlers (2006). 33. Written by Mohammad ben Mohammad aben Daud, the chief agitator in the movements which led to the rising. Quoted in Lea (1968), pp. 434–7. 34. Cervantes Saavedra (1999), chs 54 and 63 in book 2. 35. Wiegers (2006), p. 20. 36. “Sebastian de Alcaráz, Morisco, pig- keeper, resident of Granada. A book writ- ten in Arabic with four Moorish prayers and other things from the Qur’an of Muhammed was found in a certain hole in his house. The hole was plugged up with plaster.” From an account of people who appeared at the auto de fe in Granada on 18 March 1571, quoted in Homza (2006), p. 240. 37. See the story of an Old Christian tried by the Inquisition mainly because of “Maurophilia”, in Surtz (2006), pp. 519–32. 38. Martin (2004), p. 32. 39. On the complex attitudes to veils see Chapter 7. 40. The Druze, a Muslim sect, keep the tenets of their faith secret and are therefore said to practice taqiyya. In their case, however, the word does not refer to dissimu- lation but to the secrecy by which their religious leadership, the initiates, conceal the sacred literature and its precepts from the rest of the community and from the rest of the world. 41. Gerli (2004), p. 191. 42. Wiegers (2006). 43. Barrios Aguilera and Garcí a- Arenal (2006); A.K. Harris (1999, 2007); Harvey (2005) provides full translation of the lead books in appendix III. 44. These lead books inevitably remind one of the plates of gold from which Joseph Smith, founder of Mormonism, translated his book in the nineteenth century, except that Smith’s gold plates, unlike the lead books, conveniently ascended to heaven. A more recent forgery in the form of lead tablets was “discovered” Notes 225 in Northern Jordan sometime between 2005 and 2007 – a large number of books made up of lead leaves and bound by lead rings, with cryptic messages in Hebrew and Greek, allegedly from the very early years of Christianity, were published by David Elkington. 45. Davis (2006). 46. The text of the edict in English translation in Homza (2006), pp. 80–92. For a general history of the Alumbrados in Spain see Hamilton (1992). 47. Boon (2006), pp. 133–5. 48. Homza (2006), doc. 8, pp. 80–92. 49. Hamilton (1992), p. 91. 50. Hamilton (1992), p. 154. 51. Hamilton (1992), pp. 3, 115. 52. Quoted in Keitt (2005), p. 82. 53. Keitt (2005), pp. 32–4; 78–86. 54. Quoted in Keitt (2005), p. 82. 55. Schutte (2001), p. 10. 56. Antonio de Bolívar, Archivo Histórico Nacional, Madrid, Inq. Leg. 102, exp. 4, quoted in Keitt (2005), p. 175; on the merging of accusations in Inquisition trials see also Homza (2006). 57. Homza (2006), doc. 10, pp. 103–7. 58. See, for example, Sallmann (1991); see also accusations against Antonio de Medrano brought to the Toledo tribunal in 1530, in Homza (2006), doc. 11, pp. 108–11. 59. The problem had been discussed earlier, for example by Alfonso of Jaén (d.1389), who established criteria for judging visions in order to validate Bridget of Sweden’s mystical experiences, but not as fully and with far less influence than in Gerson’s works. 60. For a survey of sixteenth- and seventeenth- century literature on discernment of spirits see Schutte (2001), ch. 3, and Sluhovsky (2007). 61. For a detailed analysis of the debate on the reality of visions and apparitions, see Clark (2009), especially ch. 6. Clark, in this magisterial work on doubts about the reliability of human vision, is naturally interested in what was said in regard to the apparitions, not so much in the doubts raised about the character of the visionaries.
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