Revista De Investigación Y Divulgación Cultural

REVISTA DE INVESTIGACIÓN Y DIVULGACIÓN CULTURAL

Nº. 3 · 2019 CONSEJO DE REDACCIÓN

Director: Domingo Fernández Maroto

Asesores: Palmira Peláez Fernández Verónica Mena Álvarez Daniel Marín Arroyo

Edición: ORISOS. Asociación para la Investigación y el Desarrollo Cultural [email protected]

Imprime: Gráficas Cano, S.L. Ctra. Valencia, 10, 02008 Albacete 967 246 266 - [email protected]

Depósito Legal: CR-927-2007

ISSN: 1888-4210

Diseño de portada y contraportada: Nacha Donado Huertas

Orisos Revista de Investigación y Divulgación Cultural no hace suyas necesariamente las opiniones contenidas en las colaboraciones que publica, sin prejuicio de que el Consejo de Redacción velarán en todo momento por la calidad científica de los trabajos que se remitan para su publicación.

Cualquier forma de reproducción, distribución, comunicación pública o transformación de esta obra solo puede ser realizada con la autorización de sus titulares, salvo excepción prevista por la ley. La Editorial, a los efectos previstos en el art. 32.1 párrafo 2 del vigente TRIPLI, se opone expresamente a que cualquier fragmento de esta obra sea utilizado para la realización de resúmenes. Dicha actividad requiere de una licencia específica. Diríjase a CEDRO (Centro Español de Derechos Reprográficos) si necesita fotocopiar o escanear algún fragmento de esta obra, o si quiere utilizarla para elaborar resúme- nes de prensa (www.conlicencia.com; 91 702 19 70 / 93 272 04 47). ÍNDICE

Presentación. Domingo Fernández Maroto...... 7

Prólogo. Ángela Madrid Medina...... 9

1. Los yacimientos prehistóricos en el Corredor de Pozo Cañada y los Altos de Chinchilla. Patrones de Asentamientos. Juan Manuel Vila López...... 13

2. El Matrimonio en la Antigua Roma. Eugenio Gilabert Barba...... 53

3. La población de Valdepeñas en el Siglo XVII. Sandalio Bravo Ibañez...... 77

4. El Patrimonio documental de Eusebio Vasco. Verónica Mena Álvarez...... 109

5. Apartaderos ferroviarios de la Línea Madrid-Jaén: La Estación de Consolación. Daniel Marín Arroyo...... 139

6. “En un tiempo cogi flores”: Marriage, Love, Women and Literature in the Middle Ages. Filomena Fernandes Gonçalves, Francisco Javier Sánchez-Verdejo Pérez...... 189

7. La manipulación genética en menores: víctimas y victimarios. Palmira Peláez Fernández...... 219

8. El amor, una emoción positiva. Un Estado de la Cuestión. María Eulalia Medina Márquez...... 241 9. Relatos Cortos Garabateo Juana María Martín Garrido...... 265

Aniceto Pedro Jesús Jaramillo Santos...... 279 Presentación

DOMINGO FERNÁNDEZ MAROTO Director de la revista ORISOS

“No hay dos sin tres”, según el dicho popular, o como bien dice Paulo Coelho en El Alquimista, “…todo lo que sucede dos veces, sucederá, cierta- mente, una tercera”. Y así es que el número 3 de la Revista de Investiga- ción y Divulgación Cultural ORISOS ve la luz, tras una dilatada espera y retraso obligado por circunstancias totalmente ajenas a nuestra voluntad, después de no poco esfuerzo y trabajo de nuestros socios, que ven com- pensado con ello toda la labor previamente realizada. De hecho, la publicación de este número consolida la Revista con una proyección y una trayectoria en la que priman artículos de investiga- ción rigurosos, fruto de la encomiable tarea investigadora que desarrollan los miembros de la Asociación ORISOS. La revista multidisciplinar ORISOS nació con una clara finalidad di- fusora como medio de aprendizaje y enriquecimiento científico, para dar a conocer trabajos de investigación que socios y colaboradores vienen desarrollando en diversas áreas del conocimiento. Con ello, también se pretende abrir debates en torno a las materias objeto de estudio, porque con críticas constructivas y discusiones positivas en las que sean analiza- das estas aportaciones, avanzaremos en diferentes áreas de investigación y difundiendo lo investigado. Somos conscientes que, como decía Aristóteles “Solo hay una ma- nera de evitar la crítica: no hacer nada, no decir nada y no ser nada”; es por ello que nuestro compromiso con la ciencia, y en general con la cultura, nos compromete a enfrentarnos a la crítica y a otros argumentos que permitan la provocación y el debate, no solo con el aporte de los temas aquí tratados, sino a través de las diversas acciones que viene desarrollando la Asociación ORISOS: cursos, conferencias, etc. En este sentido, se pretende también que los contenidos de nuestra Revista puedan servir de apoyo a nuevas investigaciones que contribuyan a enriquecer nuestro discernimiento.

7 Tres lustros avalan ya la trayectoria de nuestra Asociación, en la que medio centenar de socios, residentes muchos de ellos más allá de nuestro entorno provincial, unen sus ilusiones y trabajan sin ánimo de lucro, aportando su granito de arena a la sociedad. Esta revista es buena prueba de ello, porque al esfuerzo personal que han desarrollado, hay que unir otros recursos, como el esfuerzo económico realizado para que vea la luz. Es, sin duda, una apuesta por la cultura, componente esencial para el desarrollo de nuestros pueblos, y por el compromiso con la formación integral de las personas. Así pues, uno de nuestros pilares esenciales es avanzar en el mundo del conocimiento, continuar investigando, aunque ello supone en ocasio- nes, descubrir que desconocemos más de lo que creemos saber. Termino felicitando a los autores incluidos en este número, a sabien- das que el entusiasmo de todos los que nos involucramos en este proyecto de ORISOS seguro que suple las posibles deficiencias que el lector pueda apreciar.

8 Prólogo

ÁNGELA MADRID MEDINA Confederación Española de Centros de Estudios Locales (CSIC)

s mucho lo que tiene que agradecer la investigación en España a asociaciones como Orisos. Desde hace centurias, si tenemos en Ecuenta a las antiguas de los Amigos del País y algunas reales academias, sin contar las siete grandes. Por mi experiencia en la Confederación Española de Centros de Es- tudios Locales, del CSIC, lo he podido comprobar a través de sus más de cincuenta centros repartidos por la Península y los archipiélagos, entre los que hay institutos, asociaciones, centros y reales academias (algunas de ellas con mucho prestigio y encuadradas en el Instituto de España). Centros que, en función de los recursos de cada uno, vienen desarrollando actividades al más alto nivel, sin excluir las internacionales, y editando un considerable volumen de publicaciones, incluidas las pro- cedentes de tesis doctorales y otros trabajos universitarios. Por lo que se viene considerando a la CECEL en su conjunto como la mayor editorial de temas científicos de España, con unos dos mil investigadores que lo hacen para ella, en mayor o menor medida, de forma gratuita. A esto hay que sumar el trabajo, igualmente desinteresado, de asociaciones como Orisos, que por haber nacido en el contexto de los trabajos del yacimiento del Cerro de las Cabezas y estar integrada en gran parte por personas vinculadas a la UNED, está llamada a tener una buena presencia en el mundo de la ciencia y la cultura y una valiosa proyección científica. Ahora, con el esfuerzo que supone, sacan a la luz el tercer número de su Revista. Con colaboraciones multidisciplinares. Desde el campo ju- rídico, buscando respuestas éticas que preserven la dignidad humana, sin cosificación del individuo, la psicología, con una catalogación del senti- miento amoroso y la creación literaria. Aunque en su mayoría con trabajos de temática histórica, general y local.

9 Lo que, siguiendo los términos acuñados por Eloy Benito Ruano, hemos dado en llamar historia al por mayor e historia al por menor, que, él también lo creía así, no son incompatibles. Muy al contrario, se complementan. Ya que si es cierto que la historia general contextualiza la historia local, lo es también que sin la local y regional la general no avan- zaría adecuadamente. En el presente número, además, con la aportación de fuentes primarias. Un trabajo duro y muy laborioso que personalmente siempre agradezco. Se recupera también a los que nos precedieron en estas inquietudes y actividades. Personajes a los que conviene situar y comprender siempre dentro de su época y sus circunstancias, según el signo de los tiempos. Te- niendo en cuenta el esfuerzo realizado al no contar con nuestros recursos y en este caso hasta las aficiones del enciclopedismo y el coleccionismo de entonces. Considero que no hay que preterir la literatura como fuente históri- ca, que generalmente nos aporta valiosa información. Una muestra de ello vamos a encontrarla también aquí, con el interés de los estudios transdi- ciplinares. Unos cuantos de los autores de este número fueron alumnos míos en su momento. Algunos de ellos, como otros miembros de Orisos, gracias a su capacidad y su constancia, ya cuentan en sus curricula con una pro- ducción científica amplia y muy solvente. Doctorados incluidos. Por eso estoy convencida de que entre todos ellos la Revista Orisos, que con el número actual se va consolidando, la seguirán haciendo crecer en la mejor dirección y con aportaciones científicas de referencia.

10 Artículos “EN UN TIEMPO COGÍ FLORES”: MARRIAGE, LOVE, WOMEN AND LITERATURE IN THE MIDDLE AGES

Filomena Fernandes Gonçalves Master en Literaturas y Culturas Modernas, área de especialización en Estudios Ibéricos e Iberoamericanos ESARS (Ministerio de Educación de Portugal)

Francisco Javier Sánchez-Verdejo Pérez Doctor en Filología Inglesa Profesor Asociado UCLM y Profesor Tutor. Centro Asociado UNED Ciudad Real-Valdepeñas

“En un tiempo cogi flores”: Marriage, Love, Women and Literature in the Middle Ages

ABSTRACT In the Middle Ages, one of the most common Galician-Portuguese poetry productions were Cantigas de Amor (Love songs). King Alfonse XI of Castile wrote one of these compositions, and allegedly dedicated it to his mistress, Leonor of Guzmán. In this paper we will study the relationship amongst this king, his mistress and his Portuguese wife, Mary, focusing in his Cantiga “En un tiempo cogi flores”.

KEY WORDS: Middle Ages, Galician-Portuguese poetry, King Alfonse XI of Castile, Cantigas de Amor (Love songs).

RESUMEN En la Edad Media, una de las producciones de poesía gallego-portuguesa más comunes fueron las Cantigas de Amor. El rey Alfonso XI de Castilla escribió una de estas composiciones, y supuestamente la dedicó a su señora, Leonor de Guzmán. En este artículo estudiaremos la relación entre este rey, su amante y su esposa portuguesa, María, centrándonos en su Cantiga “En un tiempo cogi flores”.

PALABRAS CLAVE Edad Media, poesía galaico-portuguesa, Alfonso XI de Castilla, Can- tigas de Amor. “Eu te matei, Senhora, eu te matei. Com morte te paguei o teu amor”1 (António Ferreira: Castro)

1. INTRODUCTION Galician-Portuguese lyric developed in the Middle Ages, mainly between the twelfth and fourteenth centuries, being this primitive language

1 “I have killed you, Milady, I have killed you. / With death you have been paid for your love.” The translation provided is ours.

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the one from which Portuguese and Galician originated later. Although most of the poets referred to came from Galicia and Northern Portugal, it was also cultivated by a great amount of poets from other parts of the Ibe- rian Peninsula (the most outstanding example is that of Alfonse X, byname Alfonse the Wise, or the Learned, author of The Cantigas of Santa María, also in Galician-Portuguese), becoming a fundamental language in the culture lyrical of Castile in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. However, according to Dronke, the new fashion of amour courtois is: “at least as old as Egypt of the second millennium B. C., and... is reflected even in the earliest recorded popular verse of Europe”2. The Galician-Portuguese songs have three major genres: a) “Love cantiga”. It comes from the cançó of troubadour literature in Occitan. It is a composition centered on the theme of courtly love; it talks about the passion of a knight for his lady (or senhor), which is almost never returned, so most of all the compositions deal with the subject of the poet’s coita (sadness), caused by disdain or rejection (sanha) of his lady, who is called senhor (lord), which at that time meant both male and female. Thus, the love of a woman becomes the pursuit, the quest, almost the only one, for a knight. As Olivares Merino suggests, the lady is placed on a pedestal, unattainable, always desired3. The terms of feudalism are transferred here, as in Provencal cançó, to the amorous experience. We should highlight some terms we find in these compositions: fenhedor, the term referring to the knight who has not dared yet to address to her lady; pregador, who has already dared; entendedor, the one who has received his lady’s smiles, and drutz, which is used when the lady has already em- braced him... The troubadour owes faithfulness and loyalty to his senhor, and describes these high concepts praising her physique and virtues (with ad- jectives such as ben talhada, bon parescer...) However, he does not go very deep the description, because he must keep his lady’s identity secret (this is known as mesura). From the metrical point of view, it usually has the structure of the so-called cantiga de maestria: four stanzas of seven

2 Dronke, P. (1968), p. xvii. 3 Olivares Merino, E. M. (1998a), p. 114.

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octosyllabic or decasyllabic verses, with the structure abbaccb, abbacca, ababcca, ababccb. This type of literary production does disregard the specific elements which describe and set the environment. b) “Friend cantiga”. It is considered that Kardjas or Hardjas come from it, since its main theme is love; they use a simple language and the poem is told by a woman, a feminine poetic voice that expresses its feelings either to her mother, sisters or friends, or to the nature –which is personified– and which she feels herself identifies with. Apart from love, other topics include the sorrow for the absence of the beloved or the joy for encountering him. They also tend to play with the natural environment, especially related to the sea, something that is identified with the marine society prevailing in Galicia. Its most characteristic feature is the use of stylistic resources such as parallelism and leixaprén. The verses are linked in pairs making the verses of the second stanza a small variant of the verses of the first stanza. Toge- ther with all these characteristics we find the inclusion of terms coming out of Galician-Portuguese glossary, as well as the keeping of archaic pho- netic or morphological words. c) “Scorn and swear cantiga” (or escarño, in Galician-Portuguese). It is a satirical genre of the Galician-Portuguese medieval lyric, derived from the Provençal sirventés. There used to be a distinction between the scorn cantigas (which use misunderstandings and concealed words) and swear (maldizer), in which the poet expresses clearly his insults. As for the metric, they follow the same conventions as love cantigas. This genre seeks to meet the expectations of the public that requests it, so its development is basically linked to its recipients’ literacy. The ladies have great importance in shaping this audience. The feminine influence in the conception of the courtesy is very well-known: the courtly atmosphere turns around the owner of the castle. She deals with the refi- nement and fun that take place in the court4, while her husband deals with hunting and war or perhaps is absent for a pilgrimage or the Crusade. One of the most outstanding ladies of the time was Leonor de Aquitania

4 García Gual, C. (1974), p. 45.

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who promoted the culture and encouraged the development of courteois literature, whose main characteristic is courtly love: “Esta nueva concepción del amor, nacida sin duda en tierra de Oc, se difunde en Francia y después por toda Europa; fue llevada primero a la corte de Francia por el entorno de Leonor de Aquita- nia, nieta de Guillermo IX, a pesar de las reticencias de su primer marido, el rey Luís VII; después a las cortes anglonormandas por la misma Leonor, cuando se casa con Enrique Plantagenet, tras su divorcio en 1152; y por fin a las cortes de Champaña y de Flandes por sus hijas María y Alix; y a las de Alemania y de Castilla por sus otras hijas Matilde y Leonor. El papel de Leonor y de sus hijas es in- contestable”5. The feminine role in the dissemination of this culture from texts should not surprise us since according to Francisco López Estrada6 the number of women who read is much higher than those of men, especially if the books refer to this “inner” literature that requires personal reading, adding that in the Middle Ages women used to read more than men... certain readings were more accessible to women; we must also take into count the fact that reading is more propitious for the realm of private life, where it is woman who rules, and it is her who is reflected in the artistic works (paintings, engravings), literary works... of the time.

LOVE VERSUS DUTY Having analysed the above said, we must bear in mind that medieval writing is not exclusively a mere literary production. An increasing inte- rest in the social involvement of literature as a human activity is gradually shown through folk writings. We should not exclude from our conside- ration the political implications7. However, when we take into account the political meanings and consequences, we cannot consider them from our point of view, but rather as González Fernández de Sevilla8 explains. The authors’ productions offered a new dimension which made it more real and effective since its purpose, amongst others (we should not forget

5 Flori, J. (2001), p. 244. 6 López Estrada, F. (1986), p. 21. 7 Coleman, J. (1981), p. 64. 8 González Fernández de Sevilla, J. M. (1992), pp. 94-109.

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devices such as the poetical function in itself, didactism, artistic delight9), was to serve people’s needs: everyday life, events, social affairs, personal concerns and reflections... The nature of the article we are about to deal with is connected to the literary patrimony of Portuguese and Castilian Literature from the Middle Ages, namely the “Cantiga de Amor” (Love song). “En un tiempo cogi flores”10, the only literary production written by King Alfonse XI of Castile and León (married to a Portuguese Princess, Mary of Portugal, his cousin, King Peter I’s mother) was apparently dedicated to his mistress, the so pretty Leonor of Guzmán (1310-1351), whom he had ten illegitimate children with11 (amongst which, Henry I, the Trastamarian, Fadrique of Castile’s twin brother). The supposition of the fact that this cantiga may be dedicated to Leonor of Guzmán has let researchers and scholars ven- ture its dating around 1329, at the beginning of their love relationship12.

Picture 1. Gothic sepulchre. Lying statues, made in ala- baster, of Pedro López of Ayala and his wife Leonor de Guzmán, in the tower-chapel of the Virgin of the Cabello. Taken from http://www.euskonews.com/0388zbk/argaz- kiak/gaia38803a_03.jpg (Retrieved from the internet on December 14th, 2016).

9 Piers Plowman and Sir Gawain and the Green Knight could well illustrate with examples this twofold aspect. 10 This cantiga is found in Cancioneiro da Vaticana (1499) (?) and in Cancioneiro da Biblioteca Nacional (1525-6). 11 As a curiosity, let’s take into account that this relationship was the basis for the inspiration of the opera La Favorite (1840), by Gaetano Donizetti. 12 This theory is supported, among others, by Beltrán Pepió, V. (1985), p. 263.

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Despite the above said, and to be true, the chronicles and documents of the time have hardly transmitted facts related to the private, intimate life of the main characters; however, the relationship of Alfonse XI with Leonor of Guzmán lasted so much and had such political consequences that it is not difficult at all to track the essential lines of that sentimental relationship13. More than analysing this literary production, it urges to get a deeper view of women’s condition in the Middle Ages, especially those who belonged to upper social classes, particularly princesses from Portuguese and Castilian Royal Families (which, actually, were the same) in the fourteenth century. The case of these upper-social class women is greatly illus- trative of the importance that women had in the shaping of the medieval ways of life. Thus, taking into account the fact that the women who appear in this analysis (but not exclusively) are members of –and belong to– the aristocracy or the royalty, that is to say, they represent the highest social stratum of the medieval society, they can be interpreted as exemplary, and thus are worthy of imitation or contempt in the real sphere both for those who belong to those realms as for those who are in the inferior ones. We cannot forget that authors used to state their love for a noble woman, whom they used to view as a divine being. Although in the heroic literature the main character is a man and all his actions are located in fully masculine settings, not in all medieval literary productions this is quite like that. The hero is a warrior, a feudal vassal whose main activity is the use of weapons against his enemies and his master’s. However, the character has peculiar features coming from the polite sphere in which the woman has an important value. The knight designed in the Middle Ages requires love to justify the action in his adventures and to promote his process of improvement, all of which is given by the presence of a woman in whom he puts such passion. Thanks to the love for a certain woman, the authors finished up the knight characteristics, which they stop representing only as a warrior, adopting then a dichotomy of attitudes and behaviours. The feeling of love manages to refine the knight in his contact with the ladies and inside the court. He is configured more educated, sensitive and prudent.

13 Beltrán Pepió, V. (1989), p. 118.

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Then, from the very design of the character, the beloved woman becomes a determining factor for recognition. That is, the knight requires a maid to love, because she awakens in him all his impetus, strength and motivation to get everything he wants in order to deserve and get her. Therefore, the female character has an important role within the genre, not only in her participation in the actions and plot development but in the characteristics that make the character a hallmark in this particular genre. Aurelio González says that when talking in general about the medieval knight, we are talking about a model, a model that will have different textual realizations and he will also work both in the cultural and social dimension14. Having said the above, since the lady is essential to fully understand the model of a medieval knight, she cannot be understood without consi- dering her role in its construction. For the historian Georges Duby15, the relationship of both characters is linked from the very birth of the genre. The characteristics and functions of both characters are given from their indissoluble relationship. From this perspective, we will approach both characters. Duby asserts that the female figures that surround the male characters appear to revalue these men better16. Rather than reflecting about the aesthetic representation of feelings like love, jealousy or hate, it matters to try to understand these women’s role in their homeland society, in the foreign society they come to integra- te due to their royal marriages, as far as these roles were often incompati- ble with happiness or love. Furthermore, it is remarkable how these societies force women to convey to a long list of rules, concerning moral (and therefore, religious) principles and, at the same time, allows some of them to break these rules, and, in some cases, even permits them to get privileges out of that disrespect. Those ways of life were ruled either by the principles of the eccle- siastical culture or by the courtly cultural ones17. The first one stood for a

14 González, A. (2003), p. 122. 15 Duby, G. (1995), p. 115. 16 Duby, G. (1992), p. 304. 17 Ruiz-Domènec, J. E. (1999).

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model based on three principles: virginity (virginitas), marriage (matri- monium) and widowhood (viduitas). It is this a model conceived from the male point of view, whom woman had to complement (marriage) or which she should avoid (virginity and widowhood). The second principle, from its very origin, formulated a model from a point of view tending to delight and establish the relationship between love and marriage18. Whether victims or not of this status quo, what surpasses these alle- ged moral or immoral behaviours is a widely spread sense of impunity towards infidelity, either because it may result of a King’s desire (and therefore it is not the female’s fault or sin), or because there is a certain condescendence towards adultery, as the need to procreate surpasses the need to be a good Christian. As a matter of fact, many clergy men also prevaricate, protected as they were by the secret of confession of their mistresses or the ultimate redemption of women, through long and sometimes painful penitence. As far as King Alfonse’s Cantiga is concerned, it is undoubtedly invaluable, for its cultural, historical and literary importance, but particularly an interesting document as it lets us perceive the human face of a King who dared to let the world know he loved and was loved, even if this meant to expose its eventual inability to perform the aesthetic literary pretending that Troubadour’s Art demanded. Not for nothing, Alfonse was one of the first in introducing some features of troubadour literature in Castilian’s (for example, the use of the term senhor). We could ask oursel- ves whether all the above said leads him to a portrait of a better king than a poet... Who knows? A great amount of the troubadour lyric praises the lady to get her favour, but above all, it praises the loyal and hard-working attitude of the troubadour lover. So the figure of the lady is always mediated by two fil- ters: his desire to please her and his desire to show himself as the perfect lover.

18 Brooke, C. (1989), Duby, G. (1983), Ruiz-Domènec. J. E. (1986) and Ruiz-Domènec. J. E. (2003).

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THEORETICAL CONSIDERATIONS Studying the Peninsular poetry of the Middle Ages merges us to reflect about its characteristics and context, should we want to interpret their pertinence and importance as authentic documents showing how life in those days was. According to the experts, medieval cantigas (songs) may have their origins in “The Women’s Songs”, dating approximately from the ninth and tenth century, known as Kardjas or Hardjas. Let us remember that a kharja is a composition of verses shaped as a refrain which were found at the end of the poems known as moaxaja, having been composed the latter in classical Arabic or in Hebrew. Kharjas were texts transcribed in Arabic or Hebrew characters, where women apparently let their mothers, sisters or friends know about their sufferance because of their lovers. Two of the most representative examples are “¡Tant’ amáre, tant’ amáre” and “Gar dboš, ay yerman llaš” (both written in Mozarabic language): ī ē Kharja in Mozarabic Translation into English

¡Tant’ amáre, tant’ amáre, So much loving, so much loving, habib, tant’ amáre! my lover, so much loving! Enfermaron uelios gaios, Bright eyes have grown dim e dolen tan male. and suffer now so much!

Unknown author

This traditional, popular kharja, one of the most famous of this tradition and belonging to the oldest ones, previous to 1042, talks about a maiden who is in love.

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Kharja in Mozarabic Translation into English19

Gar dboš, ay yerman llaš Tell me, my little sisters kóm konten rhé mew m l , how shall I sustain my pain, ī ē s n al- ab b non bibr ´yo: I shall not live without my love: ē ā ē ¿ad ob l’iréy demand re? where shall I seek for him? ī ḥ ī ē bay-še mio qorason de mib My heart fades away. ā Y rabb ši še tornarad Oh God, will he return anmal mio doler al-hab b Such is my huge pain for my love ā ī Enfermo ed quan šanarad He is ill, when will he heal? ț ī ¿Qué faré mamma? What shall I do, mother? Ϋ Mio al-habib eštad yana. My love is at the door.

Abul-L-Hassan Yehuda Ben Semuel Halevi

Having been examined as independent compositions, kharjas are related to the Galician-Portuguese Cantigas de amigo, as well as to the popular female lyrical poetry previous to the Troubadour tradition. In fact, they have been described as the oldest manifestation of European popular 1920 lyrical poetry, opposed to the troubadour poetry 20(which was a perfect example of learned poetry, written by authors who used a strict literary code). These texts are of great importance to us, as they convey the chance to analyze both the Proto-Galician-Portuguese Language, as a “Romanice Loqui” and the cultural references to the daily life of people in the Middle Ages –the girl whose confident is found inside the family nucleus, or the man wounded that may not heal (“quan šanarad”, found in the latter Kharja) from his war wounds, amongst others. On the other hand, these documents, as primeval of the Medieval Troubadour Poetry, allow us to study more thoroughly the specificities of Medival Poetry in the Iberian Peninsula:

19 The translation provided into English is ours. 20 Let us remember William of Poitiers as one of the first known troubadours.

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“Medieval Galician-Portuguese Cantigas (songs) remain as one of the richest parts of Iberian Peninsula’s Middle Ages heritage. Wri- tten in a time range of about 150 years, generically from the end of the twelfth century to mid-fourteenth century, medieval Cantigas may be historically situated at the dawn of Iberian nationalities, being largely contemporary of the so-called Christian Reconquista, an event which they refer frequently”21. If we can state that the origins of Cantigas de Amigo (friend songs) are mainly Iberian, Cantigas de Amor (love songs) find their background in Provençal culture, brought to the Peninsula by the troubadours and minstrels who used to either attend Alfonse X’s Court, or come in pilgrimage to the holy places in the Peninsula, especially Santiago de Compos- tela, or were even on their way to the Holy Land to visit Jerusalem. Thus, taking the above said into account, we must bear in mind the fact that due to the so many contacts between the main countries of Europe (mainly the western ones such as Italy or Spain, but also Germany), a new fashion was adopted, each country producing a good number of troubadours and romance writers in order to satisfy the taste demanded and appreciated by the corresponding European courts22. This explains why these compositions are of a more elaborate kind, preserving thematic and formal characteristics that associate them to noble or aristocratic authors. Galician-Portuguese love cantiga follows the universe of Provençal fin’amor, in a model which resumes an art of loving that expresses relationships between man and woman or, using the words that the troubadours repeat, between the servant poet and his noble lady (the so-called courtly love, an inaccurate expression that became traditional). And it is not exact since this kind of productions does not encompass exclusively the concept of courtly. Olivares Merino23 agrees on the use of the expression fin’amor opposed to courtly love, since he stated that Pro- vençal poets never used the second term, but the first one. In this sense, M. Valency expresses excellently that:

21 Taken from http://cantigas.fcsh.unl.pt/sobreascantigas.asp?ling=eng (Retrieved from the In- ternet on October 20th, 2016). 22 Olivares Merino, E. M. (1998a), p. 115. 23 Olivares Merino, E. M. (1998a), p. 113.

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“the adjective fin, fis, from Latin fides, had the sense of faithful, honest, sincere, true”24. Olivares Merino states that for him, fin’amor is the most accompli- shed manifestation of the masculine erotic ideal25. Notwithstanding, this concept of love saw the light at the beginning of the XIth century though it remained in the –almost exclusively– realm of aristocracy, not permeating into middle classes let alone the peasantry. Thus, the Cantiga de amor presents, in a rhetorically rich style, an essentially sentimental masculine voice singing the beauty and virtues of an unachievable and immaterial lady, and also the correlative coita (suffering) of the poet before her indifference or his inability to declare his love. Albeit decisively influenced by Provençal cançó, as we have said, Galician-Portuguese cantiga de amor assumes some distinctive properties, as the facts of being shorter and including (in most cases) a refrain (the Provençal cançó being always de maestria, without refrain)26. Such is the case of King Alfonse XI of Castile, from whom we know only one composition, named “En un tiempo cogi flores”, which according to Toro and Vallín27 is the oldest Galician-Castilian composition –this idea is also confirmed by Vicente Beltrán28. Let’s remember that this composition uses Castilian language, although it is imbued with Portuguese words, it combines elements from love and friend cantigas. The author introduces some breakdowns in relation to the preceding lyrical poetry, such as new love thematic aspects, new descriptive resources and new strophic ways.

ALFONSE XI OF CASTILE – THE KING, THE MAN, THE POET

THE KING Alfonse, “the Just”, was Fernando IV of Castile and Constance of Por- tugal’s son (Constance was King Denis’ daughter, who in turn was king

24 Valency, M. (1958), p. 142. 25 Olivares Merino, E. M. (1998a), p. 74-77. 26 Taken from http://cantigas.fcsh.unl.pt/sobreascantigas.asp?ling=eng 27 Toro, M. I and Vallín, G. (2005), p. 96 28 Beltrán Pepió, V. (2002), p. 39.

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Alfonse X of Castile’s grandson). He was born in Salamanca, on the 3rd of August 1311, and became king at the age of one, due to his father’s early death, ruling up to 1350.

Picture 2. Statue of the King Alfonse XI of Castile located in Algeciras. Taken from https://upload.wikimedia.org/wi- kipedia/commons/5/55/Algeciras_Alfonso_XI.jpg (Retrie- ved from the internet on December 14th, 2016).

When he reached adulthood, and after a violent and cruel process of control of the kingdom, with many executions having taken place (Juan of Haro, “the one-eyed”, and Álvaro Nuñéz Osorio), King Alfonse succeeded in pacifying the kingdom. In 1328, he married his cousin Mary of Portugal, King Alfonse IV of Portugal’s daughter, King Dennis of Portugal’s son. This marriage, alongside with his sister Leonor’s with Alfonse IV of Aragon, laid the basis for an Iberian peace, although, in what concerns Portugal,

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the relationships were sometimes tense, mostly due to the public and very manifest relationship between Alfonse XI and Leonor of Guzmán. Together with Alfonse IV of Portugal, his father-in-law, both Castilian and Portuguese troops defeated, in the battle of Salado (1340), the mena- cing hordes of North-Africans which had advanced through Andalucia the previous year, a victory that meant the end of the Muslim menace in the Peninsula. Alfonse XI died during the Great Plague (yersinia pestis) of 1350, at the siege of Gibraltar.

THE MAN Alfonse XI is known to have loved Leonor of Guzmán, mother of ten of his children, amongst which were the twin brothers Fadrique and Henry; the latter became King Henry of Trastamara. He was married to Princess Maria of Portugal, whom he had King Peter I, “The Cruel”, and grew to respect her, although never having loved her as his favourite one, even though she was one of the most beautiful women of his time. Luis de Camões, a Portuguese poet, dedicates five stanzas from his epic text The Lusiads calling her “the fairest to look”, with lovely face, an- gel hair and Ivoirian shoulders: 102 102 Entrava a fermosíssima Maria The beauteous dame approach’d the Polos paternais paços sublimados, palace gate, Where her great sire was thron’d in Lindo o gesto, mas fora de alegria, regal state: E seus olhos em lágrimas banhados. On her fair face deep-settled grief Os cabelos angélicos trazia appears, Pelos ebúrneos ombros And her mild eyes are bath’d in espalhados. glist’ning tears; Diante do pai ledo, que a agasalha, Her careless ringlets, as a mourner’s, Estas palavras tais, chorando, flow espalha: Adown her shoulders, and her breasts of snow: A secret transport through the father ran, While thus, in sighs, the royal bride began:

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103 103 “And know’st thou not, O warlike «Quantos povos a terra produziu king,” she cried, De África toda, gente fera e estranha, “That furious Afric pours her O grão Rei de Marrocos conduziu peopled tide-- Pera vir possuir a nobre Espanha. Her barb’rous nations, o’er the Poder tamanho junto não se viu, fields of Spain? Despois que o salso mar a terra Morocco’s lord commands the banha; dreadful train. Trazem ferocidade e furor tanto, Ne’er since the surges bath’d the Que a vivos medo, e a mortos faz circling coast, espanto. Beneath one standard march’d so dread a host: Such the dire fierceness of their brutal rage, Pale are our bravest youth as palsied age 104 104 «Aquele que me deste por marido, Their shrieks of terror from the Por defender sua terra amedrontada, tombs we hear To stem the rage of these Co pequeno poder, oferecido unnumber’d bands, Ao duro golpe está da Maura espada, Alone, O sire, my gallant husband E, se não for contigo socorrido, stands; Ver-me-ás dele e do Reino ser His little host alone their breasts privada; oppose Viúva e triste e posta em vida escura, To the barb’d darts of Spain’s Sem marido, sem Reino e sem innum’rous foes: ventura. (…)

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105 105 «Portanto, ó Rei, de quem com puro Then haste, O monarch, thou whose medo conqu’ring spear O corrente Muluca se congela, Has chill’d Malucca’s sultry waves Rompe toda a tardança, acude cedo with fear: À miseranda gente de Castela. Haste to the rescue of distress’d Castile, Se esse gesto, que mostras claro e ledo, Oh! be that smile thy dear affection’s seal!, De pai o verdadeiro amor assela, And speed, my father, ere my Acude e corre, pai, que, se não husband’s fate corres, Be fix’d, and I, deprived of regal Pode ser que não aches quem state, socorres.» Be left in captive solitude forlorn, My spouse, my kingdom, and my birth to mourn.” 106 106 Não de outra sorte a tímida Maria In tears, and trembling, spoke the Falando está, que a triste Vénus, filial queen. quando So, lost in grief, was lovely Venus A Júpiter, seu pai, favor pedia seen, Pera Eneias, seu filho, navegando; When Jove, her sire, the beauteous mourner pray’d Que a tanta piedade o comovia, To grant her wand’ring son the Que, caído das mãos o raio infando, promis’d aid. Tudo o clemente Padre lhe concede, Great Jove was mov’d to hear the fair Pesando-lhe do pouco que lhe pede. deplore, Gave all she ask’d, and griev’d she Os Lusíadas, ask’d no more. Luís de Camões, So griev’d Alonzo’s noble heart. And now Canto III, 1562. The warrior binds in steel his awful brow; The Lusiad by Luis de Camões trans. by William Julius Mickle (1776, edition of 1877)29

29 Taken from http://www.sacred-texts.com/neu/lus/lusbk03.htm (Retrieved from the Internet on October 28th, 2016). The bold is ours.

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Being a monarch, Alfonse had royal duties that prevented him, as many others, from choosing his spouse. This circumstance led to much sufferance, both to him and especially to these women, who were rivals and shared the same spaces throughout their lives, until their king’s death, when Queen Mary ordered the execution of Leonor of Guzmán.

Picture 3. Portrait of María of Portugal. Flemish anonymous (XVIth century). Taken from https://www.museobilbao. com/catalogo-online/retrato-de-dona-maria-de-portugal--69332 (Retrieved from the internet on December 14th, 2016).

THE POET Alfonse was a protector of the arts and also a poet. Count Pedro of Barcelos, his uncle, must have recognized his talent, and left him, in a will dated in 1350, his Livro de Cantigas (songbook),

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most probably the archetype of the Italian Apographs30 that transmitted to us the most substantial part of the profane Galician-Portuguese poetry. At its core, we know the Galician-Portuguese profane songs throughout three major manuscripts. The oldest one, Cancioneiro da Ajuda, may be dated at the early fourteenth century and it is the only one contemporary of the last generation of troubadours. It is a rich enlightened manuscript, but also the most incomplete, since it contains only 310 compositions, of which the overwhelming majority belong to a single genre, cantiga de amor. Discovered at the early nineteenth century, in the Library of Colégio dos Nobres, it is stored today at Ajuda’s National Library and we know little about its origins or course. It is anyway a clearly unfinished manuscript, which is visible through many of its miniatures, which present incomplete painting or merely drawn figures (the same applies to the initials). The two other manuscripts, namely Cancioneiro da Biblioteca Nacional (also known as Cancioneiro Colocci-Brancuti, the most comple- te, stored at Portugal National Library in Lisbon) and Cancioneiro da Vati- cana (stored at the Vatican Apostolic Library), are copies made in Italy in the first decades of sixteenth century, under the orders of Angelo Colocci, a well-known humanist, after a former medieval songbook now disappea- red. Apart from these three big collections, several volante parchments with compositions, two of them important and including musical notation, reached the present day: Vindel Parchment and Sharrer Parchment31. Little do we know, however, of king’s Alfonse XI literary production. We have evidence of his writing the Cantiga “En un tiempo cogi flores” in the fourteenth century. This is, thus, a spurious song, because this genre was already in its decay period, even if the language used is still the Oc- citan and the artistic and cultural patterns of the Provençal compositions are still respected.

30 As far as we know, it was Pedro, Count of Barcelos, troubadour and king Dennis of Portugal’s illegitimate firstborn child, who compiled the songs we have in the present day (through the Italian Apographs). He was probably their last compiler, if we accept that the first compilation could have been produced in the court of Alfonse X, as Tavani, G. believes (1986, 65-66). Either way, the merit of Angelo Colocci’s work in the sixteenth century must be emphasized, a work without which our vision of Galician-Portuguese lyric would be restricted to Cancioneiro da Ajuda, with only about 310 love songs, instead of the 1680 we have today, covering multiple genres. 31 http://cantigas.fcsh.unl.pt/sobreascantigas.asp?ling=eng

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“En un tiempo cogi flores” is dedicated to his mistress Leonor of Guzmán (already a young widow when he met her), and we find king Alfonse in his death bed, reaffirming his love to Leonor, whom he calls his “noble rose” and his need to see her before dying, and Leonor answe- ring him that she would rather be the one who would be leaving this life, rather than Alfonse. It is a dialogued love song, where both of the lovers know their fate and both reassure one another’s love. And because of this reason, it is almost a quasi tragic song. In fact, it is the first time that occurs in this type of courtesan lyric the association of a long-time motif in Romania: comparison of woman with rose. This identification had reached a great development in the Ma- rian literature of the thirteenth century, entering the Galician-Portugue- se school through The Cantigas of Santa María. In fact, the relationship between woman and rose used to be a recurring motif in the romance language countries, developing later in the Marian poetry, and thanks to the influence of Alfonso X’sCantigas arrives and spreads itself in the Galician-Portuguese school. Thus, the comparison of the woman with the flower evolves as one of the favourite resources32 in the descriptio pue- llae between 1300 and 1400. Beltrán33 makes a deep analysis of the main compositions which use the literary motif of the rose both in Spanish and Portuguese literary tradition. We refer the reader to his study for some more examples. More specifically, not only do we find one association of the lover with the rose in the composition we are studying, but rather at least four of them, which enhances the value of this device:

“Em huum tiempo cogi flores / del mui nobre paraiso” (l. 1-2) “En el tiempo en quee solia / yo coger d’aqueestas flores” (l. 13-14) “¡Ay, senhora, nobre rossa!” (l. 29) “Yo soy la flor de las flores” (l. 37)34

32 Beltrán Pepió, V. (1985), p. 272. 33 Beltrán Pepió, V. (1985), p. 268 and following. 34 Gathered by Beltrán Pepió, V. both in 1985 (268 and following) and 1989 (55 and following); also http://cantigas.fcsh.unl.pt/cantiga.asp?cdcant=1703&pv=sim (Retrieved from the Internet on Octo- ber 20th, 2016).

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When studying the Galician-Portuguese tradition we find a set of compositions which were composed by poets, amongst them we find, the King Denís of Portugal (as well as the aforementioned Alfonse XI). These works were written approximately in the period of a century (1225-1325), at which time Galician-Portuguese lyricism was on the rise and began its later decline. We find that these types of compositions were practiced in the different courts (Castilian and Portuguese) which at that time prevai- led: in Castile, that of Fernando III’s, Alfonso X’s and Sancho IV’s; and in Portugal, that of Alfonso III’s and Denis’. And most of them follow the same model and metric patterns as the above said compositions, whether love, friend or scorn. However, in spite of the fact that we keep a small number of such compositions, it should be customary to compose a dialogical text, much to the liking of the court and the palatial celebrations that took place. Such importance is endorsed by the characteristics present in Alfonso XI’s composition, where he appears talking, and at the end her beloved’s voice appears. It is the only preserved lyric composition written by the king, but the fact of his choosing this dialogical form makes us understand that he knew the tradition that preceded him and the particularity of approaching the subject of love in that way. The truth is that, following the theory proposed by the anonymous writer of the Cancioneiro da Biblioteca Na- cional de Lisboa, in this case we find a lovecantiga , since it is the knight who starts talking. The king addresses his lady using a word of the lexicon of love cantigas: senhora, a term that we will find within the Castilian corpus, and that, in this sense, links it to this tradition that precedes it. Although it does not appear in Alfonso XI’s poem, it is common to find the word used by the lady to refer to his beloved: amigo. It is this use of a specific technical lexicon, typical of lovecantigas , which undoubtedly leads us to that Galician-Portuguese tradition. The text by Alfonso XI, as it is said, would be, therefore, one of the many links that establishes a direct relationship between Galician-Portuguese lyric and Castilian song-antho- logy poetry, as Vallín emphasizes in his work and in collaboration with

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Toro and Vallín35 in their study on the Galician-Castilian corpus and the beginnings of the cancioneril lyric. According to its line of argument, we find three main motifs: the lover’s suffering, the people’s “mal dizer”, and the final reconciliation. Al- fonse XI describes us, at the beginning of the poem, the pitiful situation of the unrequited lover, a situation quite close to the Galician-Portuguese tradition36. As a literary document, this cantiga is a refrain song where the rules that commanded “Love Vassalage” are not respected. Even though the identity of the dame should never be revealed and the troubadour should never confess openly his feelings towards her, this is what the author does in this composition. However, as an authentic document that allows us to get to know what the medieval context of Love, Duty and Marriage was, this may be one of the most precious ones we have in Iberian Medieval Poetry. We have a king who was married to someone he did not love, but who admits that there is someone he loves truly and not only does he choose to live with her but also decides to have more children with her than he has with his queen. We actually understand that this urge to guarantee the suc- cession to the throne is the only reason why king Alfonse XI had prince Peter with Mary of Portugal, whereas Leonor of Guzmán, “the Noble Rose” (quoted from the cantiga; the capital letters are ours), was his true love. Stating this in a Love cantiga is rare, but it may be even rarer to find it in not one Cancioneiro, but in two of them. Would the social status of its author interfere in this choice to include it in them, we do not know it. What we know as a fact is that this piece of Medieval Literature can be found in Cancioneiro da Biblioteca Nacional, under the number and reference B 607, and Cancioneiro da Vaticana, numbered and referenced as V 209.

35 Toro, M. I and Vallín, G. (2005). 36 For a deeper analysis of this composition, and since that is not the main goal of this paper, we do advice to read the whole study by Beltrán Pepió, V. (1985).

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Picture 4. Folio from Cancioneiro da Picture 5. Folio from Cancioneiro da Biblioteca Nacional. Taken from http:// Vaticana - V 209. Taken from http:// cantigas.fcsh.unl.pt/manuscrito.as- cantigas.fcsh.unl.pt/manuscrito.as- p?cdcant=1703&cdmanu=3356&nor- p?cdcant=1703&cdmanu=3367&nor- dem=1&x=1 (Retrieved from the Inter- dem=3&x=1 (Retrieved from the Inter- net on October 28th, 2016). net on October 28th, 2016).

MARY OF PORTUGAL – THE PORTUGUESE QUEEN OF THE CASTILIANS Having to bear the burden of becoming the Portuguese mother of the heir to the throne of Castile is, by itself, a great responsibility. Having to accept one’s father’s orders as far as marriage is concerned becomes an even much higher responsibility, especially when you are a king’s daughter. But becoming the spouse of a king who is in love with a Castilian woman, of great noble importance and also loved by her own people, as Leonor of Guzmán was, becomes a giant task for a frail, cult, beautiful woman who is not welcome in Spain. Mary of Portugal is a piece of mer- chandise whose purpose is to be a part of a trade to assure peace between two cousins of the same royal family, disputing territory and power. Having unexpectedly fallen in love with his newly met cousin and husband and having to share him with another woman, for more than twenty years, having to bear all the humiliation this would mean (Mary

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ran away to Portugal, due to the despair and mistreatments suffered at the hands of her husband), may explain why, as soon as the king died, Mary of Portugal followed his father’s example of murdering her rival. Her father had ordered the execution of Inês of Castro, daughter of King Alfon- se’s chief steward José Fernandes of Castro, the eternal love of Portuguese prince Pedro (who dared to defy his father, the king, by marrying Inês against his will), and Mary of Portugal, Pedro’s sister, orders the execution of Leonor of Guzmán, leaving her ten children without a mother. This de- cision may not have pleased the Castilian court, and this has cost Mary a great deal of hatred. Who knows if this fact will not also explain her own son’s cruelty, Pedro?

As far as we are concerned, analyzing the story of this princess, as well as all the women who were forced to marry against their will or choice, and having to leave their countries to go abroad must have been of great tragic sufferance. We can only imagine how little rights these noble women actually had. It would seem better to be poor and freer than living in palaces and being a hostage for an entire life.

That gives us just a glimpse of the woman’s condition in the Middle Ages and helps us to look in a rather critical way to the romanticized ima- ge we have of life in those days.

Mary of Portugal was a noble woman in between two lands and two lovers. She could not return to her fatherland, because her father would not allow it –even though if she came for a while, and she could not settle down properly in Castile, because she was not welcome there.

Mary of Portugal represents all the medieval women who had the chance of being educated, lived in palaces, were intelligent, but lead lives that closely resemble the lives of slaves of their own sex and social condition.

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CONCLUSIONS

Galician-Portuguese Poetry presents an invaluable challenge in the field of Iberian Literature. Many researchers have devoted their work to its study; however, it cannot be denied that little do Spanish and Portuguese know about their common literary bonds and heritage. In this paper we have attempted to describe the origins and the characteristics of love cantigas, with echoes of the cançó of troubadour literature in Occitan, friend cantigas as a more modern version of the Kardjas from the ninth century and Scorn and swear cantigas as heirs of the Provençal sirventês, all of them found in our common Iberian Medie- val Literature. We have analysed King Alfonse XI of Castile’s love cantiga “En un tiempo cogi flores”, written and dedicated to his mistress, Leonor of Guz- mán, published in two of the most important collections of literary productions in Galicia, Portugal and Castile, Cancioneiro da Ajuda and Can- cioneiro da Vaticana. And having studied this cantiga, we bear in mind that this is only one of the thousands of other compositions that remain to be studied. On the other hand, it has become clear that these literary productions represent farther more than simple poems dedicated to someone; they are truly authentic documents that allow us to understand the personal, cultural and political implications of being a king, a man and a poet, divided between his wife (and queen) and his lover in the Middle Ages. Furthermore, this literary document may also help us understand the political implications that King Alfonse’s confessed infidelity had in the internal and external political relationships, especially with Portugal. One must not forget about the alliance between Castile and Portugal to fight for the end of the Arab presence in Iberian Peninsula, for instance, or the con- flicts that lead to the death of Fadrique of Castile, which precipitated the war between King Peter and his step brother, Henry, later, king himself, too. We have also tried to prove that, rather than being an ex-libris of this literary genre, even though its theoretical background is mostly respected,

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this composition is an interesting document that confirms the dichotomy roles kings were hoped to play. Beyond the specific characteristics that king Alfonse included in his Cantiga, those of this medieval aesthetic school have been also taken into account. Having said the pertinence of literature as to illustrate the intrinsic games of power and love, and as we move to the establishment of a Gali- cian-Portuguese poetry, it is important to keep in mind that what should join us, Portuguese and Spaniards, is our commitment to the study of our common origins and identity. Sharing such information will directly benefit us, in the first place, and others who are working to bring about the continued development and maintenance of peninsular common heritage.

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