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When referring to this work, full bibliographic details including the author, title, awarding institution and date of the thesis must be given e.g. AUTHOR (year of submission) "Full thesis title", University of Southampton, name of the University School or Department, PhD Thesis, pagination http://eprints.soton.ac.uk UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHAMPTON FACULTY OF LAW, ARTS & SOCIAL SCIENCES School of Humanities The Welsh Soldier: 1283- 1422 by Adam John Chapman Thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy November 2009 Abstract The present thesis is a study of the reality – and the myth – of the ‘Welsh soldier’ in the later middle ages. The final defeat of the Princes of Gwynedd in 1283 was formalised by the division of the principality of Gwynedd and the ‘feudalisation’ of its territory set out in the statute of Wales proclaimed at Rhuddlan in 1284. As Morris long ago demonstrated, and as Davies and others have since reaffirmed the ‘wars of independence’ – at least in the thirteenth century – were conducted as much between Welshmen as between ‘the Welsh’, the Marchers and the English crown. The picture of Edward I’s pragmatism driven by ‘imperial’ principle – ironically achieving Llywelyn ap Gruffudd’s aim of taking Wales into the ambit of the feudal and political structure of England – without Llywelyn painted by Glyn Roberts is appropriate.1 The integration of Welshmen into Edward I’s military machine was swift, but required innovations of military organisation, chiefly, the Commission of Array. Most Welshmen served at a low level in English armies, as archers, and consequently, are far harder to trace as individuals before the regular survival of full muster accounts in the years after 1369.though global figures can be deduced more readily for the armies of Edward I, Edward II and Edward III, more precise detail cannot. Despite this, patterns of the service of Welshmen, both from the Shires of the principality of Wales and the Welsh March can be generally described over the period covered by this thesis. The concentration of military historians on the formation of royal armies has downplayed the role of military lordship and its importance in the March of Wales. Similarly, while the events of the Glyn Dŵr rebellion (1400-1410) are well understood, and the consequences of the rebellion on Welsh society have excited some interest, the immediate impact on the Welsh as soldiers has not been fully explored. The place of the Welsh at the battle of Agincourt provides a bridge between the chronological spine of this thesis and the consideration of what might be termed the cultural impression of the medieval Welsh soldier. Thanks largely to Shakespeare’s depiction of Captain Fluellen in Henry V (1599) the Welsh are 1 J. E. Morris, The Welsh Wars of Edward I (Oxford, 1901); R. R. Davies, Conquest, Coexistence and Change: Wales 1063-1415 (Oxford, 1987), G. Roberts ‘The Significance of 1284’ in Aspects of Welsh History, Selected Papers of the Late Glyn Roberts (Cardiff, 1969), pp. 281-87. ii inextricably linked with this battle, though contemporary evidence suggests the sum of their involvement was extremely limited. Ironically perhaps, in fifteenth century Welsh culture, Agincourt is the silent battle; uniquely there are no poetic references to this battle in a culture where war against France and the earlier battles of Crécy and Poitiers were staple metaphors for the prowess of individuals and as a source of patronage to the bards themselves. The image of Welshmen at war, and particularly, their skill with the longbow, appears to owe much to Gerald of Wales whose accounts of the men of Gwent as archers in the twelfth century has become the province of folklore rather than a reflection of historical reality. There is a striking difference between the Welsh account of their experience at war and the perspective of outsiders. Fundamentally this was because most external commentators saw the Welsh as an undifferentiated mass. Our evidence for the corresponding Welsh view is based upon literature praising the actions of individuals. The majority of their opponents, in Scotland and in France, but also in much of England, the only Welshmen who would ordinarily be encountered were soldiers. The difference in impression was preserved by later observers and the staple depiction of the Welsh as primitive and backward, ‘Wild men from the woods’ in the words of the author of the Vita Edwardi Secundi would have been recognisable to the pamphleteers of the seventeenth century who were themselves describing soldiers. The aim of this thesis therefore is to bring together these views of the ‘Welsh Soldier’ to give a better understanding of his role in later medieval warfare, and the place of war in fourteenth and early fifteenth century Welsh society. iii Contents v Acknowledgements vi Note on Welsh personal and place names viii Author’s Declaration ix Abbreviations 1 Introduction 12 Chapter 1 – The Welsh Soldier, 1283-1359 76 Chapter 2 – The Welsh Soldier, 1360-1422 140 Chapter 3 – The Shires and the March: Military Lordship and Military Participation 189 Chapter 4 – The Image of the Medieval Welsh Soldier 226 Conclusions 234 Appendix A – Select Biographies 258 Appendix B – Welshman in the English army in 1415 269 Appendix C – Welsh Naming 274 Bibliography List of Maps and Figures xiv Map – The lordships of the March of Wales in the fourteenth century Tables: End ch.1 1. Select examples of the size of English Armies and their Welsh constituents, temp. Edward I and temp. Edward II. End ch. 1 2. Select examples of the size of English Armies and their Welsh constituents, temp. Edward III. 126 3. Garrison Strengths in the Shires of Wales and the March, 1415. Illustrations 194 1 and 2. Welsh Archer and Spearman from TNA E 36/274 iv Acknowledgements This thesis has benefited from the assistance, generous advice and encouragement from many people which it is a pleasure and a duty to record. There are a number of individuals whose encouragement aided me through the difficulties of this project. First, to my parents and family, who have been sources of constant support and to whom I dedicate this thesis. To the Soldier Project team, Dr Adrian Bell, Dr David Simpkin and Dr Andy King, for their questions, assistance and help in the sharing of ideas, information and expertise which have greatly eased the path towards the completion of this thesis; to Dr Leonie Hicks who has offered much in the way of useful advice, help and experience; to Rachel Evans, whose friendship, enthusiasm and tolerance of ‘talking shop’ is greatly appreciated. Likewise, I would particularly like to thank the denizens of post-graduate office 2241 and other PhD students in the School of Humanities, past and present. Special mentions must be made to Jaime Ashworth, Jennie Cobley, Mark Rose, the perpetually dapper Ted Way, Sarah Inskip, Sandy Budden, Mike Lally, Ally Moore, Eletheria Paliou for getting to the office earlier than I did, Dave Underhill, Vasko Démou, Patty Murrieta Flores, Steve Robinson, Jan Lanicek, Dan Varndell and Leif Ishaksen. Mention should also be made of my former colleagues and contemporaries at UEA for their encouragement, biscuits and book tokens, and especially Phil Kinghorn, Karen Thurston, Jo Heal and Anna Chapman (no relation). A further measure of thanks is due to Dr Ann Parry Owen and Dr Barry Lewis of the University of Wales, Centre for Advanced Welsh and Celtic Studies, and Dr Dylan Foster Evans of Cardiff University for their invaluable assistance and advice concerning late medieval Welsh literature and their flattering interest in my work; to Rick Turner of CADW; to other members of the History department at Southampton and to Eleanor Quince, Mary Stubbington and Lorna Young; to all my teachers who struggled valiantly to persuade me to write as much as a side of A4 but who, none the less, inspired this pursuit of education and finally to Dr Rob Liddiard and Professors Christopher Harper-Bill, Stephen Church and Tom Williamson of UEA, who fostered my interest in medieval history in the first place. Gentlemen, it is all your fault. My greatest debt is to my supervisor, Professor Anne Curry whose patient encouragement, depth of knowledge, kindness and, on occasion, justified and constructive criticism, has carried me through the process of producing this thesis. Diolch yn fawr iawn. v Notes on terminology and Welsh spellings Proper Nouns Attempts to standardise Welsh spelling have proved singularly ineffective until recent years which inevitably breeds confusion for non-Welsh speakers. Some attempt at standardisation will nonetheless be attempted with personal names and place names where the modern Welsh version will generally be used (where known) and where the Welsh form is generally understood by a non Welsh audience. For example: Caernarfon will be used over Caernarvon and Cydweli for Kidwelly while Caerfyrddin will use the ‘English’ form Carmarthen for the sake of comprehensibility. Personal names have their own challenges since English and French medieval orthography found the Welsh language something of a challenge and little consistency can be found in many cases – witness the enormous variation found in the spelling of Llywelyn. Hence, except in direct quotations of earlier work, Griffith will be dubbed Gruffudd, Meredith (and variants) as Maredudd.