DOCSLIB.ORG

Constitution-Making and Democratization

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Constitution-Making and Democratization A Thesis Submitted for the Degree of PhD at the University of Warwick Permanent WRAP URL: http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/132949 Copyright and reuse: This thesis is made available online and is protected by original copyright. Please scroll down to view the document itself. Please refer to the repository record for this item for information to help you to cite it. Our policy information is available from the repository home page. For more information, please contact the WRAP Team at: [email protected] warwick.ac.uk/lib-publications Constitution-making and Democratization: A Comparative Analysis of Tunisia and Egypt after the 2010/11 Uprisings Tereza Jermanová A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Politics and International Studies University of Warwick Department of Politics and International Studies September 2018 Table of Contents List of Figures and Tables .………………………………………………....…..…iii Acknowledgements .................................................................................................... iv Abstract ...................................................................................................................... vi List of Abbreviations ................................................................................................ vii 1. Introduction ............................................................................................................ 1 1.1 Setting the Scene: Constitutional Agreement and International Assistance for Constitution-makers ............................................................................................................. 6 1.2 Constitution-making and Democratization .................................................................. 14 1.2.1 Democratization Scholarship ............................................................................... 15 1.2.2 Constitution-making Scholarship ......................................................................... 20 1.3 Contributions ............................................................................................................... 22 1.4 Research Design .......................................................................................................... 24 1.5 Chapter Outline ............................................................................................................ 26 2. Literature Review and Theoretical Framework: Constitution-making Processes, their Design, and Democratization ....................................................... 31 2.1 Constitutions as Explanatory Variables and Outcomes ............................................... 32 2.2 Constitution-making Processes at the Centre of Scholarly Inquiry ............................. 37 2.2.1 Constitution-making Design, Inclusiveness, and Democracy .............................. 42 2.2.2 Constitution-making and Democratization .......................................................... 47 2.2.3 Limits of the Scholarly Literature on Constitution-making ................................. 50 2.3 The Role of Inclusive Constitution-making Design during Democratization: Theoretical Framework ...................................................................................................... 54 2.3.2 Alternative Explanations of Constitutional Agreement ....................................... 59 2.3.3 Origins of Inclusive Constitution-making Design ................................................ 63 2.4 Conclusion ................................................................................................................... 70 3. Concepts, Methods and Data .............................................................................. 72 3.1 Defining the Context: Democratization ....................................................................... 72 3.1.1 Democracy ............................................................................................................ 73 3.1.2 Democratic Transition .......................................................................................... 76 3.1.3 Democratic Consolidation .................................................................................... 79 3.2 Defining Actors: Political Parties of the Anti-authoritarian Coalition ........................ 81 3.3 Defining the Outcome: Constitutional Agreement ...................................................... 83 3.3.1 Overall Constitutional Agreement ........................................................................ 84 3.4 Defining the Main Explanatory Factor: Constitution-making Design and its Inclusiveness ...................................................................................................................... 90 3.4.1 Substantive, Formal and Perceived Inclusiveness ................................................ 93 3.4.2 Operationalising Inclusiveness ............................................................................. 96 3.5 Origins of Constitution-making Design ..................................................................... 100 3.6 Methods, Case Selection, and Data ........................................................................... 102 3.6.1 Method and Case Selection ................................................................................ 102 3.6.2 Data .................................................................................................................... 106 3.6.3 Ethical Considerations ........................................................................................ 117 3.7 Conclusion ................................................................................................................. 120 4. Democratic Transitions and Anti-authoritarian Coalitions ........................... 122 4.1 Democratic Transitions in Tunisia and Egypt ........................................................... 126 4.1.1 Tunisia: From Kasbah Square to Electing the National Constituent Assembly . 127 4.1.2 Difficult Transition in Egypt .............................................................................. 131 i 4.2 Anti-authoritarian Coalitions in Tunisia and Egypt ................................................... 138 4.2.1 Anti-Ben Ali Coalition in Tunisia ...................................................................... 139 4.2.2 Anti-Mubarak Coalition in Egypt ....................................................................... 152 4.3 Conclusion ................................................................................................................. 163 5. Constitutional (Dis)Agreement ......................................................................... 165 5.1 Constitutional Agreement in Tunisia ......................................................................... 168 5.1.1 Agreement in the Making ................................................................................... 171 5.1.2 Summary ............................................................................................................ 183 5.2 Constitutional Disagreement in Egypt ....................................................................... 185 5.2.1 Disagreement in the Making .............................................................................. 188 5.2.2 Summary ............................................................................................................ 198 5.3 Conclusion ................................................................................................................. 200 6. Constitution-making Design and Inclusiveness ............................................... 203 6.1 Increasingly Inclusive Constitution-making Design in Tunisia ................................ 205 6.1.1 Main Constitution-making Channels .................................................................. 206 6.1.2 Formal, Substantive, and Perceived Inclusiveness ............................................. 219 6.1.3 Summary ............................................................................................................ 230 6.2 Limits to Inclusiveness in the Constitution-making Design in Egypt ....................... 231 6.2.1 Main Constitution-making Channels .................................................................. 232 6.2.2 Formal, Substantive, and Perceived Inclusiveness ............................................. 241 6.2.3 Summary ............................................................................................................ 252 6.3 Conclusion: Inclusiveness of Constitution-making Design and Constitutional (Dis)Agreement in Tunisia and Egypt ............................................................................. 253 7. Origins of Constitution-making Design ........................................................... 258 7.1 Explaining the Origins of Inclusive Constitution-making Design in Tunisia ........... 261 7.1.1 Deciding to Elect the National Constituent Assembly ....................................... 262 7.1.2 Setting the Electoral System and NCA Approval Mechanisms ......................... 264 7.1.3 Changes in Inclusiveness: Consensus Commission ........................................... 270 7.1.4 Availability, Values, and Distribution of Power ................................................ 273 7.2 Explaining Limits to Inclusive Constitution-making Design in Egypt ..................... 275 7.2.1 Early Debates about Constitution-making Design and the 30 March Constitutional Declaration ..........................................................................................
Load more

Recommended publications
  • First: One-Party Rule (1953-1976)
    Emergence of the political parties in Egypt in the 19th century was a reflection of social, eco- nomic and cultural interactions as well as certain historical, national and political circum- stances, leading to the creation and development of modern institutions of government adminis- tration and society in Egypt such as the parliament, the cabinet, political parties, syndicates, etc. Emergence of the political parties in Egypt has been gradual and gone through successive stages. Political parties have firstly been formed as secret societies that were followed by formation of political groups. The National Democratic Party (NDP) was the first party formed in 1907 by Mostafa Kamel. In less than ten years, there was a great variety in these parties; in their nature, formation, organization, power, their popular base and platforms. There were national parties, groups dom- inated by the royal palace, others formed by the occupation authority as well as ideological par- ties expressing certain ideologies. In 1907-1920, the already formed political parties in Egypt were a starting signal for the dis- semination of political parties in Egypt; however, they were restricted due to the British occupa- tion and the Egyptian subordination to the Ottoman Empire. The February 1922 Declaration acknowledging Egypt’s independence and the issuance of the 1923 Constitution have led to establishing a royal constitutional rule based on party pluralism and principles of liberal democracy. During 1923-1952, Egypt witnessed a remarkable experience rich in political and democratic practices, however, such an experience was marked with many defects such as the British occu- pation, foreign intervention in Egypt’s affairs and the royal palace’s interference in political life.
    [Show full text]
  • Modeling the State: Postcolonial Constitutions in Asia and Africa＊
    Kyoto University Southeast Asian Studies, Vol. 39, No. 4, March 2002 Modeling the State: Postcolonial Constitutions in Asia and Africa＊ Julian GO＊＊ Abstract This essay examines the independence constitutions of Asia and Africa in the twentieth cen- tury through a macro-comparative lens. The examination focuses upon the intra-imperial isomorphic thesis which proposes that newly independent countries, in formulating their constitutions, merely imitated the constitutional form of their former mother country. I find that while independent constitutions indeed imitated the constitutions of their former moth- er country, this mimicry was neither universal nor whole scale. It occurred foremost in terms of the constitutional provisions for governmental system. Conversely, at least half of the independence constitutions in Asia and Africa had provisions for religion, rights, and/or political parties that ran counter to the constitutional model of the former mother country. These countervailing tendencies to the logic of intra-imperial isomorphism reveal crucial trans-imperial influences on the making of modern postcolonial constitutions. Introduction The decolonization of Asia and Africa since WWII appears at once as a novel and yet banal historical process. On the one hand, it was an intensified moment of state-building and frenzied constitutional activity. As the Western empires crumbled, they left behind a mul- titude of nascent states each seeking to institute a new constitutional order. The number of these new states, and especially its impact upon the configuration of the global political map, is staggering. In 1910 there were 56 independent countries in the world. By 1970, after the first major wave of decolonization, the number had increased to 142.
    [Show full text]
  • Constitution Building: Constitution (2013) a Global Review
    Constitution Building: Constitution Building: A Global Review (2013) A Global Review Constitution Building: A Global Review (2013) Constitution building: A Global Review (2013) provides a review of a series of constitution building processes across the world, highlighting the possible connections between these very complex processes and facilitating a broad understanding of recurring themes. While not attempting to make a comprehensive compendium of each and every constitution building process in 2013, the report focuses on countries where constitutional reform was most central to the national agenda. It reveals that constitution building processes do matter. They are important to the citizens who took part in the popular 2011 uprisings in the Middle East and North Africa seeking social justice and accountability, whose demands would only be met through changing the fundamental rules of state and society. They are important to the politicians and organized interest groups who seek to ensure their group’s place in their nation’s future. Finally, they are important to the international community, as peace and stability in the international order is ever-more dependent on national constitutional frameworks which support moderation in power, inclusive development and fundamental rights. International IDEA Strömsborg, SE-103 34, Stockholm, Sweden Tel: +46 8 698 37 00, fax: +46 8 20 24 22 E-mail: [email protected], website: www.idea.int Constitution Building: A Global Review (2013) Constitution Building: A Global Review (2013) Edited by: Sumit
    [Show full text]
  • Libya's Other Battle | the Washington Institute
    MENU Policy Analysis / PolicyWatch 2295 Libya's Other Battle by Andrew Engel, Ayman Grada Jul 28, 2014 ABOUT THE AUTHORS Andrew Engel Andrew Engel, a former research assistant at The Washington Institute, recently received his master's degree in security studies at Georgetown University and currently works as an Africa analyst. Ayman Grada Ayman Grada is an independent political analyst and cofounder of Libyan Youth Voices. Brief Analysis The escalation in and around Tripoli holds troubling parallels with the tribal divisions that precipitated Libya's bloody 1936 civil war. ibya is a fractured country whose long-simmering violence is threatening to boil over. Internecine fighting L once mostly limited to Benghazi -- where Maj. Gen. Khalifa Haftar launched "Operation Dignity" against U.S.- designated terrorist group Ansar al-Sharia and other armed Islamists -- has now spread to Tripoli. The U.S. embassy was hurriedly evacuated on July 26, and foreign governments have urged their nationals to flee the country. The Tripoli fighting erupted on July 12, pitting largely Islamist militias from the Muslim Brotherhood stronghold of Misratah and their northwestern allies against well-equipped and trained nationalist brigades from Zintan. The latter factions -- the Qaaqaa, Sawaiq, and Madani Brigades -- are tribal and back the more secular-leaning political alliance, the National Forces Alliance (NFA), but ostensibly belong to the Libyan army. The Misratan and Islamist militias have since bombarded Tripoli International Airport, which has been held by Zintani forces since the revolution ended. This battle -- in which 90 percent of aircraft on the ground were destroyed, costing over $1.5 billion -- marks a dark turn for Libya, increasing the likelihood of the country repeating its brutal 1936 intertribal civil war.
    [Show full text]
  • Mccain, Menendez and CTC Congratulate Tunisian Elections; ISIE Releases Preliminary Results
    McCain, Menendez and CTC Congratulate Tunisian Elections; ISIE Releases Preliminary Results Photo Credit: France TV Info Rep. David Schweikert (R-AZ) and Rep. Alcee L. Hastings (D-FL) who co-chair the Congressional Tunisian Caucus (CTC) “commended the Tunisian people on their highly successful legislative elections,” stating they were “certain that these historic elections will help to lay the foundation for a democratic and prosperous future in Tunisia,” and looked “forward to working with the newly elected officials to forge closer bonds between,” the two nations. Hastings added that he looked “forward to the opportunity to meet and work with our newly elected counterparts in the Parliament of Tunisia in order to continue strengthening the longstanding strategic partnership between our two countries.” Sen. John McCain (R-AZ) also “congratulated the Tunisian people on the successful conclusion of the first legislative elections conducted under Tunisia’s new constitution,” and hoped that “the new parliament will work to achieve the aspirations of the Tunisian people,” urging them to “undertake the difficult reforms that will be necessary to create economic opportunities and a better quality of life for the people of Tunisia.” Sen. Robert Menendez (D-NJ), Chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, also congratulated “the people of Tunisia on the peaceful and democratic election of their new parliament,” and commended the Tunisian leaders “for their commitment to dialogue, pluralism, and consensus.” Based on the preliminary results released by the ISIE, Nidaa Tounes succeeded in securing 85 seats. While the party won more seats than any other competitor, it failed to gain an outright majority in the Assembly, which means it will be required to form a coalition with other seat holders in order to form a government.
    [Show full text]
  • The Muslim Brotherhood and Modern Education How Will the Muslim Brotherhood Address Egypt's Failing Education System
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Calhoun, Institutional Archive of the Naval Postgraduate School Calhoun: The NPS Institutional Archive Theses and Dissertations Thesis Collection 2012-09 The Muslim Brotherhood and Modern Education How Will the Muslim Brotherhood Address Egypt's Failing Education System Manning, Christopher Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School http://hdl.handle.net/10945/17411 NAVAL POSTGRADUATE SCHOOL MONTEREY, CALIFORNIA THESIS THE MUSLIM BROTHERHOOD AND MODERN EDUCATION: HOW WILL THE MUSLIM BROTHERHOOD ADDRESS EGYPT’S FAILING EDUCATION SYSTEM? by Christopher Manning September 2012 Thesis Advisor: Robert Springborg Second Reader: Mohammed M. Hafez Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited THIS PAGE INTENTIONALLY LEFT BLANK REPORT DOCUMENTATION PAGE Form Approved OMB No. 0704-0188 Public reporting burden for this collection of information is estimated to average 1 hour per response, including the time for reviewing instruction, searching existing data sources, gathering and maintaining the data needed, and completing and reviewing the collection of information. Send comments regarding this burden estimate or any other aspect of this collection of information, including suggestions for reducing this burden, to Washington headquarters Services, Directorate for Information Operations and Reports, 1215 Jefferson Davis Highway, Suite 1204, Arlington, VA 22202-4302, and to the Office of Management and Budget, Paperwork Reduction Project (0704-0188) Washington DC 20503. 1. AGENCY USE ONLY (Leave blank) 2. REPORT DATE 3. REPORT TYPE AND DATES COVERED September 2012 Master’s Thesis 4. TITLE AND SUBTITLE The Muslim Brotherhood and Modern Education: How 5. FUNDING NUMBERS Will the Muslim Brotherhood Address Egypt’s Failing Education System? 6.
    [Show full text]
  • Islam and the Arab Awakening This Page Intentionally Left Blank Islam and the Arab Awakening Z TARIQ RAMADAN
    Islam and the Arab Awakening This page intentionally left blank Islam and the Arab Awakening z TARIQ RAMADAN 1 1 Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers the University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education by publishing worldwide. Oxford New York Auckland Cape Town Dar es Salaam Hong Kong Karachi Kuala Lumpur Madrid Melbourne Mexico City Nairobi New Delhi Shanghai Taipei Toronto With offi ces in Argentina Austria Brazil Chile Czech Republic France Greece Guatemala Hungary Italy Japan Poland Portugal Singapore South Korea Switzerland Th ailand Turkey Ukraine Vietnam Oxford is a registered trademark of Oxford University Press in the UK and certain other countries. Published in the United States of America by Oxford University Press 198 Madison Avenue, New York, NY 10016 © Tariq Ramadan 2012 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the prior permission in writing of Oxford University Press, or as expressly permitted by law, by license, or under terms agreed with the appropriate reproduction rights organization. Inquiries concerning reproduction outside the scope of the above should be sent to the Rights Department, Oxford University Press, at the address above. You must not circulate this work in any other form and you must impose this same condition on any acquirer. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Ramadan, Tariq. [Islam et le réveil arabe. English] Islam and the arab awakening / Tariq Ramadan. p. cm. ISBN 978–0–19–993373–0 (hardcover : alk.
    [Show full text]
  • 'Bread, Dignity and Social Justice': the Political
    briefing paper page 1 ‘Bread, Dignity and Social Justice’: The Political Economy of Egypt’s Transition Jane Kinninmont Middle East and North Africa Programme | April 2012 | MENAP BP 2012/01 Summary points zz In Egypt’s 2011 uprising, political and economic grievances were closely linked in attempts to address complex problems of corruption and injustice. But the cross- class, cross-ideology coalition that united behind the uprising has predictably fragmented, and different groups now have divergent views on the applicability of liberal economic policies to Egypt. zz The Islamist parties which between them won a majority in the 2011–12 parliamentary election appear to favour the continuation of a broadly pro-market policy, although, like all parties, they have emphasized the need for greater ‘social justice’ and less corruption. Leftist groups and trade unions remain largely unrepresented in parliament and tensions may be brewing between labour and Islamist forces over economic policy. zz Uncertainty over future economic policy is currently deterring investment. Although economic policy was not the main focus in the parliamentary election campaign, there is a pressing need for all parties to develop their economic blueprints further. zz Debates over the role of the state, the free market and the nature of globalization are part of democratic self-determination. Rather than repeating old mantras about the intrinsic desirability of a smaller public sector, external actors need to remember that economic policy advice on the role of the state is not purely technical but value-laden. www.chathamhouse.org ‘Bread, Dignity and Social Justice’: The Political Economy of Egypt’s Transition page 2 Introduction and revealed the transformative potential of street protest, When a popular uprising overthrew President Hosni bottom-up coalition-building and mass campaigning.
    [Show full text]
  • Tunisia: Equality in Gender and Constitution
    Tunisia: Equality in Gender and Constitution Nidhal Mekki, September 2014 Tunisia: Equality in Gender and Constitution By: Nidhal Mekki Assistant: Salma Jrad Reviewer: Dr. Salwa Hamrouni (Unofficial Translation) Arab Forum for Citizenship in Transition (FACT): is an International Peace Institute supported initiative that aims to be a regional exchange platform on the exercise of equal citizenship in Arab countries in transition, with particular focus on gender equality. In partnership with local civil society organizations and government actors, FACT will pursue its vision through public policy-oriented research, advocacy, convening, and training, at local and regional levels. International Peace Institute (IPI): is an independent, international not-for-profit think tank with a staff representing more than 20 nationalities, located in New York across from United Nations headquarters, with offices in Vienna, Austria, and Manama, Bahrain (home of our Middle East regional office). IPI is dedicated to promoting the prevention and settlement of conflicts between and within states by strengthening international peace and security institutions. To achieve its purpose, IPI employs a mix of policy research, convening, publishing and outreach. * The research study and English translation of this paper was possible through a generous fund by the Government of Australia and guidance of the International Peace Institute. The views and opinions expressed in this document are those of the research team and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Australian government. Tunisia: Equality in Gender and Constitution Table of Contents Introduction…………………………………………………………………………………...… 1 Section I. Women’s Participation in the Constitutional Process………………..…………… 4 Women’s Representation in the National Constituent Assembly………………...……… 5 Women’s Group within the Council……………………………………………………..
    [Show full text]
  • The Implicit Sharia: Established Religion and Varieties of Secularism in Tunisia
    The Implicit Sharia: Established Religion and Varieties of Secularism in Tunisia The Harvard community has made this article openly available. Please share how this access benefits you. Your story matters Citation Zeghal, Malika. 2013. The Implicit Sharia: Established Religion and Varieties of Secularism in Tunisia. In Varieties of Religious Establishment, ed. Winnifred Fallers Sullivan and Lori G. Beaman, 107-130. London: Ashgate. Published Version http://www.ashgate.com/isbn/9781409452416 Citable link http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:34257917 Terms of Use This article was downloaded from Harvard University’s DASH repository, and is made available under the terms and conditions applicable to Open Access Policy Articles, as set forth at http:// nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:dash.current.terms-of- use#OAP “The Implicit Sharia: Established Religion and Varieties of Secularism in Tunisia,” forthcoming (2013) in Lori Beaman and Winnifred Sullivan, Varieties of Religious Establishment, London: Ashgate. Malika Zeghal [email protected] The Tunisian uprisings of December 17, 2010-January 14, 2011, which resulted in the departure of President Ben Ali from the country, began a new political era for Tunisians. In particular the legal structures of the authoritarian regime now seemed ripe for deep transformations: soon after the departure of Ben Ali, street demonstrators asked for the election of a Constituent Assembly that would draft a new constitution. Slogans and posters read: “A Constituent Assembly to change the constitution,” and “Cancel the constitution: it is a duty.”1 During this extraordinary and ephemeral political moment, it seemed that Tunisians could reconfigure their legal structures and start anew, given that they were united in a consensus against the old structures of the authoritarian regime and the provisory government.
    [Show full text]
  • The Prospects of Political Islam in a Troubled Region Islamists and Post-Arab Spring Challenges
    The Prospects of Political Islam in a Troubled Region Islamists and Post-Arab Spring Challenges Editor Dr. Mohammed Abu Rumman The Prospects of Political Islam in a Troubled Region Islamists and Post-Arab Spring Challenges Editor Dr. Mohammed Abu Rumman 1 The Hashemite Kingdom Of Jordan The Deposit Number at The National Library (2018/2/529) 277 AbuRumman, Mohammad Suliman The Prospects Of Political Islam In A Troubled Region / Moham- mad Suliman Abu Rumman; Translated by William Joseph Ward. – Am- man: Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, 2018 (178) p. Deposit No.: 2018/2/529 Descriptors: /Politics//Islam/ يتحمل المؤلف كامل المسؤولية القانونية عن محتوى مصنفه وﻻ ّيعبر هذا المصنف عن رأي دائرة المكتبة الوطنية أو أي جهة حكومية أخرى. Published in 2018 by Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung Jordan & Iraq FES Jordan & Iraq P.O. Box 941876 Amman 11194 Jordan Email: [email protected] Website:www.fes-jordan.org Not for sale © FES Jordan & Iraq All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reprinted, reproduced or utilized in any form or by any means without prior written permission from the publishers. The views and opinions expressed in this publication are solely those of the original author. They do not necessarily represent those of the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung or the editor. Translation: William Joseph Ward Cover and Lay-out: Mua’th Al Saied Printing: Economic Press ISBN: 978-9957-484-80-4 2 The Prospects of Political Islam in a Troubled Region Islamists and Post-Arab Spring Challenges Contributed Authors Dr. Mohammed Abu Rumman Dr. Khalil Anani Dr. Neven Bondokji Hassan Abu Hanieh Dr.
    [Show full text]
  • Islamist Vote’’
    Chin. Polit. Sci. Rev. DOI 10.1007/s41111-016-0018-y ORIGINAL ARTICLE From Peak to Trough: Decline of the Algerian ‘‘Islamist Vote’’ Chuchu Zhang1,2 Received: 14 October 2015 / Accepted: 13 March 2016 Ó The Author(s) 2016. This article is published with open access at Springerlink.com Abstract What are the factors that facilitate or hinder Islamic political parties’ performance in elections in the Middle East and North Africa? Why did Algerian Islamists as an electoral force declined steadily over the past two decades? Why didn’t Algerian electoral Islamists present the same mobilization capacity as their counterparts in neighboring countries did in early 2010s following the Arab Spring? In analyzing the evolution of three related variables: incumbents’ power structure and political openness; electoral Islamists’ inclusiveness and unity; and the framing process of Islamic political parties to build a legitimacy, the article tries to address the questions and contribute to the theoretical framework of the political process model by applying it to a case that is typical in MENA. Keywords Islamic political parties Á Mobilization capacity Á Algeria 1 Introduction Understanding Islamic political parties1 becomes an urgent concern following the Arab Spring, as the anti-authoritarian protests resulted in the rise of Islamists at the ballot box in 2011 in lots of countries in MENA (Middle East and North Africa) including Egypt, Tunisia and Morocco. A wider audience are now interested in 1 Islamic political parties here refer to the organizations that are ideologically based on Islamic texts and frameworks, and seek legal political participation through elections. Apolitical Islamic cultural associations and armed Islamist organizations which refuse to engage in elections are beyond the scope of this article.
    [Show full text]