Transporte Público Urbano, Configuración Socioeconómica Y Marginalidad

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Transporte Público Urbano, Configuración Socioeconómica Y Marginalidad Document de Treball / Working Paper # 11 Transporte Público Urbano, Configuración Socioeconómica y Marginalidad Análisis del Barcelonès Norte Sergio Enrique Rodríguez Tovar Universitat de Barcelona December 2003 TRANSPORTE PÚBLICO URBANO, CONFIGURACIÓN SOCIOECONÓMICA Y MARGINALIDAD Análisis del Barcelonès Norte* Sergio Enrique Rodríguez Tovar† IET – Universitat de Barcelona Abstract The characteristics of marginality show different dimensions that are reduced when the phenomenon comes to be diagnosed. The persisting resettlement of urban structure is companioned by a process of impoverishment of mobility conditions, mainly on less qualified social classes. Generally, this doesn’t emerge at political proposals as a factor that slows down the incorporation of different population sectors to the options given by social- economical-urban environment, which is circumscribed in our hypothesis at the job and housing markets. Any geographical point can be reached, or is accessible, only if the offer of public transport is the answer of job and residential mobility framed by the social sectors that live and work in those spaces or areas. Not continuing with the disassociation between transport and planning will strengthen the strategies of urban development that have been ruled by sectors ordering. This paper makes an approach to marginality symptoms that population presents, either by social-economical configuration or by the organization of public transport, in Barcelona and three other municipalities that are located at the northern part of its urban area; analyzing alike proposals, discomfort symptoms, kinds of services offered and information sources that would feed the beginning scheme of variables in a subsequent analysis model. Keywords: Urban Transport, Job and Housing markets, Urban Structure, Space Linking, Marginality, Accessibility, Northern Barcelones. * Trabajo presentado para obtener el Diploma de Estudios Avanzados (DEA) del programa de Planificación Territorial y Desarrollo Regional del Doctorado en Geografía de la Universidad de Barcelona y realizado en el Institut d'Estudis Territorials mediante beca del proyecto Rideal. † Ingeniero Catastral y Geodesta de la Universidad Distrital Francisco José de Caldas de Bogotá. E-mail: [email protected] TEL: +578 8701359 - +571 2164712 INDICE INTRODUCCIÓN............................................................................................... 2 Metodología....................................................................................................... 6 OBJETIVOS....................................................................................................... 7 HIPÓTESIS........................................................................................................ 8 PRESENTACIÓN…............................................................................................ 9 1. LA MARGINALIDAD Y SU EXPRESIÓN EN LA CIUDAD...............11 1.1 Segregación, secesión, exclusión…, dislocación…............................. 11 1.2 Dimensiones de la Marginalidad.......................................................... 15 1.3 Espacio, Marginalidad y Pobreza......................................................... 19 1.4 Marginalidad Socioeconómica.............................................................. 21 1.4.1 Mercado de Trabajo................................................................. 22 1.4.2 Mercado de Vivienda............................................................... 25 1.4.2.3 Promoción inmobiliaria y urbanización marginal………….. 26 2. DICOTOMÍA DEL TRANSPORTE PÚBLICO (TP): ENTRE LA CONEXIÓN Y LA MARGINALIDAD…................................................. 28 2.1 Transporte público para el alivio de la pobreza.................................... 29 2.2 Dialéctica del transporte público y marginalidad................................... 31 2.2.1 La política y el papel gubernamental………………………….... 35 2.2.2 Factores de Marginación.......................................................... 36 2.2.3 Desvinculación Espacial: Desconcentración del empleo y acceso a la vivienda en el marco de la movilidad obligada…................ 38 2.2.2.1 Movilidad Laboral................................................................ 39 2.2.2.2 Movilidad Residencial......................................................... 43 2.2.2.3 Vinculando el Espacio......................................................... 46 2.3 Transporte y Planificación…..................................................................... 49 2.3.2 Administración, escalas de análisis e infraestructuras como discordias de la planificación integral...................................................... 50 2.3.3 Conjugar la Trilogía en la Ordenación de la Ciudad................... 58 2.4 Aportaciones Prácticas a la Dialéctica...................................................... 64 3 PARÁMETROS DE ANÁLISIS..................................................................... 69 3.2 El malestar con el servicio........................................................................ 71 3.3 Jurisdicciones Administrativas.................................................................. 73 3.4 Caracterización de la Zona....................................................................... 77 3.5 Esquema Inicial de Variables.................................................................... 82 CONCLUSIONES..................................................................................................... 85 BIBLIOGRAFÍA......................................................................................................... 88 Páginas Web............................................................................................................. 93 SERGIO E. RODRÍGUEZ Transporte público urbano, Configuración socioeconómica y Marginalidad. 2003 INTRODUCCIÓN Las desigualdades que sufren poblaciones urbanas por la diferenciada prestación de servicios es evidente y hasta socialmente aceptada. Parece que los “beneficios” ofertados son correspondientes con las pretensiones de cada sector social. La denominación de este fenómeno difiere según la situación que se quiera describir, la percepción de quien interpreta y la influencia teórica del investigador. Ante esto, la realidad ha demostrado que es el entorno del momento el cual termina imponiéndose en el subconsciente léxico de los órganos gubernamentales, que se encargan a la vez de concienciar a los afectados de la certera calificación de su problema que servirá de base para las potenciales soluciones. Zonas urbanas enmarcadas por déficit económicos de sectores sociales y condiciones de pauperismo habitacional, son denominadas como barracas, espacios segregados o chabolas, si quienes la habitan son los pobres estructurales que priorizan sus necesidades entre la alimentación, la vivienda, la educación y la salud. Si el sector social que convive en las anteriores condiciones es étnica o culturalmente diferente (judíos, magrebíes, gitanos), definen el asentamiento como ghetto, enclave o exilio de ensimismamiento social. Ahora, si en situación semejante o menos drástica se encuentra la clase obrera o la clase media en declive, prefieren adjetivarla como víctima de la crisis coyuntural, del desarrollo excluyente o marginada de los servicios básicos. Definir el fenómeno para países de Suramérica o Europa Occidental, sugiere contextos de evolución urbana diferenciados, aportaciones teóricas encausadas parcial o totalmente hacia otros objetivos y por consiguiente una percepción del ciudadano y el político con otros matices. Las ciudades de los países latinos se encuentran en vías de alcanzar la omnipresencia y continuidad de los regímenes de suministro básico (energía, agua, alcantarillado, teléfono), que todavía son deficientes para una alta proporción de sectores sociales bajos. Añádase a esto, la baja capacidad económica de la familia obrera y la escasa ayuda estatal para paliar sus restricciones, que genera complicadas condiciones de subsistencia y medios económicos precarios para satisfacer las necesidades. En países desarrollados, en cambio, los servicios básicos como afirma Graham (2000), se asemejan a una “caja negra”, donde los usuarios los consideran artefactos socio-técnicos sin problemas, cerrados y en los que se puede confiar sin dudarlo1. Las cuotas de atención han alcanzado niveles prácticamente totales y los nuevos proyectos se encaminan a la optimización del servicio a través de informes de sostenibilidad, control de residuos y sistemas de información. En esta situación, 1 Llama la atención las situaciones que se han vivido este verano, con racionamientos de agua en municipios de las comunidades de Murcia y Extremadura al sur de España, y los cortes de energía sucedidos en Nueva York y Londres, que ha saltado las alarmas en países donde la prestación de servicios básicos se consideraba casi invulnerable. De otro lado, la Comisión Mundial del Agua impulsada por el Banco Mundial advierte que actualmente 3.000 millones de personas carecen de servicios de saneamiento y 1.200 millones de agua potable. 2 SERGIO E. RODRÍGUEZ Transporte público urbano, Configuración socioeconómica y Marginalidad. 2003 los usuarios comienzan a valorar otras preeminencias y fijan más su atención en prestaciones que las suplen, en compensación a la percepción de que las necesidades básicas (agua, energía...) se encuentran solventadas y que sólo pequeños artilugios resolverán los posibles percances que puedan sobresalir. Es así, como el transporte, las
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