St Antony's College Record 2007
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Why Canada Should Join the EU TIMOTHY GARTON ASH
Developed by Jean Monnet Project Studying EU in Canadian High Schools www.carleton.ca/ces/EULearning Teacher’s Attachment B The following summary has been published by The Globe and Mail and available at the newspaper website https://www.theglobeandmail.com/opinion/why-canada-should-join-the- eu/article1105523/ 1. ____________________________________________________________________________ OPINION Why Canada should join the EU TIMOTHY GARTON ASH PUBLISHED JUNE 29, 2006 UPDATED APRIL 23, 2018 Driving through Toronto earlier this week I saw a shiny black 4x4 with an English flag sticking out of one side window and a German flag out of the other. Presumably a Canadian family of mixed English and German origin, so rooting for both teams in the World Cup. A little later I saw a car with the Portuguese flag on one side and the Italian on the other. It occurred to me that this pretty much sums up what we've been trying to achieve in Europe since the Second World War. Welcome to the European Union -- in Canada. In fact, why doesn't the European Union invite Canada to join at once? In most respects, it would be a much easier fit than Ukraine, let alone Turkey. It effortlessly meets the EU's so-called Copenhagen criteria for membership, including democratic government, the rule of law, a well-regulated market economy and respect for minority rights. (Canada's a world leader on that.) Canada is rich, so would be a much-needed net contributor to the EU budget, at a time when the Union has been taking in lots of poorer states. -
Russia's Vision for the Middle East and North Africa
Transcript Russia’s Vision for the Middle East and North Africa Mikhail Margelov Chairman, Committee for Foreign Affairs, Federation Council, Russia; Special Representative of the Russian Federation and President on Cooperation with African Countries Chair: Rt Hon Sir Roderic Lyne Deputy Chairman, Chatham House; British Ambassador to Russia (2000-2004) 10 December 2013 The views expressed in this document are the sole responsibility of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the view of Chatham House, its staff, associates or Council. Chatham House is independent and owes no allegiance to any government or to any political body. It does not take institutional positions on policy issues. This document is issued on the understanding that if any extract is used, the author(s)/ speaker(s) and Chatham House should be credited, preferably with the date of the publication or details of the event. Where this document refers to or reports statements made by speakers at an event every effort has been made to provide a fair representation of their views and opinions, but the ultimate responsibility for accuracy lies with this document’s author(s). The published text of speeches and presentations may differ from delivery. Transcript: Russia’s Vision for the Middle East and North Africa RUSSIA’S VISION FOR THE MIDDLE EAST AND NORTH AFRICA Rt Hon Sir Roderic Lyne: Good evening, ladies and gentlemen. Thank you for coming in such numbers. I’m Roderic Lyne, I’m the deputy chairman here at Chatham House. This meeting, as I think you know, is being held on the record. -
By Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Of
FROM DIWAN TO PALACE: JORDANIAN TRIBAL POLITICS AND ELECTIONS by LAURA C. WEIR Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements For the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Dissertation Adviser: Dr. Pete Moore Department of Political Science CASE WESTERN RESERVE UNIVERSITY January, 2013 CASE WESTERN RESERVE UNIVERSITY SCHOOL OF GRADUATE STUDIES We hereby approve the thesis/dissertation of Laura Weir candidate for the Doctor of Philosophy degree *. Pete Moore, Ph.D (chair of the committee) Vincent E. McHale, Ph.D. Kelly McMann, Ph.D. Neda Zawahri, Ph.D. (date) October 19, 2012 *We also certify that written approval has been obtained for any proprietary material contained therein. ii TABLE OF CONTENTS List of Tables v List of Maps and Illustrations viii List of Abbreviations x CHAPTERS 1. RESEARCH PUZZLE AND QUESTIONS Introduction 1 Literature Review 6 Tribal Politics and Elections 11 Case Study 21 Potential Challenges of the Study 30 Conclusion 35 2. THE HISTORY OF THE JORDANIAN ―STATE IN SOCIETY‖ Introduction 38 The First Wave: Early Development, pre-1921 40 The Second Wave: The Arab Revolt and the British, 1921-1946 46 The Third Wave: Ideological and Regional Threats, 1946-1967 56 The Fourth Wave: The 1967 War and Black September, 1967-1970 61 Conclusion 66 3. SCARCE RESOURCES: THE STATE, TRIBAL POLITICS, AND OPPOSITION GROUPS Introduction 68 How Tribal Politics Work 71 State Institutions 81 iii Good Governance Challenges 92 Guests in Our Country: The Palestinian Jordanians 101 4. THREATS AND OPPORTUNITIES: FAILURE OF POLITICAL PARTIES AND THE RISE OF TRIBAL POLITICS Introduction 118 Political Threats and Opportunities, 1921-1970 125 The Political Significance of Black September 139 Tribes and Parties, 1989-2007 141 The Muslim Brotherhood 146 Conclusion 152 5. -
The Revolutions of 1989 and Their Legacies
1 The Revolutions of 1989 and Their Legacies Vladimir Tismaneanu The revolutions of 1989 were, no matter how one judges their nature, a true world-historical event, in the Hegelian sense: they established a historical cleavage (only to some extent conventional) between the world before and after 89. During that year, what appeared to be an immutable, ostensibly indestructible system collapsed with breath-taking alacrity. And this happened not because of external blows (although external pressure did matter), as in the case of Nazi Germany, but as a consequence of the development of insuperable inner tensions. The Leninist systems were terminally sick, and the disease affected first and foremost their capacity for self-regeneration. After decades of toying with the ideas of intrasystemic reforms (“institutional amphibiousness”, as it were, to use X. L. Ding’s concept, as developed by Archie Brown in his writings on Gorbachev and Gorbachevism), it had become clear that communism did not have the resources for readjustment and that the solution lay not within but outside, and even against, the existing order.1 The importance of these revolutions cannot therefore be overestimated: they represent the triumph of civic dignity and political morality over ideological monism, bureaucratic cynicism and police dictatorship.2 Rooted in an individualistic concept of freedom, programmatically skeptical of all ideological blueprints for social engineering, these revolutions were, at least in their first stage, liberal and non-utopian.3 The fact that 1 See Archie Brown, Seven Years that Changed the World: Perestroika in Perspective (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007), pp. 157-189. In this paper I elaborate upon and revisit the main ideas I put them forward in my introduction to Vladimir Tismaneanu, ed., The Revolutions of 1989 (London and New York: Routledge, 1999) as well as in my book Reinventing Politics: Eastern Europe from Stalin to Havel (New York: Free Press, 1992; revised and expanded paperback, with new afterword, Free Press, 1993). -
Was There an Armenian Genocide?
WAS THERE AN ARMENIAN GENOCIDE? GEOFFREY ROBERTSON QC’S OPINION WITH REFERENCE TO FOREIGN & COMMONWEALTH OFFICE DOCUMENTS WHICH SHOW HOW BRITISH MINISTERS, PARLIAMENT AND PEOPLE HAVE BEEN MISLED 9 OCTOBER 2009 “HMG is open to criticism in terms of the ethical dimension. But given the importance of our relations (political, strategic and commercial) with Turkey ... the current line is the only feasible option.” Policy Memorandum, Foreign & Commonwealth Office to Minister 12 April 1999 GRQCopCover9_wb.indd 1 20/10/2009 11:53 Was there an Armenian Genocide? Geoffrey Robertson QC’s Opinion 9 October 2009 NOTE ON THE AUTHOR Geoffrey Robertson QC is founder and Head of Doughty Street Chambers. He has appeared in many countries as counsel in leading cases in constitutional, criminal and international law, and served as first President of the UN War Crimes Court in Sierra Leone, where he authored landmark decisions on the limits of amnesties, the illegality of recruiting child soldiers and other critical issues in the development of international criminal law. He sits as a Recorder and is a Master of Middle Temple and a visiting professor in human rights law at Queen Mary College. In 2008, he was appointed by the Secretary General as one of three distinguished jurist members of the UN Justice Council. His books include Crimes Against Humanity: The Struggle for Global Justice; The Justice Game (Memoir) and The Tyrannicide Brief, an award-winning study of the trial of Charles I. GRQCopCover9_wb.indd 2 20/10/2009 11:53 Was there an Armenian Genocide? Geoffrey Robertson QC’s Opinion 9 October 2009 PREFACE In recent years, governments of the United Kingdom have refused to accept that the deportations and massacres of Armenians in Turkey in 1915 -16 amounted to genocide. -
Europe and the Vanishing Two-State Solution
EUROPE AND THE VANISHING TWO-STATE SOLUTION Nick Witney ABOUT ECFR The European Council on Foreign Relations (ECFR) is the first pan-European think-tank. Launched in October 2007, its objective is to conduct research and promote informed debate across Europe on the development of coherent, effective and values-based European foreign policy. ECFR has developed a strategy with three distinctive elements that define its activities: •A pan-European Council. ECFR has brought together a distinguished Council of over two hundred Members – politicians, decision makers, thinkers and business people from the EU’s member states and candidate countries – which meets once a year as a full body. Through geographical and thematic task forces, members provide ECFR staff with advice and feedback on policy ideas and help with ECFR’s activities within their own countries. The Council is chaired by Martti Ahtisaari, Joschka Fischer and Mabel van Oranje. • A physical presence in the main EU member states. ECFR, uniquely among European think-tanks, has offices in Berlin, London, Madrid, Paris, Rome, Sofia and Warsaw. In the future ECFR plans to open an office in Brussels. Our offices are platforms for research, debate, advocacy and communications. • A distinctive research and policy development process. ECFR has brought together a team of distinguished researchers and practitioners from all over Europe to advance its objectives through innovative projects with a pan-European focus. ECFR’s activities include primary research, publication of policy reports, private meetings and public debates, ‘friends of ECFR’ gatherings in EU capitals and outreach to strategic media outlets. ECFR is a registered charity funded by the Open Society Foundations and other generous foundations, individuals and corporate entities. -
Post-Communist Democracies and Russia
Post-communist democracies and Russia Instructor: Ion Marandici Course: Political Science 01:790:381, Fall 2013 Location: ARH-100 on Cook/Douglass Time: MW 5:35-6:55 PM Office hours: Monday 7:00-8:00 pm, Hickman Hall 402 or by appointment at the Center for European Studies (Douglass Campus), office 303. Email: [email protected] Course overview: This course will focus on a group of countries, which for the most part of the 20th century have been under the Communist rule. This group of countries can be further subdivided into four categories. After 1989, some of the former Communist countries initiated a successful double transition (both political and economic) that ended with their membership in the European Union (Poland, Hungary, the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Romania, Bulgaria, Slovenia, the Baltic Republics). Some of the less successful countries from the region are E.U. candidates (Macedonia, Serbia, Montenegro), while others are potential candidates (Albania, Kosova, Bosnia and Herzegovina). However, democracy and market economies did not emerge in all of the former communist countries. The second group of countries ended up developing hybrid political regimes with unclear prospects in terms of democracy and market reforms (Moldova, Ukraine, Russia). The third group of countries includes authoritarian states like Belarus, Turkmenistan, Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan and Tadjikistan. Ironically, the United States of America depend on some of these countries for the successful completion of the operations in Afghanistan, while Europeans try to diminish their dependence on Russia, by building new pipelines thoughout the region. Hence, we will explore whether there is a link between the richness in resources and the prospects for democratization. -
EU-US Future Forum 2021: a Path Forward for Transatlantic Relations
Atlantic Council EUROPE CENTER ISSUE BRIEF EU-US Future Forum 2021: A path forward for transatlantic relations AUGUST 2021 BENJAMIN HADDAD, JÖRN FLECK, LIVIA GODAERT, MICHAELA NAKAYAMA SHAPIRO INTRODUCTION This report is written a few days after US President Joe Biden’s first interna- tional trip, to Europe, where he notably attended the first EU-US Summit in seven years. The summit led to concrete realizations, including the creation of a Trade and Tech Council and a suspension of the Airbus-Boeing dispute. But just as importantly, it spurred new momentum to shape an ambitious transat- lantic agenda to face common challenges: an assertive China, the COVID-19 pandemic and the need for subsequent economic recovery, climate change, technological change, and growing authoritarianism. Beyond the positive de- velopments coming out of the summit, the real test lies ahead: can we forge the policies, norms, and standards that will once again make the transatlantic relationship a force for the defense of liberal democracy across the world? Engaging in constant dialogue between policy makers, experts, and the pri- vate sector will be critical to the success of this endeavor. The Europe Center conducts From May 5 to 7, the Atlantic Council’s Europe Center and the EU Delegation research and uses real-time to the United States partnered to organize the first EU-US Future Forum commentary and analysis to (EUFF), a three-day open conference bringing together policy makers, ex- guide the actions and strategy of perts, and the private sector to address the key challenges facing the transat- key transatlantic decisionmakers lantic relationship in the coming decades. -
The Year of TRUTH
26 FEATURES The Year of TRUTH 1989 was the most dramatic year in Europe for four decades. Here, in a provocative extract from his new book We the People, Timothy Garton Ash argues that, like 1848 in the West, 1989 was the year of the citizen in Eastern Europe. 989 was the year communism in Eastern To be sure, even without a political-military reversal inside the Soviet Union there will be many further con Europe died. 1949-1989 R.I.P. And the flicts, injustices and miseries in these lands. But they will epitaph might be: Nothing in his life, be different conflicts, injustices and miseries: new and old, Became him like the leaving it. The post-communist but also pre-communist In the worst case, there might yet be dictators; but they would be dif thing that was comprehensively installed in the ferent dictators. We shall not see again that particular newly defined territories of Poland, Czechos system, characterised by the concentration of political and lovakia, Hungary, Romania and Bulgaria, and in economic power and tne instruments of coercion in the the newly created German Democratic Republic hands of one leninist party, manifested sociologically as a privileged new class, in states with arbitrarily limited after 1949, the thing called, according to view sovereignty. point, 'socialism', 'totalitarianism', 'stalinism', 'politbureaucratic dictatorship', 'real existing Of course, if we walk the streets of Prague, Warsaw or socialism', 'state capitalism', 'dictatorship over Leipzig we can still find the grey, familiar traces: the flattened neo-classical stalinist facades on all the Victory needs', or, most neutrally, 'the Soviet-type Squares, the Lenin boulevardes, steelworks, shipyards, the system' - that thing will never walk again. -
Model Course on the Safety of Journalists
2017 Model Course on Safety of Journalists Model Course on Safetyof Journalists Model Course on Safety of Journalists A Guide for Journalism Teachers in the Arab States Published by the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO), 7, place de Fontenoy, 75352 Paris 07 SP, France, and the International Federation of Journalists, IPC-Residence Palace, Rue de la Loi 155, B-1040 Brussels, Belgium © UNESCO and the International Federation of Journalists, 2017 ISBN 978-92-3-100223-6 This Publications is available in open Access under the Attribution-ShareAlike 3.0 IGO (CC-BY- SA 3.0 IGO) license (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/3.0/igo/). By using the content of this publication, the users accept to be bound by the terms of use of the UNESCO Open Access Repository (http://www.unesco.org/open-access/terms-use-ccbysa-en). The designations employed and the presentation of material throughout this publication do not imply the expression of any opinion whatsoever on the part of UNESCO concerning the legal status of any country, territory, city or area or of its authorities, or concerning the delimitation of its frontiers or boundaries. The ideas and opinions expressed in this publication are those of the author; they are not necessarily those of UNESCO and do not commit the Organization. Prepared by: Dr. Michael Foley, Ms. Clare Arthurs, Ms. Magda Abu-Fadil, Revised by: Revised by: Mr. George Awad, Mr. Ming Lim, Mr. Fackson Banda, Ms. Saorla McCabe, Mr. Mounir Zarour, Dr. Nisreen Abdallah, Mr. David Bivan Translation to Arabic: Dr. Hassana Rashid Cover photo: Shutterstock/annekhen Printed by UNESCO Regional Bureau - Beirut Printed in Beirut, Lebanon 2 Foreword Safety of Journalists: A Model Course for the Arab States is a significant instalment in our UNESCO Series on Journalism Education. -
ISC Annual Report 2003-2004
Intelligence and Security Committee Annual Report 2003–2004 Chairman: The Rt. Hon. Ann Taylor, MP Intelligence Services Act 1994 Chapter 13 Cm 6240 £10.50 Intelligence and Security Committee Annual Report 2003–2004 Chairman: The Rt. Hon. Ann Taylor, MP Intelligence Services Act 1994 Chapter 13 Presented to Parliament by the Prime Minister by Command of Her Majesty JUNE 2004 Cm 6240 £10.50 ©Crown Copyright 2004 The text in this document (excluding the Royal Arms and departmental logos) may be reproduced free of charge in any format or medium providing that it is reproduced accurately and not used in a misleading context. The material must be acknowledged as Crown copyright and the title of the document specified. Any enquiries relating to the copyright in this document should be addressed to The Licensing Division, HMSO, St Clements House, 2–16 Colegate, Norwich NR3 1BQ. Fax: 01603 723000 or e-mail: [email protected] From the Chairman: The Rt. Hon. Ann Taylor, MP INTELLIGENCE AND SECURITY COMMITTEE 70 Whitehall London SW1 2AS 26 May 2004 Rt. Hon. Tony Blair, MP Prime Minister 10 Downing Street London SW1A 2AA In September 2003 the Committee produced a unanimous Report following our inquiry into Iraqi Weapons of Mass Destruction – Intelligence and Assessments. I now enclose the Intelligence and Security Committee’s Annual Report for 2003–04. This Report records how we have examined the expenditure, administration and policies of the three intelligence and security Agencies. We also report to you on a number of other Agency related matters and the wider intelligence community. -
Introduction
INTRODUCTION Contents Establishing the Inquiry .................................................................................................... 2 Purpose of the Inquiry ................................................................................................ 2 Support to the Inquiry Committee .............................................................................. 3 Avoiding conflicts of interest ...................................................................................... 4 The Inquiry’s approach ..................................................................................................... 5 Initial meetings ........................................................................................................... 5 Issues not addressed by the Inquiry .......................................................................... 6 Hearings .................................................................................................................... 8 Written evidence ........................................................................................................ 9 Publication of the most sensitive documents .................................................... 10 Minutes of Cabinet meetings ............................................................................. 11 Communication between the UK Prime Minister and US President .................. 12 Legal Professional Privilege and the Law Officers’ Convention ........................ 13 Open source material .............................................................................................