DOCSLIB.ORG

Keeping Tradition Alive: Just War and Historical Imagination Cian O’Driscoll

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Keeping Tradition Alive: Just War and Historical Imagination Cian O’Driscoll Journal of Global Security Studies, 3(2), 2018, 234–247 doi: 10.1093/jogss/ogy003 Research Article Keeping Tradition Alive: Just War and Historical Imagination Cian O’Driscoll University of Glasgow Abstract The just war tradition is one of the key constituencies of international political theory, and its vocab- ulary plays a prominent role in how political and military leaders frame contemporary conflicts. Yet, it stands in danger of turning in on itself and becoming irrelevant. This article argues that scholars who wish to preserve the vitality of this tradition must think in a more open-textured fashion about its historiography. One way to achieve this is to problematize the boundaries of the tradition. This article pursues this objective by treating one figure that stands in a liminal relation to the just war tradition. Despite having a lot to say about the ethics of war, Xenophon is seldom acknowledged as a bona fide just war thinker. The analysis presented here suggests, however, that his writings have much to tell us, not only about how he and his contemporaries thought about the ethics of war, but about how just war thinking is understood (and delimited) today and how it might be revived as a pluralistic critical enterprise. Keywords: just war, ancient Greece, Xenophon, historiography, changing character of war “The past is a different country, they do things differ- its totality, as a rolling story, rather than as an index of ently there.” discrete individuated contributions (Johnson 2009, 252). L. P. Hartley Proponents of this approach argue that not only does it afford us a deeper and more historically contextualized understanding of the various moral categories and prin- Introduction ciples that just war thinking both relies upon and trades What is at stake when one refers to just war tradition in (e.g., just cause, proper authority), it also furnishes us rather than just war theory? To insist on thinking about with a more variegated and potentially critical perspec- just war as a tradition entails rejecting the idea that it re- tive upon how those same categories and principles are 2 duces to a single, coherent, axiomatic theory. Approach- employed today. ing just war in this way involves conceiving of it as a his- It is disappointing, then, to note that scholars who torically continuous collection of closely related but often approach just war as a tradition tend to sell themselves competing voices that, when viewed in concert, form a short by focusing on the same selection of authorita- sustained body of thought and practice.1 As such, think- tive figures (e.g., Augustine, Aquinas, Vitoria, Grotius) ing about just war as a tradition means engaging it in 2 The key proponents of this approach are Johnson (2006) 1 Nardin (1992, 3) defines traditions as “resilient but not and Kelsay (2013). Their approach shares certain simi- immutable practices that are constantly modified in larities with aspects of Skinner’s approach to the history use.” of political thought (2002). O’Driscoll, Cian (2018) Keeping Tradition Alive: Just War and Historical Imagination. Journal of Global Security Studies, doi: 10.1093/jogss/ogy003 © The Author(s) (2018). Published by Oxford University Press on behalf of the International Studies Association. This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/), which permits unrestricted reuse, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. Downloaded from https://academic.oup.com/jogss/article-abstract/3/2/234/4964797 by University of Glasgow user on 07 June 2018 CIAN O’DRISCOLL 235 at the expense of a wider range of thinkers.3 Presum- Popovski, Reichberg, and Turner 2009; Hensel 2010; ably scholars have trained their exegeses on these figures Reichberg, Syse, and Hartwell 2014). because they made seminal contributions to the devel- As developed here, however, the recovery of historical opment of the tradition. This is fine insofar as it goes. imagination assumes a related but subtly different form. But the possibility must also be entertained that the fail- It too is comparative, but it pursues a diachronic rather ure to look beyond the usual suspects reflects a failure synchronic approach. Instead of peering over the bound- of historical imagination. On this account the focus on a aries of the just war tradition to evaluate its counterparts restricted range of thinkers represents a slide into “tra- in other cultures and parts of the world, the idea pro- ditionalism,” that is, a preference for deferring to and posed here is to delve both further and more extensively working within the established canon (Pelikan 1984, 64). into the past than has hitherto been the case to examine The result is problematic: a discourse that is unduly nar- how just war has been understood in earlier historical row and which reproduces itself at the expense of fresh societies.4 thinking (O’Driscoll 2013, 53–56). Scholars who pursue To showcase this approach, this article examines a this approach jeopardize the vitality of the tradition—its set of texts from one remote historical society, namely protean character,its adaptability, its relevance—by turn- classical Greece. Within this frame, its principal focus ing it into a dusty indulgence for antiquarians. is upon the writings of Xenophon of Athens (431–356 The purpose of this article is to argue that this situ- BCE), a figure of some historical significance who is sel- ation can be remedied and to propose a model for how dom considered in relation to the tradition of just war this might be achieved. The idea is simple. It is to extend reasoning, but whose writings have the potential to illu- the historiography of the just war tradition to include a minate some of its core aspects. The discussion will pro- wider range of figures, with a special emphasis on those ceed by examining how Xenophon posits warfare in his who are liminal to the tradition. The intention is not to collected works, and in particular how he examines it in press a case for including this or that figure among the terms of right and wrong. While the primary purpose is list of the great and the good of the just war tradition. not to argue for Xenophon’s inclusion in the tradition, Rather, it is simply to expand the discourse as a means it will be shown that he treats the ethics of war in terms of encouraging more reflexive and open-textured think- that evoke the jus ad bellum and jus in bello categories ing about the boundaries of the tradition and how they and principles that form the conceptual vocabulary of have come to be understood. If scholars are convinced contemporary just war thinking.5 Perhaps more impor- of the utility of thinking about just war as a tradition, tantly, this article will also show that the manner in which but also wish to avoid the flaccid conservatism that is a by-product of recycling the same old canonical texts, this 4 This argument draws upon Schorske’s idea of “thinking represents a viable way forward. In essence, what we are with history” (1998, 3), as well as the work Lowenthal talking about is a recovery of historical imagination. (1985) and others. For a recent example of what this This could take a number of forms. It could, for in- might look like, see Cox (2017). stance, involve an opening up of the discourse to en- 5 There is a temptation here to cavil that this termi- gage non-Western approaches to thinking ethically about nology has no place in any discussion of Xenophon’s war. The comparative ethics of war is a fertile area writings—that this would be anachronistic. This com- for research. Work in this field exhibits a commitment plaint has merit. There are, however, two responses to viewing just war thinking alongside and in dialogue to it. First, it overlooks the degree to which any ex- with other cultural approaches to thinking about and tension of this terminology, coined only in the twenti- regulating warfare (e.g., as found in Islamic political eth century (Kolb 1997), to classical just war thought is thought or Hinduism). This approach already has pro- anachronistic. Second, while scholars must be mind- duced an impressive body of scholarship (Johnson and ful to treat historical categories of thought sensitively Kelsay 1991; Nardin 1996; Sorabji and Rodin 2006; and with due appreciation for their contextual charac- ter, some element of translation may be necessary to render those ideas intelligible to a contemporary audi- 3 There is no need to name names here; most of us who ence (Rorty, Schneewind, and Skinner 1984, 6–7). To this write about the history of the just war tradition are end, it can be useful to treat certain “low-level plati- culpable on this count. Honorable exceptions include tudes” as “bridgehead” concepts that make conversa- Cox (2014); Bachofen (2015); Pugliatti (2010); Brunstetter tions possible across different societies and eras (Rorty, (2010); Orend (2000); Syse (2010); and Reichberg, Syse, Scheewind, and Skinner 1984,2;alsoLloyd 2004, 8). This and Begby (2006). article uses just war categories in this way. Downloaded from https://academic.oup.com/jogss/article-abstract/3/2/234/4964797 by University of Glasgow user on 07 June 2018 236 Just War and Historical Imagination Xenophon conceives of and deploys these terms casts a of Socrates, with whom he was personally acquainted revealing light upon how they are understood and em- (Anderson 2001, 28). The latter’s execution in 399 BCE ployed today.6 was a formative moment in Xenophon’s life, souring his In this regard, four points of interest come to the relationship with Athenian democracy.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Anton Powell, Nicolas Richer (Eds.), Xenophon and Sparta, the Classical Press of Wales, Swansea 2020, 378 Pp.; ISBN 978-1-910589-74-8
    ELECTRUM * Vol. 27 (2020): 213–216 doi:10.4467/20800909EL.20.011.12801 www.ejournals.eu/electrum Anton Powell, Nicolas Richer (eds.), Xenophon and Sparta, The Classical Press of Wales, Swansea 2020, 378 pp.; ISBN 978-1-910589-74-8 The reviewed book is a collection of twelve papers, previously presented at the confe- rence organised by École Normale Supérieure in Lyon in 2006. According to the edi- tors, this is a first volume in the planned series dealing with sources of Spartan his- tory. The books that follow this will deal with the presence of this topic in works by Thucydides, Herodotus, Plutarch, and in archaeological material. The decision to start the cycle from Xenophon cannot be considered as surprising; this ancient author has not only written about Sparta, but also had opportunities to visit the country, person- ally met a number of its officials (including king Agesilaus), and even sent his own sons for a Spartan upbringing. Thus his writings are widely considered as our best source to the history of Sparta in the classical age. Despite this, Xenophon’s literary work remains the subject of numerous controver- sies in discussions among modern scholars. The question of his objectivity is especial- ly problematic and the views about the strong partisanship of Xenophon prevailed for a long time; allegedly, he was depicting Sparta and king Agesilaus in a possibly overly positive light, even omitting inconvenient information.1 In the second half of the 20th century such opinion has been met with a convincing polemic, clearly seen in the works of H.
    [Show full text]
  • Why Did Xenophon Write a Symposium? Erotica Paideia and Logos Sokratikos*
    JOSÉ VELA TEJADA Why did Xenophon write a Symposium? Erotica paideia and logos Sokratikos* 1. Xenophon, Socrates and the logos Sokratikos Xenophon bequeathed a collection of works, with philosophical con- tent, grouped under the title of Socratica, whose composing was mainly in- spired by the leading role of Socrates, or, actually, by Xenophon’s under- standing of the Athenian master’s ideas. Therefore, the Socrates’ lifetime until his condemn, and his intellectual activity – matters that are less focused in his historical works – find a proper narrative vehicle in the Socratica, ac- cording to Xenophontean tendency to thematic specialization. The topic of this essay is the effect of Socratic spirit1, also ascertained in the pedagogic aim and in the ultimate search of the individual paradigm of the Xenophon’s historical works. Nevertheless, we should not insist – as in previous analyses – in estab- lishing the epistemological superiority that results from comparison with * This article was made under the general frame of the Research-Team Byblíon H 52 (Dirección General de Investigación, Innovación y Desarrollo, Consejería de Ciencia y Tec- nología, DGA, Spain). 1 We say spirit or influence because, although Xenophon informs us of personal rela- tionship with Socrates in Anabasis (III, 1, 5), this does not mean that he was member of the closest circle of Socrates’ disciples. In relation to that, WATERFIELD 2004, 79, considers Xe- nophon as a true Socratic for “he followed Socrates’ philosophy to the best of his ability”. H istorikαv I 2011 ISSN 2240-774X e-ISSN 2039-4985 81 José Vela Tejada Plato2. Sometimes it has been suggested that the Xenophontean profile of Socrates has a more accurate historical reliability than the Platonic one; however, we cannot prove any hypothesis neither in the historian nor in the philosopher3.
    [Show full text]
  • De Novis Libris Iudicia 247 XENOPHON: Hiero the Tyrant And
    De novis libris iudicia 247 XENOPHON: Hiero the Tyrant and Other Treatises. Translated by ROBIN WATERFIELD, with introductions and notes by PAUL CARTLEDGE. Penguin Books, London – New York 1997. ISBN 0-14-044682-6. xxxi, 248 pp. GBP 7.99 / USD 13.95. Waterfield had previously published, together with H. Tredennick, the Memoirs of Socrates in 1990 in a volume entitled Conversations of Socrates in the same Penguin Classics. Now he presents a new translation of Hiero, Agesilaus, Hipparchicus, De re equestri, Cynegeticus, and Poroi. The six treatises are translated from Marchant's Oxford edition from 1920 (he would have had some more recent editions at his disposal, but neglecting them may not have caused any great harm); at the end of the volume the reader is offered some textual notes. Waterfield's translations seem to be – if a non-native speaker of English be permitted to judge – clear and accurate. The volume is opened by Paul Cartledge's succinct and well-written Introduction. Heikki Solin MELISSA S. LANE: Method and Politics in Plato's Statesman. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 1998. ISBN 0-521-58229-6. 229 pp. GBP 35. Until quite recently, the interest in Plato's so-called late dialogues has been considerably weaker than in the dialogues considered earlier. In the latter, language, style and drama are often more elaborate, and thus they are more enjoyable to read as well as, sometimes, easier to understand. Even among the less entertaining late dialogues, the Statesman has sometimes been judged as exceptionally dull. With the new interest in the philosophical content of the late dialogues, several studies have shown that an assiduous inquiry into this neglected side of Plato has much to offer.
    [Show full text]
  • Xenophon's Theory of Moral Education Ix
    Xenophon’s Theory of Moral Education Xenophon’s Theory of Moral Education By Houliang Lu Xenophon’s Theory of Moral Education By Houliang Lu This book first published 2015 Cambridge Scholars Publishing Lady Stephenson Library, Newcastle upon Tyne, NE6 2PA, UK British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Copyright © 2015 by Houliang Lu All rights for this book reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the copyright owner. ISBN (10): 1-4438-6880-9 ISBN (13): 978-1-4438-6880-8 TABLE OF CONTENTS Acknowledgements ................................................................................... vii Editions ..................................................................................................... viii Introduction ................................................................................................. 1 Part I: Background of Xenophon’s Thought on Moral Education Chapter One ............................................................................................... 13 Xenophon’s View of His Time Chapter Two .............................................................................................. 41 Influence of Socrates on Xenophon’s Thought on Moral Education Part II: A Systematic Theory of Moral Education from a Social Perspective Chapter One ..............................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Your Guide to the Classic Literature CD Version 4 Electronic Texts For
    Your Guide to the Classic Literature CD Version 4 Electronic texts for use with Kurzweil 1000 and Kurzweil 3000. Your Guide to the Classic Literature CD Version 4. Copyright © 2003-2010 by Kurzweil Educational Systems, Inc. All rights reserved. Eleventh printing, January 2010. Kurzweil 1000 and Kurzweil 3000 are trademarks of Kurzweil Educational Systems, Inc., a Cambium Learning Technologies Company. All other trademarks used herein are the properties of their respective owners and are used for identification purposes only. Part Number: 125516 UPC: 634171255169 11 12 13 14 15 BNG 14 13 12 11 10 Printed in the United States of America. 25 Prime Park Way . Natick, MA 01760 . (781) 276-0600 2-0 Introduction Kurzweil Educational Systems is pleased to release the Classic Literature CD Version 4. The Classic Literature CD is a portable library of approximately 1,800 electronic texts, selected from public domain material available from Web sites such as www.gutenberg.net. You can easily access the CD’s contents from any of Kurzweil Educational Systems products: Kurzweil 1000™, Kurzweil 3000™ for the Apple® Macintosh® and Kurzweil 3000 for Microsoft® Windows®. Some examples of the CD’s contents are: Literary classics by Jane Austen, Geoffrey Chaucer, Joseph Conrad, Charles Dickens, Fyodor Dostoyevsky, Hermann Hesse, Henry James, William Shakespeare, George Bernard Shaw, Leo Tolstoy and Oscar Wilde. Children’s classics by L. Frank Baum, Brothers Grimm, Rudyard Kipling, Jack London, and Mark Twain. Classic texts from Aristotle and Plato. Scientific works such as Einstein’s “Relativity: The Special and General Theory.” Reference materials, including world factbooks, famous speeches, history resources, and United States law.
    [Show full text]
  • Download Download
    Indices Index locorum Achilles Tatius 8.10-13, 164 1.1.2-1.2.1, 181 8.25-9.10, 261 1.15.1-2, 175 11.1.1, 245 3.5.6-4.19, 231 11.28.6, 296 3.10.6, 177 Aristoteles 3.23.4, 177 Rh. 1357a-b, 27 4.12.1, 178 1416b, 21 5.15.3-5.16.7, 180 Augustinus 5.15-17.1, 232 Ep. 138.19, 273 7.1.3, 107 Beroaldus Aelius Aristides 1500 comm. Apul. Met. 1vo, 273 49.38, 137 Apul. Met. 150vo, 279 Alciphron Apul. Met. 154vo, 277 ep. 1.22, 181 Apul. Met. 160vo, 281 Alexander Romance Apul. Met. 164, 286 3.2, 168 Apul. Met. 166vo, 275 Aphthonius Chariton Progymn. 2, 21 1.1.1, 13, 37, 52 Apocolocyntosis 1.1.2-3, 51 1.1-2, 4 1.11.1-3, 226 Apuleius 2.3.10, 71 Apol. 4.1, 259 2.5.2, 73 Fl. 13.3, 247 2.9.4-5, 58 20.5-6, 244 3.4.18, 55 Met. 1.1.4, 296 3.7.1-3, 62 1.2.5, 262 3.10.2, 62 1.6.2, 274 5.1, 226 2.12, 164 5.1.3-7, 227 2.28.3, 292 5.2.1, 70 4.35.4, 253 5.3.9, 70 5.19.5, 254 5.3.10, 67 5.22.6, 246 5.9.3, 75 5.26.6, 288 6.3-5, 10 5.30.1, 255 6.8.6-7, 72 6.18.6, 257 7.1.9, 76 6.29.3, 278 7.3.4, 72 7.15.3, 277 7.6.9, 107 7.23.3, 281 8.1.4, 39 7.27.5, 286 8.2.1-3, 57 350 INDICES 8.3.2, 74 Krinagoras 8.7, 41 AP 6.25, 143 8.8.13-14, 42 Letters of Apollonios of Tyana 8.8.16, 37 no.
    [Show full text]
  • BRUCE LAFORSE, Praising Agesilaus: the Limits of Panhellenic
    Praising Agesilaus: the Limits of Panhellenic Rhetoric Bruce Laforse Shortly after the death of the Spartan king Agesilaus c. 360, Xenophon wrote an encomium of his old friend and patron. As one of the two kings in the unique Spartan dual kingship, Agesilaus had played a crucial role from 400 to 360 BC, a period which saw Sparta both rise to the pinnacle of power and then collapse. The Agesilaus is one of the earliest surviving examples of a prose work written in praise of an historical figure.1 In such an encomium the object was not to present a strictly accurate portrait of the subject; rather it was to praise his character, glorify his achievements and, on the other hand, to anticipate or defend against any potential detractors.2 Omission, exaggeration and bending of the truth were not only allowed but, indeed, expected. Its purpose, therefore, was far different from that of a modern biography; nor, despite the idealization of the subject’s character, did it attempt primarily to uplift and instruct, as did Plutarch’s later moralizing biographies, by presenting positive and negative models to emulate or avoid.3 It was designed to praise, to put the best possible face on the subject’s life, career, background and character.4 It is not, then, strictly speaking, a work of history, and thus scholars must exercise caution when using it as an historical source.5 Supplying conclusive proof that Xenophon himself regarded the purpose of the Agesilaus as fundamentally different from history is the fact that he wrote a much fuller and (comparatively) more balanced account of Agesilaus’ career in the Hellenica, his history of the years 411 to 362.6 The two works date to the same period, and share, with very minor alterations, a number of passages.
    [Show full text]
  • 1 Xenophon Poroi 5
    ORE Open Research Exeter TITLE Xenophon Poroi 5: Securing a ‘More Just’ Athenian Hegemony AUTHORS Farrell, CA JOURNAL Polis: The Journal for Ancient Greek Political Thought DEPOSITED IN ORE 03 March 2016 This version available at http://hdl.handle.net/10871/20403 COPYRIGHT AND REUSE Open Research Exeter makes this work available in accordance with publisher policies. A NOTE ON VERSIONS The version presented here may differ from the published version. If citing, you are advised to consult the published version for pagination, volume/issue and date of publication Xenophon Poroi 5: Securing a ‘More Just’ Athenian Hegemony Abstract: The present study examines section five of Poroi and Xenophon’s proposal to restore the reputation of Athens. After outlining his plan for ‘justly’ supplying the dēmos with sufficient sustenance in Poroi 1-4, section 5 addresses the desire to regain hegemony after Athens had lost the Social War. Xenophon does not adopt an anti-imperialist stance; instead he seeks to re-align imperial aspirations with Athenian ideals and earlier paradigms for securing hegemony. Xenophon’s ideas in Poroi are contextualized with consideration for his ‘Socratic’ distinction between tyranny and kingship, as well as his wider advice for ruling well. It is shown that his proposals for securing the consent of the allies reiterates ideas that Xenophon outlines across his corpus, especially Hiero and Cyropaedia. In Poroi Xenophon therefore applies his political thought in an attempt to re-direct Athenian ambitions away from policies that prompted charges of being a ‘tyrant polis’ and towards ‘legitimate rule’. Keywords: Xenophon; Poroi; imperialism/hegemony; Social War In 2009 Dustin Gish and Wayne Ambler co-edited a volume of Polis devoted to Xenophon.
    [Show full text]
  • Dialogue and Virtue in Xenophon's
    Dialogue, Speeches, and the Acquisition of Virtue In Xenophon’s Memorabilia Louis-André Dorion (Université de Montréal) The role that dialogue plays in the works of Xenophon is a deeply interesting issue that could be analyzed from a variety of different perspectives. From a literary point of view, it would be possible to raise the question of how dialogue fits into what is above all a narrative framework, in particular in the Cyropaedia and in the Anabasis. It would also be worthwhile to analyze from a literary point of view dialogues that have the form of a mise en abyme. Here I am mainly thinking of the dialogue between Virtue and Vice (Mem. 2.1.21-34), which is related by Socrates in a conversation with Aristippus, as well as of the dialogue between Socrates and Ischomachus (Oec. 7-21), which is also related by Socrates, but this time in a conversation with Critobulus. In addition, it would be interesting to ask whether the dialogues in Xenophon’s Socratic writings are models for the dialogues in his other works. For example, does the dialogue between Simonides and Hiero, in Xenophon’s Hiero, have the same literary form and the same philosophical aims as the Socratic dialogues in the Memorabilia? Is the irony that Simonides manifests in the first part of the Hiero of the same nature as Socrates’ irony? These are a few examples of questions, among many others, that it would be interesting to examine. I have decided, however, to examine Xenophon’s use of dialogue from another interpretative angle, one that is somewhat ambitious, for I propose to analyze the nature, the role, and the effectiveness of dialogue in the process of acquiring virtue as it is depicted in the Memorabilia.
    [Show full text]
  • Loeb Classical Library
    LOEB CLASSICAL LIBRARY 2015 Founded by JAMES LOEB 1911 Edited by JEFFREY HENDERSON DIGITAL LOEB CLASSICAL LIBRARY For information about digital Loeb Classical Library access plans or to register for an institutional free trial, visit www.loebclassics.com Winner, PROSE Award for Best Humanities eProduct, Association of American Publishers “For the last couple of decades, the Loeb Library has been undergoing a renaissance. There are new or revised translations of many authors, and, a month or two back, the entire library was brought online at loebclassics.com. There are other searchable classics databases … Yet there is still something glorious about having all 500-plus Loebs online … It’s an extraordinary resource.” —ROGER KIMBALL, NEW CRITERION “The Loeb Library … remains to this day the Anglophone world’s most readily accessible collection of classical masterpieces … Now, with their digitization, [the translations] have crossed yet another frontier.” —WALL STREET JOURNAL The mission of the Loeb Classical Library, founded by James Loeb in 1911, has always been to make Classical Greek and Latin literature accessible to the broadest range of readers. The digital Loeb Classical Library extends this mission into the twenty-first century. Harvard University Press is honored to renew James Loeb’s vision of accessibility and to present an interconnected, fully searchable, perpetually growing, virtual library of all that is important in Greek and Latin literature. e Single- and dual-language reading modes e Sophisticated Bookmarking and Annotation features e Tools for sharing Bookmarks and Annotations e User account and My Loeb content saved in perpetuity e Greek keyboard e Intuitive Search and Browse e Includes every Loeb volume in print e New volumes uploaded regularly www.loebclassics.com also available in theNEW i tatti TITLES renaissance library THEOCRITUS.
    [Show full text]
  • The Manuscripts of Xenophon's "Symposium" , Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies, 34:2 (1993:Summer) P.187
    CIRIGNANO, JOHN, The Manuscripts of Xenophon's "Symposium" , Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies, 34:2 (1993:Summer) p.187 The Manuscripts of Xenophon's Symposium John Cirignano CENT SCHOLARSHIP has produced a clearer picture of the Krelationships among manuscripts of certain opuscula of Xenophon. 1 These shorter works have been shown to belong to two distinct families: one headed by Vaticanus gr. 1335 (A), the other by a lost hyparchetype, Cl>. In this paper I examine and interrelate manuscripts containing Xenophon's Symposium, a work found only in the manuscripts of the second family. The twenty-three manuscripts described here contain a total of twenty-five Symp. texts, seven of which are incomplete.2 Three of the four groups of the <l> family of Symp. 1 Agesilaus: R. WIECZOREK, Xenophon 's Agesilaus: A Collation, Stemma, and Critical Text (diss. University of Iowa 1975 [Ann Arbor 1975: hereafter 'Wieczorek']); Hiero: J. K. DEULING and]. CiRIGNANO, "A Reappraisal of the Later ABS Family Tradition of Xenophon's [fiero," Scriptorium 44 (1990: 'Deuling and Cirignano') 54-68; D. O. Haltinner and E. A. Schmoll, "The Older Manuscripts of Xenophon's Hiero, " RHText 10 (1980) 231-36; L. LEVERENZ, "The Descendants of Laurentianus 80.13 in Xenophon's Hiero," StIt 7 (1989: 'Leverenz') 12-23; Memorabilia: M. BANDINI, "Osservazioni sulla storia del testo dei Memorabili di Senofonte in eta umanistica," StCIOr (1988: 'Bandini, "Osservazioni''') 271-92, and "I Memorabili di Senofante fra il Bessarione, Isidoro di Kiev, e Pier Vettori," BollClass 12 (1991: 'Bandini, "Mem. "') 83-92; lIipparchicus: D. F. JACKSON, "A New Look at the Manuscripts of Xenophon's Hipparchicus," CQ N.S.
    [Show full text]
  • Xenophon's Virtue Personified
    Kentron Revue pluridisciplinaire du monde antique 32 | 2016 Approches historiennes des images (I) Xenophon’s Virtue Personified Nili Alon Amit Electronic version URL: http://journals.openedition.org/kentron/855 DOI: 10.4000/kentron.855 ISSN: 2264-1459 Publisher Presses universitaires de Caen Printed version Date of publication: 31 December 2016 Number of pages: 137-150 ISBN: 978-2-84133-840-5 ISSN: 0765-0590 Electronic reference Nili Alon Amit, « Xenophon’s Virtue Personified », Kentron [Online], 32 | 2016, Online since 10 May 2017, connection on 16 November 2020. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/kentron/855 ; DOI : https:// doi.org/10.4000/kentron.855 Kentron is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 3.0 International License. XENOPHON’S VIRTUE PERSONIFIED Some elements in man’s nature make for friendship. […] For thanks to their virtue (διὰ γὰρ τὴν ἀρετήν) these prize the untroubled security of moderate possessions above sovereignty won by war; despite hunger and thirst, they can share their food and drink without a pang; and although they delight in the charms of beauty they can resist the lure and avoid offending those whom they should respect (Xenophon, Mem. 2.6.21-22, Socrates on friendship) 1. In the above quotation Socrates explains to Critobulus that friendship is created and sustained through the virtues of friends. Virtue (arete) is said to enable friendship; but it is described in terms that, as we shall see, are not case-specific but common to all instances of arete in Xenophon’s writings: in other places it is security or self-preservation which is gained through virtue, which is described as moderation, endurance, and self restraint.
    [Show full text]