Xenophon's Virtue Personified
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Keeping Tradition Alive: Just War and Historical Imagination Cian O’Driscoll
Journal of Global Security Studies, 3(2), 2018, 234–247 doi: 10.1093/jogss/ogy003 Research Article Keeping Tradition Alive: Just War and Historical Imagination Cian O’Driscoll University of Glasgow Abstract The just war tradition is one of the key constituencies of international political theory, and its vocab- ulary plays a prominent role in how political and military leaders frame contemporary conflicts. Yet, it stands in danger of turning in on itself and becoming irrelevant. This article argues that scholars who wish to preserve the vitality of this tradition must think in a more open-textured fashion about its historiography. One way to achieve this is to problematize the boundaries of the tradition. This article pursues this objective by treating one figure that stands in a liminal relation to the just war tradition. Despite having a lot to say about the ethics of war, Xenophon is seldom acknowledged as a bona fide just war thinker. The analysis presented here suggests, however, that his writings have much to tell us, not only about how he and his contemporaries thought about the ethics of war, but about how just war thinking is understood (and delimited) today and how it might be revived as a pluralistic critical enterprise. Keywords: just war, ancient Greece, Xenophon, historiography, changing character of war “The past is a different country, they do things differ- its totality, as a rolling story, rather than as an index of ently there.” discrete individuated contributions (Johnson 2009, 252). L. P. Hartley Proponents of this -
Anton Powell, Nicolas Richer (Eds.), Xenophon and Sparta, the Classical Press of Wales, Swansea 2020, 378 Pp.; ISBN 978-1-910589-74-8
ELECTRUM * Vol. 27 (2020): 213–216 doi:10.4467/20800909EL.20.011.12801 www.ejournals.eu/electrum Anton Powell, Nicolas Richer (eds.), Xenophon and Sparta, The Classical Press of Wales, Swansea 2020, 378 pp.; ISBN 978-1-910589-74-8 The reviewed book is a collection of twelve papers, previously presented at the confe- rence organised by École Normale Supérieure in Lyon in 2006. According to the edi- tors, this is a first volume in the planned series dealing with sources of Spartan his- tory. The books that follow this will deal with the presence of this topic in works by Thucydides, Herodotus, Plutarch, and in archaeological material. The decision to start the cycle from Xenophon cannot be considered as surprising; this ancient author has not only written about Sparta, but also had opportunities to visit the country, person- ally met a number of its officials (including king Agesilaus), and even sent his own sons for a Spartan upbringing. Thus his writings are widely considered as our best source to the history of Sparta in the classical age. Despite this, Xenophon’s literary work remains the subject of numerous controver- sies in discussions among modern scholars. The question of his objectivity is especial- ly problematic and the views about the strong partisanship of Xenophon prevailed for a long time; allegedly, he was depicting Sparta and king Agesilaus in a possibly overly positive light, even omitting inconvenient information.1 In the second half of the 20th century such opinion has been met with a convincing polemic, clearly seen in the works of H. -
Citations in Classics and Ancient History
Citations in Classics and Ancient History The most common style in use in the field of Classical Studies is the author-date style, also known as Chicago 2, but MLA is also quite common and perfectly acceptable. Quick guides for each of MLA and Chicago 2 are readily available as PDF downloads. The Chicago Manual of Style Online offers a guide on their web-page: http://www.chicagomanualofstyle.org/tools_citationguide.html The Modern Language Association (MLA) does not, but many educational institutions post an MLA guide for free access. While a specific citation style should be followed carefully, none take into account the specific practices of Classical Studies. They are all (Chicago, MLA and others) perfectly suitable for citing most resources, but should not be followed for citing ancient Greek and Latin primary source material, including primary sources in translation. Citing Primary Sources: Every ancient text has its own unique system for locating content by numbers. For example, Homer's Iliad is divided into 24 Books (what we might now call chapters) and the lines of each Book are numbered from line 1. Herodotus' Histories is divided into nine Books and each of these Books is divided into Chapters and each chapter into line numbers. The purpose of such a system is that the Iliad, or any primary source, can be cited in any language and from any publication and always refer to the same passage. That is why we do not cite Herodotus page 66. Page 66 in what publication, in what edition? Very early in your textbook, Apodexis Historia, a passage from Herodotus is reproduced. -
Neoplatonic Asclepius: Science and Religion at the Crossroads of Aristotelian Biology, Hippocratic Medicine and Platonic Theurgy
Studia Antiqua et Archaeologica 23(2): 333–349 Neoplatonic Asclepius: Science and religion at the crossroads of Aristotelian biology, Hippocratic medicine and Platonic theurgy Eugene AFONASIN1 Abstract. In the first part of the paper, I will briefly discuss certain peculiarities of the medical profession in antiquity. In his Philosophical History (fr. 80–84 Athanassiadi) Damascius narrates about a philosopher, named Asclepiodotus, whose interests ranged from Platonic philosophy to Aristotelian natural sciences. Asclepiodotus’ instructor in medical matters, a son of a doctor from the island of Rhodos, Iacobus, is pictured by Damascius as an exemplary figure (fr. 84), who, unlike many of his contemporaries, always tested the opinions of others and gained a reputation of an extremely successful physician, although the methods of treatment, ascribed to him by Damascius, are highly reminiscent of those presented as the Pythagorean by Iamblichus (On the Pythagorean way of life 244). In this respect both Iacobus and Asclepiodotus are conformed to the best standards of medical ethics, and pass the test set by Galen in his “On examination by which the best physicians are recognized”, except perhaps by the fact that they preferred to base their activities on such authorities as Aristotle and the Methodist Soranus rather than on a list of the “dogmatists” proposed by Galen. In the second part of the paper, dedicated to the cult of Asclepius in Late Antiquity, I will look at various kinds of evidence taken from the Neoplatonic philosophers. Having discussed first the principal philosophical interpretations of Asclepius found in Apuleius, Aelianus, Macrobius, Julian, Porphyry, Iamblichus, Proclus, Damascius, etc., we turn to Proclus’ attitude to Athena and Asclepius as reflected in Marinus’ Vita Procli and finally discuss the cult of Eshmun as found in Damascius. -
Xenophon's Theory of Moral Education Ix
Xenophon’s Theory of Moral Education Xenophon’s Theory of Moral Education By Houliang Lu Xenophon’s Theory of Moral Education By Houliang Lu This book first published 2015 Cambridge Scholars Publishing Lady Stephenson Library, Newcastle upon Tyne, NE6 2PA, UK British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Copyright © 2015 by Houliang Lu All rights for this book reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the copyright owner. ISBN (10): 1-4438-6880-9 ISBN (13): 978-1-4438-6880-8 TABLE OF CONTENTS Acknowledgements ................................................................................... vii Editions ..................................................................................................... viii Introduction ................................................................................................. 1 Part I: Background of Xenophon’s Thought on Moral Education Chapter One ............................................................................................... 13 Xenophon’s View of His Time Chapter Two .............................................................................................. 41 Influence of Socrates on Xenophon’s Thought on Moral Education Part II: A Systematic Theory of Moral Education from a Social Perspective Chapter One .............................................................................................. -
Scripta Minora, with an English Translation by E.C. Marchant
THE LOEB CLASSICAL LIBRARY FOUKDED BY J1.MKS LOEB, IX.D. EDITED BT t T. E. PAGE, C.H., LITT.D. E. CAPPS, PH.D., LL.D W. H. D. ROUSE, litt.d. L. A. POST, M.A. E. H. WARMINGTON. m.a. XENOPHON SCRIITA MINORA XENOPHON SCRIPTA MINORA WITH AN ENGLISH TRAXSLATION BY E. C. MARCHANT nTB-RECTOR OF LINCOLM COLLKOE, OXFORD LONDON WILLIAM HEINEMANN LTD CAMBRIDGE, MASSACHUSETTS HARVARD UNIVERSITY PRESS MCMXLVI FmsT Pbikted . 1925 Repbiijtkd . 1946 PrinUd tn Qreal Britain CONTENTS PAOK ixTRODUcnoK ii HIKRO • 1 AGESILATT8 59 CONSTHTXJTION OF THE LACBDAEM0NIAN8 135 WAY8 AND MEANS 191 ON THE CAVALRT COMMANDSR 233 ON THB ART OF H0RSEMAN8HIF 296 ON HTTNTINO 365 INDIX . •• 459 INTRODUCTION " Well, Xenophon, I had been told that you are an Athenian ; and that was all I knew about you : but now I praise you for your words and deeds, and I should wish as many as possible to be like you. That would be good for everybody."—Cheirisophus the Lacedaemonian, in Anabasis, iii. i. 45. Various modern writers have challenged the ascription to Xenophon of every one of the works included in this volume. The Agesilatis and the Ways and Means have suffered much from the on- slaughts of the critics, the Jgesilaus on account of its style, the JVai/s and Means for its subject matter It must sutfice here to say that no case has been made out against any one of them, with the excep- tion of the Hunting ; and, even in that case, it is impossible to state with confidence that the main portion of the treatise was not written by Xenophon.^ The rest may be accepted with confidence as the work of the man whose name they bear. -
The Development of Xenophon's
THE DEVELOPMENT OF XENOPHON'S POLITICAL IDEAS by PETER JACOB RAHN B.A. , University of British Columbia, 1962 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF WHE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in the Department of CLASSICS We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA July, 1969 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and Study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by his representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Department of The University of British Columbia Vancouver 8, Canada Date ABSTRACT This thesis traces the development of Xenophon*s political ideas from his youth to old age. Special attention is given to statements of evaluation in the Hellenica concerning events that occurred in his lifetime. The basic attitudes and ideas of his other works are analysed and fitted into the chronolo• gical framework provided by the study of the Hellenica. Then we conclude that Xenophon's ideas were not static but changed to meet the immediate needs of the Greek states. The bases upon which his ideas are founded are two attitudes that are constantly in a tension. These are, on,the one hand, an aris• tocratic admiration of the heroic warrior and, on the other, an attitude designated as philanthropia. -
BRUCE LAFORSE, Praising Agesilaus: the Limits of Panhellenic
Praising Agesilaus: the Limits of Panhellenic Rhetoric Bruce Laforse Shortly after the death of the Spartan king Agesilaus c. 360, Xenophon wrote an encomium of his old friend and patron. As one of the two kings in the unique Spartan dual kingship, Agesilaus had played a crucial role from 400 to 360 BC, a period which saw Sparta both rise to the pinnacle of power and then collapse. The Agesilaus is one of the earliest surviving examples of a prose work written in praise of an historical figure.1 In such an encomium the object was not to present a strictly accurate portrait of the subject; rather it was to praise his character, glorify his achievements and, on the other hand, to anticipate or defend against any potential detractors.2 Omission, exaggeration and bending of the truth were not only allowed but, indeed, expected. Its purpose, therefore, was far different from that of a modern biography; nor, despite the idealization of the subject’s character, did it attempt primarily to uplift and instruct, as did Plutarch’s later moralizing biographies, by presenting positive and negative models to emulate or avoid.3 It was designed to praise, to put the best possible face on the subject’s life, career, background and character.4 It is not, then, strictly speaking, a work of history, and thus scholars must exercise caution when using it as an historical source.5 Supplying conclusive proof that Xenophon himself regarded the purpose of the Agesilaus as fundamentally different from history is the fact that he wrote a much fuller and (comparatively) more balanced account of Agesilaus’ career in the Hellenica, his history of the years 411 to 362.6 The two works date to the same period, and share, with very minor alterations, a number of passages. -
1 Xenophon Poroi 5
ORE Open Research Exeter TITLE Xenophon Poroi 5: Securing a ‘More Just’ Athenian Hegemony AUTHORS Farrell, CA JOURNAL Polis: The Journal for Ancient Greek Political Thought DEPOSITED IN ORE 03 March 2016 This version available at http://hdl.handle.net/10871/20403 COPYRIGHT AND REUSE Open Research Exeter makes this work available in accordance with publisher policies. A NOTE ON VERSIONS The version presented here may differ from the published version. If citing, you are advised to consult the published version for pagination, volume/issue and date of publication Xenophon Poroi 5: Securing a ‘More Just’ Athenian Hegemony Abstract: The present study examines section five of Poroi and Xenophon’s proposal to restore the reputation of Athens. After outlining his plan for ‘justly’ supplying the dēmos with sufficient sustenance in Poroi 1-4, section 5 addresses the desire to regain hegemony after Athens had lost the Social War. Xenophon does not adopt an anti-imperialist stance; instead he seeks to re-align imperial aspirations with Athenian ideals and earlier paradigms for securing hegemony. Xenophon’s ideas in Poroi are contextualized with consideration for his ‘Socratic’ distinction between tyranny and kingship, as well as his wider advice for ruling well. It is shown that his proposals for securing the consent of the allies reiterates ideas that Xenophon outlines across his corpus, especially Hiero and Cyropaedia. In Poroi Xenophon therefore applies his political thought in an attempt to re-direct Athenian ambitions away from policies that prompted charges of being a ‘tyrant polis’ and towards ‘legitimate rule’. Keywords: Xenophon; Poroi; imperialism/hegemony; Social War In 2009 Dustin Gish and Wayne Ambler co-edited a volume of Polis devoted to Xenophon. -
Flavius Arrianus: the New Xenophon Stadter, Philip a Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies; Summer 1967; 8, 2; Proquest Pg
Flavius Arrianus: the New Xenophon Stadter, Philip A Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies; Summer 1967; 8, 2; ProQuest pg. 155 Flavius Arrianus: the New Xenophon Philip A. Stadter T SOMETIMES HAPPENS that a great writer is thrown iI'lto obscurity by I the very success of his work and the interest aroused by his sub ject. James Boswell for many years was remembered as little more than the rather dissolute biographer of Samuel Johnson, and some marveled that so petty a man was ever able to produce such an imposing portrait. As interest turned, however, and the widespread publication of Boswell's journals allowed the man to be known in more depth, Boswell emerged as a man in some ways no less remark able than his remarkable friend. The biographer was recognized as a great figure and the book as but one product of a brilliant mind and a distinctive personality. Much the same may be said of Arrian, a historian more ignored than obscure, whose literary triumph, the Anabasis of Alexander, by its very success has turned the attention of classical scholars from its author to Alexander himself. This focus on the subject of the history to the exclusion of the historian-a focus risky for the historian of Alexander's conquest, reprehensible for the historiographer-has not infrequently produced studies of sources with no knowledge of the man using those sources, and evaluations of aims, opinions and judgements with no thought of the man who conceived them. Recently, however, with the renewed interest now being shown in the Greek revival of the second century, Arrian has begun to receive his rightful attention as the man who saved the historical portrait of one of the world's great conquerors from the cloud of romance. -
The Manuscripts of Xenophon's "Symposium" , Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies, 34:2 (1993:Summer) P.187
CIRIGNANO, JOHN, The Manuscripts of Xenophon's "Symposium" , Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies, 34:2 (1993:Summer) p.187 The Manuscripts of Xenophon's Symposium John Cirignano CENT SCHOLARSHIP has produced a clearer picture of the Krelationships among manuscripts of certain opuscula of Xenophon. 1 These shorter works have been shown to belong to two distinct families: one headed by Vaticanus gr. 1335 (A), the other by a lost hyparchetype, Cl>. In this paper I examine and interrelate manuscripts containing Xenophon's Symposium, a work found only in the manuscripts of the second family. The twenty-three manuscripts described here contain a total of twenty-five Symp. texts, seven of which are incomplete.2 Three of the four groups of the <l> family of Symp. 1 Agesilaus: R. WIECZOREK, Xenophon 's Agesilaus: A Collation, Stemma, and Critical Text (diss. University of Iowa 1975 [Ann Arbor 1975: hereafter 'Wieczorek']); Hiero: J. K. DEULING and]. CiRIGNANO, "A Reappraisal of the Later ABS Family Tradition of Xenophon's [fiero," Scriptorium 44 (1990: 'Deuling and Cirignano') 54-68; D. O. Haltinner and E. A. Schmoll, "The Older Manuscripts of Xenophon's Hiero, " RHText 10 (1980) 231-36; L. LEVERENZ, "The Descendants of Laurentianus 80.13 in Xenophon's Hiero," StIt 7 (1989: 'Leverenz') 12-23; Memorabilia: M. BANDINI, "Osservazioni sulla storia del testo dei Memorabili di Senofonte in eta umanistica," StCIOr (1988: 'Bandini, "Osservazioni''') 271-92, and "I Memorabili di Senofante fra il Bessarione, Isidoro di Kiev, e Pier Vettori," BollClass 12 (1991: 'Bandini, "Mem. "') 83-92; lIipparchicus: D. F. JACKSON, "A New Look at the Manuscripts of Xenophon's Hipparchicus," CQ N.S. -
Artemis: Goddess of Conservation Author(S): J
Artemis: Goddess of Conservation Author(s): J. Donald Hughes Source: Forest & Conservation History, Vol. 34, No. 4 (Oct., 1990), pp. 191-197 Published by: Forest History Society and American Society for Environmental History Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3983705 . Accessed: 07/05/2014 23:17 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Forest History Society and American Society for Environmental History are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Forest &Conservation History. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 128.95.104.66 on Wed, 7 May 2014 23:17:35 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Artemis Goddess of Conservation J. Donald Hughes w The ancientGreeks represented the -I- ancientGreece resulted from the trans- spiritof conservationin the shape formationof a generaltype that had of a formidableprotectress of ani- existed for millennia. The mistressof mals and plants, the goddess Artemis. game was believedto protectwild ani- In the Louvreone can view a striking mals in general,or certain species, and statueof Artemis(or as the Romans to exact retributionfrom huntersin called her, Diana) in a runningpose, cases of disrespector improperinjury known as the Diana of Versailles,a or killing.