Egypt Badrashein Train Crash Sparks Outrage
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The Editorial Board and Staff of the University of Baltimore Journal Of
EIC COMMENT.DOCX (DO NOT DELETE) 3/21/16 6:39 PM\ Dear Readers: The Editorial Board and Staff of the University of Baltimore Journal of International Law have worked diligently to ensure Vol- ume 4 provides our readers with pieces that are both interesting and insightful. This is the first of two publications by this Editorial Board and staff. This issue features articles by leading scholars from around the world as well as a Comment and two Emerging Issues by members of our Journal. This issue begins with an article by Dr. Mohamed Abdelaal, SJD, Holding the Executive Accountable in Egypt Impeachment: A Losing Case. In this article Dr. Abdelaal examines the impeachment mechanism in Egypt after the 2011 Revolution and the 2013 events and the removal of Presidents Hosni Mubarak and Mohamed Morsi. Following this article is a case study done by Irene Broekhuijse LLM, PhD and Nanneke Quik-Schuijt, LLM. In their piece, A Case Study: Law and Emotions Within the Kingdom of the Netherlands, the au- thors analyze the dispute settlement procedure between the Kingdom government and the local government and propose an alternative ap- proach. Our last article, Potential Impacts on Individuals Caused by the Invasion of NGOs into International Politics, authors Zhao Li and Haibin Qi evaluate the role Non-Governmental Organizations play in international cooperation and globalization. Our Student Comment in this issue is from University of Balti- more School of Law J.D. Candidate, Suzanne De Deyne. Ms. De Deyne’s comment, TTIP: A Free Trade Agreement That Strengthens the International Trade Environment and Enhances the Regulatory Powers of the WTO, discusses the relationship between the Transat- lantic Trade Investment Partnership and the World Trade Organiza- tion. -
ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions. -
Libya's Other Battle | the Washington Institute
MENU Policy Analysis / PolicyWatch 2295 Libya's Other Battle by Andrew Engel, Ayman Grada Jul 28, 2014 ABOUT THE AUTHORS Andrew Engel Andrew Engel, a former research assistant at The Washington Institute, recently received his master's degree in security studies at Georgetown University and currently works as an Africa analyst. Ayman Grada Ayman Grada is an independent political analyst and cofounder of Libyan Youth Voices. Brief Analysis The escalation in and around Tripoli holds troubling parallels with the tribal divisions that precipitated Libya's bloody 1936 civil war. ibya is a fractured country whose long-simmering violence is threatening to boil over. Internecine fighting L once mostly limited to Benghazi -- where Maj. Gen. Khalifa Haftar launched "Operation Dignity" against U.S.- designated terrorist group Ansar al-Sharia and other armed Islamists -- has now spread to Tripoli. The U.S. embassy was hurriedly evacuated on July 26, and foreign governments have urged their nationals to flee the country. The Tripoli fighting erupted on July 12, pitting largely Islamist militias from the Muslim Brotherhood stronghold of Misratah and their northwestern allies against well-equipped and trained nationalist brigades from Zintan. The latter factions -- the Qaaqaa, Sawaiq, and Madani Brigades -- are tribal and back the more secular-leaning political alliance, the National Forces Alliance (NFA), but ostensibly belong to the Libyan army. The Misratan and Islamist militias have since bombarded Tripoli International Airport, which has been held by Zintani forces since the revolution ended. This battle -- in which 90 percent of aircraft on the ground were destroyed, costing over $1.5 billion -- marks a dark turn for Libya, increasing the likelihood of the country repeating its brutal 1936 intertribal civil war. -
Framing of Political Forces in Liberal, Islamist and Government Newspapers in Egypt: a Content Analysis
American University in Cairo AUC Knowledge Fountain Theses and Dissertations 6-1-2012 Framing of political forces in liberal, islamist and government newspapers in Egypt: A content analysis Noha El-Nahass Follow this and additional works at: https://fount.aucegypt.edu/etds Recommended Citation APA Citation El-Nahass, N. (2012).Framing of political forces in liberal, islamist and government newspapers in Egypt: A content analysis [Master’s thesis, the American University in Cairo]. AUC Knowledge Fountain. https://fount.aucegypt.edu/etds/296 MLA Citation El-Nahass, Noha. Framing of political forces in liberal, islamist and government newspapers in Egypt: A content analysis. 2012. American University in Cairo, Master's thesis. AUC Knowledge Fountain. https://fount.aucegypt.edu/etds/296 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by AUC Knowledge Fountain. It has been accepted for inclusion in Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of AUC Knowledge Fountain. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The American University in Cairo School of Global Affairs and Public Policy Framing of Political Forces in Liberal, Islamist and government newspapers in Egypt: A content analysis A Thesis Submitted to Journalism & Mass Communication department In partial fulfillment of the requirements for The degree of Master of Arts By Noha El-Nahass Under the supervision of Dr. Naila Hamdy Spring 2016 1 Dedication I dedicate this thesis to the journalists who lost their lives while covering the political turbulences in Egypt, may their sacrifices enlighten the road and give the strength to their colleagues to continue reflecting the truth and nothing but the truth. -
Islamist Vote’’
Chin. Polit. Sci. Rev. DOI 10.1007/s41111-016-0018-y ORIGINAL ARTICLE From Peak to Trough: Decline of the Algerian ‘‘Islamist Vote’’ Chuchu Zhang1,2 Received: 14 October 2015 / Accepted: 13 March 2016 Ó The Author(s) 2016. This article is published with open access at Springerlink.com Abstract What are the factors that facilitate or hinder Islamic political parties’ performance in elections in the Middle East and North Africa? Why did Algerian Islamists as an electoral force declined steadily over the past two decades? Why didn’t Algerian electoral Islamists present the same mobilization capacity as their counterparts in neighboring countries did in early 2010s following the Arab Spring? In analyzing the evolution of three related variables: incumbents’ power structure and political openness; electoral Islamists’ inclusiveness and unity; and the framing process of Islamic political parties to build a legitimacy, the article tries to address the questions and contribute to the theoretical framework of the political process model by applying it to a case that is typical in MENA. Keywords Islamic political parties Á Mobilization capacity Á Algeria 1 Introduction Understanding Islamic political parties1 becomes an urgent concern following the Arab Spring, as the anti-authoritarian protests resulted in the rise of Islamists at the ballot box in 2011 in lots of countries in MENA (Middle East and North Africa) including Egypt, Tunisia and Morocco. A wider audience are now interested in 1 Islamic political parties here refer to the organizations that are ideologically based on Islamic texts and frameworks, and seek legal political participation through elections. Apolitical Islamic cultural associations and armed Islamist organizations which refuse to engage in elections are beyond the scope of this article. -
UNDERSTANDING the MUSLIM BROTHERHOOD by Barry Rubin
June 2012 UNDERSTANDING THE MUSLIM BROTHERHOOD By Barry Rubin Barry Rubin, a Senior Fellow of FPRI, is director of the Global Research in International Affairs (GLORIA) Center and editor of the Middle East Review of International Affairs (MERIA) Journal. His books include The Muslim Brotherhood: The Organization and Politics of a Global Islamist Movement (Palgrave-Macmillan, 2010) and Islamic Fundamentalists in Egyptian Politics (Palgrave-Macmillan, 2002). Other books include The Long War for Freedom: The Arab Struggle for Democracy in the Middle East (Wiley, 2005), The Truth About Syria (Palgrave-Macmillan, 2007); and Israel: An Introduction (Yale University Press, 2012). His articles are featured at the website of the GLORIA Center and in his own blog, Rubin Reports. Today, the Muslim Brotherhood is the most important international political organization in the Arabic-speaking world. It is the dominant party in Egypt’s parliament, having obtained about 47 percent of the vote there, and in the Tunisian government, having received 40 percent of the ballots. In the form of Hamas, now an explicit branch of the movement, it rules the Gaza Strip. It is the leadership of the opposition in the Palestinian Authority (West Bank) and in Jordan, while the local Brotherhood controls the internationally recognized leadership (the Syrian National Council) of the Syrian opposition in the civil war there. Much smaller Brotherhood groups exist in several other Arab countries. Yet even that is not all. The Brotherhood has become the most important group among Muslims in Europe and North America, too, often directing communities and representing them in dealings with the government and non- Muslim society as well. -
From Hasan Al-Banna to Mohammad Morsi; the Political Experience of Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt
FROM HASAN AL-BANNA TO MOHAMMAD MORSI; THE POLITICAL EXPERIENCE OF MUSLIM BROTHERHOOD IN EGYPT A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF SOCIAL SCIENCES OF MIDDLE EAST TECHNICAL UNIVERSITY BY AHMET YUSUF ÖZDEMİR IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF SCIENCE IN MIDDLE EASTERN STUDIES JULY 2013 Approval of the Graduate School of Social Sciences Prof. Dr. Meliha Altunışık Director I certify that this thesis satisfies all the requirements as a thesis for the degree of Master of Science Assoc.Prof.Dr. Özlem Tür Head of Department This is to certify that we have read this thesis and that in our opinion it is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a thesis for the degree of Master of Science Prof. Dr. İhsan D. Dağı Supervisor Examining Committee Members Prof. Dr. Nuri Yurdusev (METU,IR) Prof. Dr. İhsan D. Dağı (METU, IR) Assis. Prof. Dr. Bayram Sinkaya (YBU, IR) I hereby declare that all information in this document has been obtained and presented in accordance with academic rules and ethical conduct. I also declare that, as required by these rules and conduct, I have fully cited and referenced all material and results that are not original to this work. Name, Last name: Ahmet Yusuf Özdemir Signature : iii ABSTRACT FROM HASAN AL-BANNA TO MOHAMMAD MORSI; THE POLITICAL EXPERIENCE OF MUSLIM BROTHERHOOD IN EGYPT Özdemir, Ahmet Yusuf M.S. Program of Middle East Studies Supervisor: Prof. Dr. İhsan D. Dağı July 2013, 141 pages This thesis analyses the political and ideological transformation of the Society of Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt from its foundation in 1928 to 2012. -
Constitution-Making and Democratization
A Thesis Submitted for the Degree of PhD at the University of Warwick Permanent WRAP URL: http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/132949 Copyright and reuse: This thesis is made available online and is protected by original copyright. Please scroll down to view the document itself. Please refer to the repository record for this item for information to help you to cite it. Our policy information is available from the repository home page. For more information, please contact the WRAP Team at: [email protected] warwick.ac.uk/lib-publications Constitution-making and Democratization: A Comparative Analysis of Tunisia and Egypt after the 2010/11 Uprisings Tereza Jermanová A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Politics and International Studies University of Warwick Department of Politics and International Studies September 2018 Table of Contents List of Figures and Tables .………………………………………………....…..…iii Acknowledgements .................................................................................................... iv Abstract ...................................................................................................................... vi List of Abbreviations ................................................................................................ vii 1. Introduction ............................................................................................................ 1 1.1 Setting the Scene: Constitutional Agreement and International Assistance for Constitution-makers -
By Eric Trager
Egypt’s Looming Competitive Theocracy By Eric Trager n the aftermath of his november 22, 2012 constitutional declaration seizing virtually unchecked executive power, Egyptian President Mohamed Morsi had few political allies more stalwart than the Salafists. As non-Islamists poured into Tahrir Square to protest Morsi’s edict, the long-bearded Salafists locked arms with Morsi’s shorter-bearded Muslim Brotherhood colleagues, Ihastily drafting a new—and quite Islamist—constitution while also coordinating a series of counter-protests to overwhelm Morsi’s detractors. Even amidst the bloody clashes on December 4, when the Muslim Brotherhood sent its cadres to attack those who had gathered outside the presidential palace to protest Morsi’s decree, the Salafists remained in Morsi’s corner. “If you are capable of using violence there will be others who are capable of responding with violence,” declared prominent Salafist Shaykh Yasser Borhamy, who blamed the civil unrest on those “saying words that were insulting to the president” during an Al-Jazeera interview.1 To be sure, the Salafists didn’t agree entirely with Morsi’s actions. The most promi- nent Salafist party, al-Nour, openly criticized the second article of his constitutional declaration: that all presidential acts “are final and binding and cannot be appealed by any way or to any entity.”2 Nor were the Salafists entirely pleased with the final draft of the constitution, which held that the potentially broad “principles of sharia,” rather than the stricter “sharia judgments,” would be the primary source of Egyptian law.3 But for Egypt’s most hardline Islamists, the choice between a somewhat less hardline Islamist president and a relatively secular opposition was a no-brainer, since it enabled EGYPT’S LOOMING COMPETITIVE THEOCRACY ■ 27 them to collaborate with the politically stronger Brotherhood to achieve their shared goal of a sharia-based constitution. -
Post-Islamism in Tunisia and Egypt: Contradictory Trajectories
religions Article Post-Islamism in Tunisia and Egypt: Contradictory Trajectories Houssem Ben Lazreg Department of Modern Languages & Cultural Studies, University of Alberta, Edmonton, AB T6G 2R3, Canada; [email protected] Abstract: In the wake of the Tunisian Revolution of 2011, Ennahda leader Rached Ghannouchi distanced his party from the main Islamist paradigm, which is spearheaded primarily by the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt, and announced the separation of the religious movement entirely from its political wing (al-Siyasi and al-da’awi). In addition to reassuring Tunisians that Ennahda’s socio- political project is rooted in its “Tunisianity,” these measures aimed at signaling Ennahda’s joining the camp of post-Islamist parties and Muslim democrats such as the AKP in Turkey and the JDP in Morocco. In this article, using the comparative case studies, I examine the patterns, similarities, and differences between the Tunisian Ennahda party and the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood in terms of their evolutions from an Islamist to a post-Islamist discourse and identity. I argue that the Ennahda party outpaced the Muslim Brotherhood in that shift considering the local/regional realities and the new compromises dictated by the post-revolutionary political processes in both countries. Although the Muslim Brotherhood managed to come to power and govern for only one year before being deposed by the army, Ennahda’s political pragmatism (consensus, compromise, and coalition) enabled it to fare well, ultimately prodding the party to adapt and reposition itself intellectually and politically. Keywords: Ennahda party; Islamism; Muslim brotherhood; post-Islamism; political Islam; Rached Citation: Ben Lazreg, Houssem. Ghannouchi 2021. -
Hughes Masters Thesis Communication
Communication Technologies and the Age of Arab Nationalism Master’s Thesis, Media Studies Queens College, CUNY Brian Hughes Abstract The 20th Century witnessed several attempts to unify the Arab peoples as a political and identitarian bloc. From the post-Ottoman pipe dreams of Sharif Hussein ibn Ali to the last days of Nasserism and the Ba’ath Party—there was no lack of leadership or intellectual rigor backing the pan-Arabist movements. As the impediments of colonial interference receded, visions of an Arab nation tantalized and propelled men of lofty ambition and iron wills. However, in spite of this seemingly rich ferment of opportunity, no lasting Arab nationalism would remain beyond the 1960s. This failure, though not the fault, was with the Arab people. The failure was theirs, for none but the masses may affirm the unspoken plebiscite that envisions a unity of a people. However, the Arab people were faultless in this omission. As will be argued in the following thesis, the nationalist paradigm was simply at odds with the communications technologies available to spread the 20th Century dream of Arab nationalism. If, as the theorists of the Toronto School contend, medium bears a more profound impact on communication than specific content, then Arab nationalism simply was dead letter from the start. The broadcast radio waves of the post-Ottoman Hejaz carried not nationalism, but tribalism writ large. Television networks thrived in Cairo and Riyadh, 1 but they did not anchor Arab solidarity. Instead, they dispersed to the Arab peoples heterogeneous oneness as subaltern collateral of the Cold War globalist order. -
Egypt Arab League Foreign Ministers Discuss Syria
AILY EWS MONDAY, SEPTEMBER 2, 2013 N D ISSUE NO. 2267 NEWSTAND PRICE LE 4.00 EGYPT www.thedailynewsegypt.com Egypt’s Only Daily Independent Newspaper In English SUEZ ON HIGH ALERT SINAI SECURITY CURFEW BREAKERS A ship is targeted in an attempted Soldiers in Sinai are cracking down Cairo’s curfew is being broken; by terrorist attack in the Suez Canal on smuggling tunnels cafe goers 2 3 6 Arab League foreign ministers Constituent Assembly discuss Syria announced EGYPT REJECTS US LED MILITARY STRIKE ON SYRIA, ALLIES IN THE REGION AGREE SAYS FAHMY Presidency spokesman By Joel Gulhane The Arab League delegates met last week and held the “Syrian regime fully declares names in a Minister of Foreign Affairs Nabil Fah- responsible for this heinous crime.” my voiced his rejection of a possibil- The delegates also called on the inter- press conferencew ity of a US led military strike against national community and the United Syria ahead of an emergency meeting Nations Security Council to “assume By Fady Ashraf of Arab Foreign Ministers at the Arab its responsibilities and overcome the League set to take place on Sunday differences” in order to hold the re- Presidency Spokesman Ehab afternoon. gime responsible for “this crime.” Badawy announced in a Sunday Fahmy’s comments came just mo- The Syrian regime denies using press conference the names of the ments after US President Barack chemical weapons and has vowed members of the constituent assem- Obama announced on Saturday eve- to defend itself if attacked, while also bly, responsible for amending the ning that he was prepared to launch blaming the use of chemical weapons on suspended 2012 constitution.