The Editorial Board and Staff of the University of Baltimore Journal Of

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

The Editorial Board and Staff of the University of Baltimore Journal Of EIC COMMENT.DOCX (DO NOT DELETE) 3/21/16 6:39 PM\ Dear Readers: The Editorial Board and Staff of the University of Baltimore Journal of International Law have worked diligently to ensure Vol- ume 4 provides our readers with pieces that are both interesting and insightful. This is the first of two publications by this Editorial Board and staff. This issue features articles by leading scholars from around the world as well as a Comment and two Emerging Issues by members of our Journal. This issue begins with an article by Dr. Mohamed Abdelaal, SJD, Holding the Executive Accountable in Egypt Impeachment: A Losing Case. In this article Dr. Abdelaal examines the impeachment mechanism in Egypt after the 2011 Revolution and the 2013 events and the removal of Presidents Hosni Mubarak and Mohamed Morsi. Following this article is a case study done by Irene Broekhuijse LLM, PhD and Nanneke Quik-Schuijt, LLM. In their piece, A Case Study: Law and Emotions Within the Kingdom of the Netherlands, the au- thors analyze the dispute settlement procedure between the Kingdom government and the local government and propose an alternative ap- proach. Our last article, Potential Impacts on Individuals Caused by the Invasion of NGOs into International Politics, authors Zhao Li and Haibin Qi evaluate the role Non-Governmental Organizations play in international cooperation and globalization. Our Student Comment in this issue is from University of Balti- more School of Law J.D. Candidate, Suzanne De Deyne. Ms. De Deyne’s comment, TTIP: A Free Trade Agreement That Strengthens the International Trade Environment and Enhances the Regulatory Powers of the WTO, discusses the relationship between the Transat- lantic Trade Investment Partnership and the World Trade Organiza- tion. Our Emerging Issues are from University of Baltimore School of Law J.D. Candidates Ruby Devine and Aviana Cooper. Ms. Devine’s piece focuses on the Greek debt crisis, while Ms. Cooper’s editorial reviews China’s occupation of the South China Sea. Finally, I would like to thank the Editorial Board and Staff of the Journal for their significant contributions to this issue. I would also like to take this opportunity to thank Professor Mortimer Sellers, fac- ulty adviser to the Journal, for his direction, mentorship, and assis- tance throughout the school year. In addition, I must thank the Pro- EIC COMMENT.DOCX (DO NOT DELETE) 3/21/16 6:39 PM fessors and staff of the University of Baltimore School of Law Inter- national Department and the Center for International and Compara- tive Law for their guidance and insight. Also, on behalf of the the Journal, I would like to thank Dean Ronald Weich, the administra- tion, and the Professors and Staff for their continuing support of our Journal. Finally, thank you, the reader, for your support and we hope you enjoy this issue. It is with great pleasure we present the first issue of Volume 4 of The University of Baltimore Journal of International Law. Sincerely, Christopher P. Stock Editor-in-Chief University of Baltimore Journal of International Law Volume IV EDITORIAL BOARD.DOCX (DO NOT DELETE) 3/21/16 6:38 PM\ JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL LAW MASTHEAD 2015-2016 EDITORIAL BOARD Editor in Chief Christopher Stock Managing Editor Suzanne De Deyne Production Editor Julia Brent Articles Editor Kaitlin Evans Publication Editor Katherine Adams Submissions Editor Kathryn McNally Comments Editor Ali Rickart Emerging Issues Editor Laurie Culkin Acquisitions & Technology Editor Alex Adler ASSOCIATE EDITORS Kimberly Frazier Erin Maze Tim Jarman Carisa Hatfield Jenny Melendez Victoria Narducci STAFF EDITORS Alison Aminzadeh Ruby Devine Kymberleigh Albites Raiven Taylor Iram Ashraf Margery Beltran Paul Bianchi Catherine Stitely Sarah Trego Aviana Cooper Robert Steininger FACULTY ADVISOR Professor Mortimer Sellers TABLE OF CONTENTS.DOCX (DO NOT DELETE) 3/21/16 6:39 PM\ TABLE OF CONTENTS ARTICLES Holding the Executive Accountable in Egypt, Impeachment: A Losing Case......................................................................................................1 Dr. Mohamed Abdelaal A Case Study: Law and Emotions Within the Kingdom of the Netherlands........................................................................................55 Nanneke Quik-Schuijt & Irene Broekhuijse Potential Impacts on Individuals Caused by the Invasion into International Politics.........................................................................81 Zhao Li & Haibin Qi STUDENT COMMENT TTIP: A Free Trade Agreement That Strengthens the International Trade Environment and Enhances the Regulatory Powers of the WTO.................................................................................................131 Suzanne De Deyne EMERGING ISSUES Is a Grexit- A Greek Exit from the Eurozone- the Solution?...........157 Ruby Devine South China Sea Takeover: Destroying Fisheries and Creating Economic Dead-lands for Surrounding Coastal States...................165 Aviana Cooper 1 HOLDING THE EXECUTIVE ACCOUNTABLE.DOCX (DO NOT DELETE) 3/21/16 6:36 PM\ HOLDING THE EXECUTIVE ACCOUNTABLE IN EGYPT IMPEACHMENT: A LOSING CASE Dr. Mohamed Abdelaal ABSTRACT: This paper examines the impeachment mechanism in Egypt after the 2011 Revolution and the 2013 events and the removal of Presidents Hosni Mubarak and Mohamed Morsi. In doing so, the paper will provide a critical analysis to the impeachment clauses in both the 2012 and 2014 Constitutions, in an attempt to discover to what extent the pre 2011 impeachment differs from that of post 2011. Further, it addresses the issue of whether the recall election could make a good alternative to impeachment in Egypt. Specifically, we will briefly shed light on the history of the recall device as well as its emergence as one feature of direct democracy. Our focus will then shift to discussing the possibility of adopting the recall device in Egypt and the challenges that might face such adoption. Eventually, we will propose a recall provision that could replace impeachment in Egypt’s current constitution. AUTHOR: Dr. Mohamed Abdelaal, SJD, is an Assistant Professor of Law at Alexandria University School of Law in Alexandria, Egypt, and an Adjunct Professor of Law at Indiana University Robert H. McKinney School of Law, Indianapolis, IN. He is admitted to the bar in Egypt and is a member of the Egyptian American Rule of Law As- sociation (EARLA) in Washington, D.C. 1 1 HOLDING THE EXECUTIVE ACCOUNTABLE.DOCX (DO NOT DELETE) 3/21/16 6:36 PM 2015-2016 UB Journal of International Law TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction ......................................................................................... 3 The Constitution of 2012 ..................................................................... 4 A. Background ........................................................................... 4 B. Impeachment in the 2012 Constitution ............................... 14 The Constitution of 2014 ................................................................... 22 A. Background ......................................................................... 22 B. Impeachment in the 2014 Constitution ............................... 28 Practicing Impeachment: The Case of President Morsi .................... 35 The Recall Election as an Alternative ............................................... 43 The Case of Egypt ............................................................................. 49 Conclusion ......................................................................................... 53 2 1 HOLDING THE EXECUTIVE ACCOUNTABLE.DOCX (DO NOT DELETE) 3/21/16 6:36 PM Holding the Executive Accountable Vol. IV, No. I Introduction With a long constitutional history dating back to 1882 when it was an Ottoman province, Egypt is considered to be the oldest consti- tutional state in the Arab world.1 Under the monarchy system, Egypt had two constitutions, 1923 and 1930, neither of which installed Egypt as a constitutional monarchy.2 In other words, in the Egyptian Kingdom the king was not a symbolic figurehead, but rather a strong political actor who ruled the state and was heavily involved in its ad- ministration.3 However, he was immune from accountability.4 After the abolition of the monarchy and the declaration of the re- public in 1952, Egypt underwent the drafting and application of six constitutions—1956, 1958, 1964, 1971, 2012, and 2014—in which the president and his cabinet were recognized as active participants in the day-to-day administration of the state under a semi-presidential system of governance.5 However, the many presidential powers en- visioned in these constitutions, as well as practiced under most of them, revealed the president to be the sole executive, aided by only a symbolic involvement of the cabinet.6 Most of the constitutions adopted in the Egyptian Republic were guided by the themes of democracy, human dignity, and political ac- countability, as they were the outcome either of bitter battles against colonial powers (the 1954 and 1956 Constitutions),7 or the overthrow of authoritarian regimes (the 1971 and 2012 Constitutions).8 Howev- er, these constitutions manifest a remarkable ability to yield excep- tions regarding political accountability.9 For the purposes of this article, I will examine the issue of politi- cal accountability from the perspective of presidential impeachment 1. Egyptian Constitutions, MIDAN MASR, http://www.midanmasr.com/en/default.aspx?PageID=15 (last visited Oct. 9, 2015). 2. Id. 3. Id. 4. Id. 5. Sujit Choudhry & Richard Stacey,
Recommended publications
  • Framing of Political Forces in Liberal, Islamist and Government Newspapers in Egypt: a Content Analysis
    American University in Cairo AUC Knowledge Fountain Theses and Dissertations 6-1-2012 Framing of political forces in liberal, islamist and government newspapers in Egypt: A content analysis Noha El-Nahass Follow this and additional works at: https://fount.aucegypt.edu/etds Recommended Citation APA Citation El-Nahass, N. (2012).Framing of political forces in liberal, islamist and government newspapers in Egypt: A content analysis [Master’s thesis, the American University in Cairo]. AUC Knowledge Fountain. https://fount.aucegypt.edu/etds/296 MLA Citation El-Nahass, Noha. Framing of political forces in liberal, islamist and government newspapers in Egypt: A content analysis. 2012. American University in Cairo, Master's thesis. AUC Knowledge Fountain. https://fount.aucegypt.edu/etds/296 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by AUC Knowledge Fountain. It has been accepted for inclusion in Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of AUC Knowledge Fountain. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The American University in Cairo School of Global Affairs and Public Policy Framing of Political Forces in Liberal, Islamist and government newspapers in Egypt: A content analysis A Thesis Submitted to Journalism & Mass Communication department In partial fulfillment of the requirements for The degree of Master of Arts By Noha El-Nahass Under the supervision of Dr. Naila Hamdy Spring 2016 1 Dedication I dedicate this thesis to the journalists who lost their lives while covering the political turbulences in Egypt, may their sacrifices enlighten the road and give the strength to their colleagues to continue reflecting the truth and nothing but the truth.
    [Show full text]
  • From Hasan Al-Banna to Mohammad Morsi; the Political Experience of Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt
    FROM HASAN AL-BANNA TO MOHAMMAD MORSI; THE POLITICAL EXPERIENCE OF MUSLIM BROTHERHOOD IN EGYPT A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF SOCIAL SCIENCES OF MIDDLE EAST TECHNICAL UNIVERSITY BY AHMET YUSUF ÖZDEMİR IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF SCIENCE IN MIDDLE EASTERN STUDIES JULY 2013 Approval of the Graduate School of Social Sciences Prof. Dr. Meliha Altunışık Director I certify that this thesis satisfies all the requirements as a thesis for the degree of Master of Science Assoc.Prof.Dr. Özlem Tür Head of Department This is to certify that we have read this thesis and that in our opinion it is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a thesis for the degree of Master of Science Prof. Dr. İhsan D. Dağı Supervisor Examining Committee Members Prof. Dr. Nuri Yurdusev (METU,IR) Prof. Dr. İhsan D. Dağı (METU, IR) Assis. Prof. Dr. Bayram Sinkaya (YBU, IR) I hereby declare that all information in this document has been obtained and presented in accordance with academic rules and ethical conduct. I also declare that, as required by these rules and conduct, I have fully cited and referenced all material and results that are not original to this work. Name, Last name: Ahmet Yusuf Özdemir Signature : iii ABSTRACT FROM HASAN AL-BANNA TO MOHAMMAD MORSI; THE POLITICAL EXPERIENCE OF MUSLIM BROTHERHOOD IN EGYPT Özdemir, Ahmet Yusuf M.S. Program of Middle East Studies Supervisor: Prof. Dr. İhsan D. Dağı July 2013, 141 pages This thesis analyses the political and ideological transformation of the Society of Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt from its foundation in 1928 to 2012.
    [Show full text]
  • Post-Islamism in Tunisia and Egypt: Contradictory Trajectories
    religions Article Post-Islamism in Tunisia and Egypt: Contradictory Trajectories Houssem Ben Lazreg Department of Modern Languages & Cultural Studies, University of Alberta, Edmonton, AB T6G 2R3, Canada; [email protected] Abstract: In the wake of the Tunisian Revolution of 2011, Ennahda leader Rached Ghannouchi distanced his party from the main Islamist paradigm, which is spearheaded primarily by the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt, and announced the separation of the religious movement entirely from its political wing (al-Siyasi and al-da’awi). In addition to reassuring Tunisians that Ennahda’s socio- political project is rooted in its “Tunisianity,” these measures aimed at signaling Ennahda’s joining the camp of post-Islamist parties and Muslim democrats such as the AKP in Turkey and the JDP in Morocco. In this article, using the comparative case studies, I examine the patterns, similarities, and differences between the Tunisian Ennahda party and the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood in terms of their evolutions from an Islamist to a post-Islamist discourse and identity. I argue that the Ennahda party outpaced the Muslim Brotherhood in that shift considering the local/regional realities and the new compromises dictated by the post-revolutionary political processes in both countries. Although the Muslim Brotherhood managed to come to power and govern for only one year before being deposed by the army, Ennahda’s political pragmatism (consensus, compromise, and coalition) enabled it to fare well, ultimately prodding the party to adapt and reposition itself intellectually and politically. Keywords: Ennahda party; Islamism; Muslim brotherhood; post-Islamism; political Islam; Rached Citation: Ben Lazreg, Houssem. Ghannouchi 2021.
    [Show full text]
  • Egypt Arab League Foreign Ministers Discuss Syria
    AILY EWS MONDAY, SEPTEMBER 2, 2013 N D ISSUE NO. 2267 NEWSTAND PRICE LE 4.00 EGYPT www.thedailynewsegypt.com Egypt’s Only Daily Independent Newspaper In English SUEZ ON HIGH ALERT SINAI SECURITY CURFEW BREAKERS A ship is targeted in an attempted Soldiers in Sinai are cracking down Cairo’s curfew is being broken; by terrorist attack in the Suez Canal on smuggling tunnels cafe goers 2 3 6 Arab League foreign ministers Constituent Assembly discuss Syria announced EGYPT REJECTS US LED MILITARY STRIKE ON SYRIA, ALLIES IN THE REGION AGREE SAYS FAHMY Presidency spokesman By Joel Gulhane The Arab League delegates met last week and held the “Syrian regime fully declares names in a Minister of Foreign Affairs Nabil Fah- responsible for this heinous crime.” my voiced his rejection of a possibil- The delegates also called on the inter- press conferencew ity of a US led military strike against national community and the United Syria ahead of an emergency meeting Nations Security Council to “assume By Fady Ashraf of Arab Foreign Ministers at the Arab its responsibilities and overcome the League set to take place on Sunday differences” in order to hold the re- Presidency Spokesman Ehab afternoon. gime responsible for “this crime.” Badawy announced in a Sunday Fahmy’s comments came just mo- The Syrian regime denies using press conference the names of the ments after US President Barack chemical weapons and has vowed members of the constituent assem- Obama announced on Saturday eve- to defend itself if attacked, while also bly, responsible for amending the ning that he was prepared to launch blaming the use of chemical weapons on suspended 2012 constitution.
    [Show full text]
  • 22 Political Environment: 30 Economic Environment: 16 Total Score: 68
    Egypt Status: Not Free Legal Environment: 22 Political Environment: 30 Economic Environment: 16 Total Score: 68 Survey Edition 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 Total Score, Status 60,PF 60,PF 65,NF 57,PF 62,NF The press faced myriad challenges in 2013 as the courts, the military, the political establishment, and Islamist groups engaged in a power struggle to determine Egypt’s political future. During the first half of the year, under President Mohamed Morsi, the media were extremely polarized along political and ideological lines. After Morsi’s overthrow in July, the press engaged in increased self-censorship due to the intimidation, arbitrary detention, and killings of journalists, particularly those who were viewed as critical of the military-supported interim government or sympathetic to Morsi and his Islamist supporters. Following the forced resignation of longtime president Hosni Mubarak in 2011, the country was ruled by a military council, the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces, whose 18- month tenure featured some openings in the legal, political, and economic environment for the media. When Morsi of the Muslim Brotherhood’s Freedom and Justice Party won the presidency in June 2012, executive power was formally transferred from the military to the new civilian leadership. The change led to several negative developments for the media, including greater polarization between pro- and antigovernment outlets, an increased use of defamation laws against the press, and physical harassment of journalists by nonstate actors with the tacit support of the authorities. The political turmoil and acute divisions over the country’s direction had a direct impact on the media, pitting secularist outlets against their Islamist counterparts.
    [Show full text]
  • Chronology of Major Conflicts and Political Events
    Chronologies Chronology of Major Conflicts Appendices and Political Events Chronologies January 2014 months. On 21 January the Portuguese Monaco debt drops from 5% for the first time In Spain, the implementation of the since August 2010. • On 8 January the staff at the Hotel new education bill finds opposition de Paris end an eight-day strike, the from five autonomous regions. In Spain longest in Monaco’s history, after agree- France, thousands demonstrate ing with the management to renegotiate against the President François Hol- • On 8 January the Civil Guard arrests their salaries and contracts. lande the same month that the govern- eight people accused of coordinating ment approves fresh cuts. Monaco and carrying out orders from outside the Italy experiences the longest strike in its country from the Euskadi ta Askatasuna history. In Italy, the Agriculture Minister terrorist group (ETA) for their imprisoned • On 11-12 January the Italian navy resigns. Malta and the European Com- members. rescues more than 400 immigrants. mission reach an agreement on the • On 15 January the Spanish Wind • On 16 January the press reports the Maltese Nationality Law. Croatia extra- Energy Association announces that, dur- Northern League’s (Padanian separa- dites Josip Perkovic. Serbia begins EU ing 2013, Spain became the first and tist) latest move in its racist campaign 350 accession negotiations. The crisis in only country to have wind as its main against the Integration Minister Cecile the government coalitions of Montene- source of energy. Kyenge, of Congolese origin, consisting gro, Serbia and FYROM forces the • On 29 January five autonomous re- in the League’s newspaper, La Padania, governments to consider early elec- gions express their opposition to the publishing Kyenge’s daily itinerary so tions.
    [Show full text]
  • Islamist and Secularist Women in Egyptian Politics: Convergence Or Divergence?
    Georgia Southern University Digital Commons@Georgia Southern Electronic Theses and Dissertations Graduate Studies, Jack N. Averitt College of Spring 2014 Islamist and Secularist Women in Egyptian Politics: Convergence or Divergence? Ahmed Bekhet Mr. Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.georgiasouthern.edu/etd Part of the Feminist, Gender, and Sexuality Studies Commons Recommended Citation Bekhet, Ahmed Mr., "Islamist and Secularist Women in Egyptian Politics: Convergence or Divergence?" (2014). Electronic Theses and Dissertations. 1123. https://digitalcommons.georgiasouthern.edu/etd/1123 This thesis (open access) is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate Studies, Jack N. Averitt College of at Digital Commons@Georgia Southern. It has been accepted for inclusion in Electronic Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons@Georgia Southern. For more information, please contact [email protected]. 1 Islamist and Secularist Women in Egyptian Politics: Convergence or Divergence? “Egyptian Women in Politics during Ikhwan’s Regime” by Ahmed Bekhet Under the Direction of Professor Krista Wiegand ABSTRACT Islam oppresses women and has many restrictions on women’s participation in politics. Women have fewer rights under the Islamic Shari‘a (law). Is this true or not? Does Islam really exclude women from political participation? Are Islamists, who have their political agenda, supporting or oppressing women? Are Islamist feminists, who are a contemporary phenomenon especially in the Middle East, politically active or inactive? Are liberal or secular women in Egypt more democratic than Islamist women or the opposite? Such questions will be addressed in the following research with emphasis on examining the role of women in Egyptian politics during Ikwhan’s - Muslims Brotherhood (MB) - regime.
    [Show full text]
  • The Politics of Security Sector Reform in Egypt
    UNITED States INSTITUTE of Peace www.usip.org SPECIAL REPoRT 2301 Constitution Ave., NW • Washington, DC 20037 • 202.457.1700 • fax 202.429.6063 ABOUT THE REPORT Daniel Brumberg and Hesham Sallam The U.S. Institute of Peace Security Sector Governance Center is engaged in a funded study of the prospects for security sector reform in North Africa. This report on Egypt is part of a series of country-focused reports on this topic. ABOUT THE AUTHORS The Politics of Security Daniel Brumberg is senior adviser to the U.S. Institute of Peace, where he focuses on issues of democratization and political reform in the Middle East and wider Islamic world. He is also an associate professor of government and codirector Sector Reform in Egypt of the Democracy and Governance Program at Georgetown University. Hesham Sallam is a PhD candidate in government at Georgetown University and a former Peace Scholar at the U.S. Institute of Peace. His dissertation research covers Summary Islamist movements and the politics of economic reform in the • In Egypt, security sector reform (SSR) hinges on achieving democratic reforms, particularly Arab world. The views expressed in this report are solely those the reconstitution of an elected parliament and preparation of a new constitution that of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of USIP, which does not advocate specific policy positions. defines the roles and responsibilities of military and security institutions based on transpar- ency, accountability, and respect for civilian authorities. • In this highly political process, arranging the disengagement of Egypt’s military from government and the economy will be essential.
    [Show full text]
  • Llones De Egipcios De Los Hermanos Musulmanes
    VARIOS AUTORES SIN PERMISO Egipto SP WWW.SINPERMISO.INFO SIN PERMISO Presentación Hemos querido esperar a conocer los re- sultados del referéndum constitucional convocado por el Presidente Mohamed Morsi para publicar este segundo libro electrónico, con la recopilación de los artí- culos más destacados de la página web de Sin Permiso. Egipto SP, igual que Grecia SP, responde a la necesidad de expresar nuestra solidaridad con la revolu- islamistas (con sus dos alas, los Hermanos Musulmanes y los ción egipcia, que ha entrado en su segunda fase, como defien- salafistas); y una izquierda incipiente, que va desde el nasseris- den nuestros amigos socialistas revolucionarios de este país mo de izquierdas hasta los socialistas revolucionarios. Más árabe del Mediterráneo oriental. Una solidaridad que pasa por allá de estos tres grandes bloques, continua la sombra sinies- la comprensión y el análisis del proceso de cambio en curso, el tra del antiguo régimen proyectada por sectores del ejército y más importante a los que ha dado luz la llamada “Primavera de la burocracia, ligados a EE UU por multitud de acuerdos y árabe”. programas de cooperación. Es casi innecesario enfatizar lo obvio: Egipto, por su peso de- A pesar de recoger artículos que reflejan las posiciones de es- mográfico, su importancia económica y geopolítica, su larga tos tres grandes bloques que se disputan la hegemonía de la historia de luchas sociales, es el país fundamental a la hora de revolución egipcia, la posición de Sin Permiso no es imparcial, determinar el futuro del mundo árabe y de Oriente Medio. Es como podrán comprobar nuestros lectores por el mayor peso el único país árabe de la zona capaz de escapar a los equili- que tienen los artículos de autores identificados con la izquier- brios de poder inter-imperialistas regionales que resultaron da y, en concreto, de los Socialistas Revolucionarios.
    [Show full text]
  • Economic and Social Policies in Post-Mubarak Egypt Maria Cristina Paciello
    N. 3 | November 2013 Economic and Social Policies in Post-Mubarak Egypt Maria Cristina Paciello 1. The social and economic landscape in Egypt, two years after the uprisings Starting in January 2011, the economic and social situation in Egypt has gradual- ly deteriorated. All economic activities, particularly the tourism sector which is one of the main sources of income and employment in the country, as well as exports and foreign direct investments (FDI) have undergone a severe downturn1 with dramatic implications for economic growth and foreign currency reserves. The growth of gross domestic product (GDP) has remained below 2% compared to 5.1% in 2009/2010, while foreign exchan- ge reserves have collapsed, from $36 bil- Cairo, 25 June 2013 - Egyptian drivers push their cars as they wait in long queues at a gasoline station. lion in 2011, before the uprisings, to $14.9 Photo: AP Photo/Amr Nabil billion in 2013 (end June).2 Because of the severe economic slowdown, Egypt’s financial strains have worsened as witnessed by a widening budget deficit, and an increasing internal and 1 FDIs for example reached a total of $1 billion in 2011 and 2012 - compared to a peak of $13.2 billion in 2007/2008 - then starting to increase again in 2013, albeit very slowly, and then again to experienced a plunge after the deposition of president Mohamed Morsi (see “One More Blow?” in Al-Ahram Weekly, 3 September 2013, htto://weekly.ahram.org.eg/News/3960/18/One-more-blow-.aspx). Exports have suffered parti- cularly by the drop in natural gas sales to Jordan and Israel following several acts of sabotage to the Arab Gas Pipeline and, beginning in April 2012, by the total stop of supplies to Israel ordered by the government of Hesham Qandil.
    [Show full text]
  • Egypt Country Report BTI 2014
    BTI 2014 | Egypt Country Report Status Index 1-10 5.08 # 82 of 129 Political Transformation 1-10 5.45 # 70 of 129 Economic Transformation 1-10 4.71 # 88 of 129 Management Index 1-10 4.50 # 82 of 129 scale score rank trend This report is part of the Bertelsmann Stiftung’s Transformation Index (BTI) 2014. It covers the period from 31 January 2011 to 31 January 2013. The BTI assesses the transformation toward democracy and a market economy as well as the quality of political management in 129 countries. More on the BTI at http://www.bti-project.org. Please cite as follows: Bertelsmann Stiftung, BTI 2014 — Egypt Country Report. Gütersloh: Bertelsmann Stiftung, 2014. This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License. BTI 2014 | Egypt 2 Key Indicators Population M 80.7 HDI 0.662 GDP p.c. $ 6723.6 Pop. growth1 % p.a. 1.7 HDI rank of 187 112 Gini Index 30.8 Life expectancy years 70.7 UN Education Index 0.587 Poverty3 % 15.4 Urban population % 43.7 Gender inequality2 0.590 Aid per capita $ 3.7 Sources: The World Bank, World Development Indicators 2013 | UNDP, Human Development Report 2013. Footnotes: (1) Average annual growth rate. (2) Gender Inequality Index (GII). (3) Percentage of population living on less than $2 a day. Executive Summary The period under review embraces the first phase following the overthrow of Hosni Mubarak, focusing on the institutionalization of a new political and economic system. This process was structured first by the problematic fact that the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF), a legacy of the old regime, governed for three-quarters of the overall period, until July 2012.
    [Show full text]
  • Sisi's New Approach to Egypt-Israel Relations | the Washington Institute
    MENU Policy Analysis / Fikra Forum Sisi's New Approach to Egypt-Israel Relations by Mohammed Soliman Jul 29, 2016 Also available in Arabic ABOUT THE AUTHORS Mohammed Soliman Mohammed Soliman is a Huffington Fellow at the Georgetown University’s Institute for the Study of Diplomacy, where he focuses on US strategy in the Middle East. He appears frequently on television interviews to provide expert commentary on unfolding current events in the Middle East. Soliman has published in several media outlets, including Foreign Affairs, O​ pen Democracy and La Stampa, as well as analysis for the Middle East Institute. Brief Analysis Cairo believes that relations with Israel are strategically and diplomatically beneficial, and the trend toward greater rapprochement will likely continue. ince the Egyptian military’s entrance into political life and its toppling of former president Mohamed Morsi on S July 3, 2013, there have been questions as to how Abdel Fattah al-Sisi’s government will deal with Israel. Many wondered if the government would continue the current trajectory of relations, as relations underwent a chill during the Military Council and Morsi years, in part triggered by the storming of the Israeli Embassy in Egypt during September 2011. Until recently, relations between Israel and Egypt relied on Washington as mediator in negotiations. However, Sisi’s government has significantly altered this dynamic. The escalation of the political crisis between Egypt’s secular opposition and the Muslim Brotherhood had largely overshadowed Egypt-Israel relations during the Morsi era. However, the Morsi government still made several steps towards freezing the Egypt-Israel relationship: it sent Prime Minister Hesham Qandil to the Gaza Strip during Israel’s operation “Pillar of Defense” in November 2012 and attempted a rapprochement with Iran.
    [Show full text]