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disClosure: A Journal of Social Theory

Volume 9 manholes Article 15

4-15-2000

The of Life: Fashion Culture, Identity, and the Dance of Survival in the BalIs

Tara Susman Columbia University

DOI: https://doi.org/10.13023/disclosure.09.15

Follow this and additional works at: https://uknowledge.uky.edu/disclosure

Part of the Social and Cultural Anthropology Commons This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial 4.0 License.

Recommended Citation Susman, Tara (2000) "The Vogue of Life: Fashion Culture, Identity, and the Dance of Survival in the Gay BalIs," disClosure: A Journal of Social Theory: Vol. 9 , Article 15. DOI: https://doi.org/10.13023/disclosure.09.15 Available at: https://uknowledge.uky.edu/disclosure/vol9/iss1/15

This Article is brought to you for free and open access by disClosure: A Journal of Social Theory. Questions about the journal can be sent to [email protected] Tara Susman The Vogue of Life: Fashion Culture, Identity, and the Dance of Survival in the Gay Bal Is

During the u mm er and fall of 1997, I did fieldwork in the gay Balls' of the greater New York ar a, sp nding time with member of the /louse of izC'aya, a Newark, New Jer y-ba eel famil y, ancl participating in pr paration for it annual Ball. The preparation · included ex- t nd cl con r ation planning the event, variou C'rrancL and ~ CL-up, cwing and co Lum e-making, ancl a gen rou amount of ju t hanging out. In additi on, I attend cl approximal l twenty Ball ancl "Mini-Ball ,'"in N wark, N w York City, and , u uall with m mber of Vizcaya. l \\as pr nl al about half a dozen Hou e meet­ ing in ' hich upcoming Ball and other event w r di cu cl, and l lou e memb r touched base with ach other and aired conflict and problem . 1 al oh lp cl Ang I, the moth r of the hou , plan hi annual fa hion show. After th e Vizcaya Ball, Ang I b gan lo call 111 a daughter of the llou 2 In thi a., l focu on th paradoxical and t ran !'ormnt i ncr tic practice r lat cl to the C 2000 disClosure : a Ball ' Afri an-based roots and fo ~ hion , ge nder, Jo11ma l of social tlleory (9). Committee on Social and ~c xualit ' ithin th Ball ~ ubcultur . I am in­ Theory, Unlver sity of Kentucky, Lexington, KY t re ~ t cl in how the yncr ti c pra tic create a cultural m mory di tinct from that of a largely ho til main tream, and how an mpha on imitation and er ativ inv ntion becom the

117 Susman Vogue of Life mean of c~llural ~nd physical urvival. My per pective differs from \\hen their kid win Lrophi e~, th e entire Hou c ga in reeog111L10n. that. of the JOurnah. Ls and. academic re archer cited in my paper. Houses can pring up or fold al any Lim e according lo th e desires of ~nli~.e mo l of th e J.oun~al1 L , I ha ve p nt more time with my " ub­ those children who d c icl (or are a keel by th eir parents) to become Jects and my examrnal10n draws from a rancr or theore ti cal schol · ·- parent Lh emsel vc . Kiel may witch 1l ou e and ome do o frequ ently. hip. none of the re earch cit cl ha been conducted in Acl~itionally, ~:y There are nol nee s aril y p ciri · requir menl for joining a Hou e commumly or Lud y. Mo L important, mo t or th cholars who di scus other than the approval of th moth rand fa ther. A Ilou e may recruit gay Balls .refer onJy lo th e film Paris is Burning, u ing the film to di _ a chi ld whom mb r lik or beli e ha the potential Lo win trophie . cu~ and 1llu Lrale Lh eorie that extend beyond the ba1lroom. Although The name of a r Jou e, which i lected by it moth er and fa ther, refl ects I frnd the work of th e e cholar u eful, my allegiance i fir land fore­ some of the practi ce valu ed by the community, particularl y fa hion and most lo the Hou e of Vizcaya and it culture. Thu , my goal i lo pu ll achirvemenl. House name include Aphrodite, Armani, Chanel, , together om e of what I have ob crv d and learn d from Hou e mem­ Ebony, E cada, Excellenc , Gene i , lnfinili, Jourdan, Karan, Latex, bers a1.1d .theorize from that, ra th er than to fit Ballroom culture into a Milan, Mizrahi, Polo, Pre ti ge, Tu cany, Ultra-Omni, and Xtravaganza. pre-ex1st111g theoretical framework. Within th e ballroom ubculturc, chi ldren take their House name as Although Hou e members pend a great d al of ti me i 11 dance th rir urname. ~ lub s, the quinles ential ocial ev nt Lhat hold the community toget her When a Ilou i planning to ho la Ball, it di tribute fli er , u u- is the .Bal~. Ball arc a co1.11binatio11 fa hion how, Olympic , and part y, all } a l other Ball , Lo announce in advance the pec iri c calegorie whi ch and me hi ghly char?ed with comp LiLi vc ncrgy C:.lllcl er ali ve arti stry:' ,,ill he open for C'Omprlilion. at go ri es are fir l brok en down among The e event .'al whi ch th e Ball uhculturc crcal (and br ak ) it ~ own fo ur gen cl r .. : ( I) women, propl c born with I hi s biological de .. ignalion rules, occur 111 YMCA ba ketball court ' , on -room clan e club , hotel reganll e or exual prrr r llCC', (2) butches, I bian \\Om en who alway ballroom.s, and olhe1: large open pace . A ballroom layo ul i like th at look like m n, (3) butch qu ee ns, gay m n who u uall} look like men, and of a fa h1on show, with a long T- hapecl runway th at ·tretche out into ('1) f emme qu eens, propl horn mal e hut who li c I ife a ", omen," of­ the center of Lh e room. (The runway i u uall y imply a marked-off urea ten as i L cl by co mC'Li c surge ry and hormon and u ually wi thout a of Ll~ e floor, although occa ionall y it i on a rai ed cal walk.) Tables and ge nital change . Cal gorirs for butch qu e 1k in are di Lin et from chairs crowd around the sid e of th catwalk and a long tahl of judge qu en catcgori . Although sLrai ght m n arc not included in pa~·all e l s the back wall.. Peo ple u ually walk (C'omp t ) as a repr srn­ th ese cal go ri c , .. om may a ll nd th e Ball a friend of children. In Lal1ve of a H?use, enlenng Lh e runway area from Lh ·rowel and mov ing my ex perienc , 0v erly J·o bl c~s- ness cl cl · · · ' the abov g nd r . . 'an 1 cnmmal1on , providing upport and a di Lin cLcu lLurc fo r The e calcgori arc Lr at cl a cntial ve n a th y intrin icall thell' m e n~b ~ r · A 1lou se typically consisL of a mother,father, and kids confirm th con Lru ctcdn ss of g nder. Th ere are alwa. a [ w kid who (Ball parL1c1panL are u ually referred lo as kid or children). In Lhcory, don' t rem to fit pr cis 1. into an. one atcgory ( .g. "f minin '' look­ a member of any may Lak e the role of e iLh r parent. Members of ing butch qu n with long lrnir and oft bodie who do not '"do drag "). a Hou s~ do not li ve toge th er and th e moth rand father rarely ha ve a Suc h category violation ma b met with pa sionat and near-violent :~mai~ ll c ~r sexual. r e l a tion ~ hip with each other. lnslead, they op rate de bate. On th other hand, an individual ran mak a g nd r change, pailne1s to provide emollonal and practical upport for th e kids, act and cal gory cl rinitions do .. hift Jowl . a rol e models, and help the kid prepare for Bal I . Within h r parti ·ular g nd red clivi ion, an individual can compete Ideall y, a. Jlou.se lasts many yea rs, during which the mother and in ca tcgorie for th mo t b autirul/ace, th xi st body, th mo L kill­ father a,~1cl .lheu children win many trophies al Balls and become '• leg­ fu l voguing, and variou t. p of rum a walking ( .g., ev ning wear, end ary. Like a team, members of the IIou e sit Loge Lh er a l Balls, and designer' d li ght, port w ar). The tandard u cl lo judge children in

118 119 Susman Vogue of Life

any give n category cl pend upon th e de cri pt ion of th at ca tcgory in L women's c Iol I11 · ng Iia a rong c n11)l1ac •. , almo l half of the calegorie the fli er. For example, childr n arc judged fo r " realness" (are th ey for fa h ion arc cl voted lo men w ar. con idered capable of ''pas ing" in the traight wo rld?). Are th ey On the one hand, thi ubcu ltu rc illu Lratc the '"trickle-down" "cunty" (a re butch 'gestures exaggeratedl y effeminate)? Ilow theory endorsed by many fa hion writer : elite de ig11e1: create Lyles "shady" can they be (are th ey up tagin g oppon nl and Lr ati ng th em that are de ired, imilal cl, and worn by the ma e (Cra1k,. The Face of with di

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ign. Tho e who mimi · hi gh fa hi on ar mimi cked by hi gh fashi on a run dow n the catwalk . Du ring thi era, photographic model began w.ell_. If urban Afri ca n Ameri can have a y tcm of fa h ion that i both walking fa hion show , triking evere arrogant poses as if for a cam­ d1 Lrn cl from and related Lo th main Lream y tem and that ha been era. The model had b come th centerpiece of the fashion industry known to take a decidedl y politica l turn (c .f. Cosgro ve on zool s ·l ) I I . . . UJ s ' ra ther than an ace ory to it. Addi LionaJI y, du ring the 1960s, the men's t len l ~1 i cerla1nl y th.e ~a with a group tripl y marginali zed by race, fa hio11 indu try look a Lrong upward turn and de igning for men be- sexualit.y, and cla . W1thm a hostil e large r ocial cont xt, th is subcul­ came the rag (Craik 81-2, 192). ture aff.1rm b ~ th incli v idu ~1 l. and group id nlili by p rfo rm ing their everal ourcc (Tr hay, ugg. , Green) place the birth of voguing aesthetic , ethic , and politic (Brown ing). during this decade. B cau it was introduced as a ub tilule for fight Some of th e e idenlilie are a direct challenge to hegemonic idea that might occur al a Ball, it was charged with a ubdued element of about power .and Latu . If the Ball are one fa hion economy, then a violence from the beginning. A Old Way voguing wa liulc more than number of different code are simultaneou ly in play and are made 1'free ze frame fashion po Luring'' (Oeckle 36), it eemed lo draw it form c~m~1e n urable. A fem me q ~ een done up li ke a porn tar in parkli ng cl ircetly from thr variou indu try change happening in fa hion al the pa ti es, ~ fea th e r boa, and l11 gh heel , a wo man in a fl owing black \el­ time. vet evenrng gown and long gloves, a butch in full ca mouflage army gear, Also in the 1960s, th dominant look al th Ball began Lo shift and a but ~ h qu een d re eel a Wo nd r Wo man fro m II ell with six arm from /La Vega . tyl to high fa hion. In the late 1970s and all may. w111. a tro ph y Lit e ame ni ght. Creal ivit y, th rough mimi cr} and 1980 , more hutch qu en b gan lo participate in the Ball . ometimes recom b111 all on, b come a va lu . th ey app ar cl a men, 0111 time ~ in drag. Today, with butch queen in . Th e form of the Ball Lro ngly re · mbl s th at of fas hion hows, a· asC'e11da 11 cy, Ball.. are no long r a cont l in which audi nc and per­ evidenced by the u e of th e runway, th r tricti on of movement lo the fo rm er ar paral cl. A critical di ff renc belw n fa hion how and r u nw~y, the cone rn with di play and va lua ti on of the most fa hionahle the Balli that an. on in the aucli n ·e al a Ball can ·omp l . At a Ball, ~ l o t. h rn g, and th e bl a r i n ~ mu ic. The wo rd House, which de ignates fam­ C' \ eryone ha .. th potential for renown and, although certain kid be­ ily 111 the Ball , echoc 1l u c in the fa ·hi on wo rld, a in the llousc of come favoril and om outcome .. may b predict cl, constant and dra- Chanel. ~o th e r Angel Vizcaya, who mak sh r liv ing a a de igncr, put matic up els arc quall certain. on a fas.h1011 how every year in Newark in the am roo m where Vizcaya In thi cont xl, what arr th right question to po e about fa hion? l.h ro~~ 1l Ball. ALA nge l's fa hion hows, an anno unc r empl oy a style Questio n uch a '"l low doc fa hion mak meaning?'' or "Whal doe i e m11 ~ 1 cent of the commentator at th e Ball s Lo dC'sc ribe and cxtol th c fa shion mea n?'' imply that fa hion' m aning can and mu l be pin­ c ~ o lhrn g wo rn by m o ~ e l who lrul up and dow n the runway, the admis­ pointed in wo rd . Although it ma. be u eful Lo consider fa hion as a s10 n co l of th e fa h ion how i the ame as that of th Ba ll and An­ language, thi metaphor may add more problem than it olve . Al ­ gel offers th e ame buffet dinner, prepared by hi biological 1:10ther, al though Fr d Davi co11 .. id r fashion Lo have qualiti of a discur ive both event ·There are other link betw en the two event : Angel u se~ se miotic cod , if not fully a languag , h mphasize that th e ' a. in some of ~h e wo men from her I lou e a mod Is and some of th e Vizcaya whi ch clothing mak s 111 aning i not cl ar. Ther i no l of rule that women fi r t mel Angel while wor king as model in her fa hion shows. fashion fo llow . Davi (6-7) sc ambiguity a a crucial element of Damon. ' fa ther Vizcaya , J1elp s Lo L1·· cl lll· new mo cl e I to per fo rm a runway fashio n' " pe ch'' and off r .. thr wa s to con id r how fa hion make walk, JU SLa she tra in s new Hou e member to wall. he and other mean ing: 1) it j " onl xl cl pend nt,'' 2) th re i.. con iderable variabil­ House m ~ mb c r who arc not walking in the fas hion how as i L back­ ity in how diffe rent groups r ad cliff rent . mbol , and 3) it i given lo stage clunng the event, a I did. Some of th e same p oplc allend both "unde rcod ing,'' i .. , no n- xp lic it m aning whi h r quir inf r nee. even l ; however, there arc more wo men al fa h ion show . The c th r lcmcnt s cm to require an cthnographicall. p cific ub­ . .On ~ of the most intere Ling conn ec ti on betwee n the Balls and fosh- jec t. In th worl d of th Ball , th mo t i111po rt a11 t m an through which 101 ~ is histori ca l and in vo lves th e evolution of voguing, the dance that fa shion p ak it ambi guou la nguage ar runwa. walking and I frnd th e most interes ting creati on Lo emerg fro m th conflu ence of vogu ing. both world · In th e ] 960 s, f a I11 · 011 sI1 ow 111L1· I e U.S. and Europe began to feature mu sic i11 ti 1e11· . pi .o cl uc l1· on ancI models began Lo dance and

122 123 Susman Vogue of Life

Voguing around 1995, is now rarely een (i l was formerly the specialty of Father Voguing i Lh ignaLure danc of th Ball . Allhough Lh e ba ic Vizcaya, who had performed on a drill team, and so i an expert baton form re embl th e po e and allilude of runway fa hion mod l , it ha twirler). Arms control, which is performed only from th e waist up, em­ been combin ed with olhcr elem e Lyl inlo man y v r ion . Thi ongo­ ph as izing th e arm , wa ga ining in popularity during my research. Jn ing recombination i partially the r ult of vogu ing' multiple are n a~ of thi s ver ion , two voguer fac one another sjlling in chairs, a configu­ practice which include dance club in New York Ci Ly and th e Chri ~ Lo ­ ration that mak th 111 look like th y are argu in g il ently and passion- pher Lreel pier, a hangout for bl ack and Latino gay . All voguing im­ ately. provises from a broad vocabulary of mov menl. I nve n Li venes i im por­ Mo t popular in J 997 wa butch queen vogue femme, al o called tan l becau e a battle oft n proceed by one-upman hip when L\\O or cun ty voguing. Thi i often performed with hyper-exaggerated effemi­ more competitor face off. The u e of the l rm battle lo refer Lo a voguing nacy, with flopping wrist , mall mincing lep , and dips, a dramatic contest recall it ub lilulion for fight . Batlle can be fierce an d step wherein a dancer who has one leg lift cl high fall backward to the physically dangerou . In addition Lo attempting Lo cow an opponen t, fl oo r and land in an arch cl-back po e. Thi Lyle i performed with knowledge of what the children would call the politic of voguing (un­ muc h care, preri ion , and humor. der landing th e p yc hology of th e crowd and the j ucl g ) is ju Las im­ The connection b tw een fa hion and voguing i even stronger if portant. Co mpetitor 111u l calculate how, when, and where particular fas hion i u cl a a v rb. Th action i cru cial: walking categories, movement hou ld be perfor111 ed. uch d c;i ions ar made wi th ligh t­ making clothe , pulling tog th ran outfit with preci e detailing. Many ning pe d, not ah\ay c;o 11 ciou ly. Th following cl finition of clu b C'hi lclrcn ar ru11nwayR through 0111 combination of choice and neces­ dance i helpful in th eorizing vogui ng: it bl ncl s ••e thnic, g ndcr, re­ si t y~ thu , thC' ability to t·rcalC' a world, lo r in v nl family, and to gional, and even neighborhood styles. I J u111 or and com men Lary are reco nfigure' th eir hocli s, i11 . horl, to'" it clown al th ewi ng machine embedded in the proce - a thi s i · the opti111i ·ti c; premise - that and Lake a impl C' a garm nl and Lum it into a grand priz -\ ining en­ dance i alway in evolution, and that reinv nlion and adaptability are se mble" ar all crucial to unival (q tcl. in Trebay: 24). Anne Hollander tralegie for what life, al it be t, ·houlcl h ,, ( omer 7) . (1978) c mpha ~ izcs th e importanc of wear and motion in animating C'iothing. If runway 111 ocl rl. arr meant to bring clothing to life, to acl oul Voguing the Otd Way i lowly triking po a ft r pos after po~c . Pooley (56) de cribe the New Way of vog uing a : th r potential for pow r and icl nlity lyi ng read in Lh cloth , thi per­ forma nce b come C'V n more vital in th cont xl of th Ball and es- a dance emphasizing the transitions between poses: lightning fast pecial! y in voguing. hand motions and whirling arms, swoops and spins on the ground, lt i impo ibl to th ori z how fa hion mak meaning in thi and improbable contortions, all delivered with an elegant, dead­ context without ·onsid ring a ·Li on, motion, and clan . Ci nd. Pallon pan attitude ... Bodies moving in ways that recal I Bruce Le e (85) ugg t that '" hi torici t. cannol b eparal cl from kine th etics; movies, Egyptian hieroglyphics, Nike commercials, positions from that i , th truggl Lo mak claim to political id ntil cannot be un­ the l

124 125 Susman Vogue of Life

4 to wield - and fills those essentially empty qualities with new, an engaged struggl among variou ocial, political, historical, and eth­ individual life (Pou Ison-Bryant 110). nic elements with permeable boundaries. Voguing i a syncreti tic prac­ Patlon (85) argue thal through rnov m nl, voguing performs a tice par excellence becau th e dance combine and articulate differ­ particularly powerful critique that ''ull rly lran form notions of white en l clements while remaining a hete rogeneou whole. Another way to feminini Ly already I nown lo be critiqu d by Lh mainstream." More think about the double mo vement i lo con ider that th e antagonism of preci ely, Becquer and Galli co ntend that voguing i both ally and critic relation w n voguer i •·animated by the partial pre ence of the of hegemonic ideal uch a white fe mininity. How doe thi double other within th selP' (B quer and Galli 448). movement of alliance and critiqu ' ork? Bequer and Galli (446) main­ yncreti m, ac or

126 127 Susman Vogue of Life culture of paradoxes, and the mo t unlikely of paradoxe al times seem out in the Ballroom. Lo be the mo l table - th ese are th paradoxe that Lran form th rough No t only i there a parallel in the hi gh valu e both African-based yncreli m. religions and the Ball subculturr place on dance, vogu ing also appears Syncretism: African Diasporic Roots to have roots in forms. Both Pallon and Poulson-Bryant make this argum ent in a general way. Patton, following Veve Clark, Becau e Afri can American are th ' majority al the Ball ancl be­ posits a simil arity belw 11 vogui ng and a Martinican martial art which, cause .Latino culture ha been dramaticall y innuenc d by the culture li ke vogu in g, i a r placement fo r fighting. imilarly, Bequer and Galli of Afncan brought to Central and outh Ameri ca a laves r will look find trong re em blanc b l w en capoeira, developed by Africans ~t Afric.an influence in . One man i fe Lation of A'frican root during their en lavement in Brazil, and voguing. Capoeira wa created is muluple form of mime i . Zora N ale Ilur ton (59) de cribe a a martial art for e lf-d efen ~ but wa di gui eel a a dance lo hide its development from lave ma ter . Capoeira i both rhythmic and acro­ t~e Negr~ ... [asl famous as a mimic. But this in no way damages his standing as an original. Mimicry is an art in itself. If it is not, batic, and is accompanied by mu ic. Two people, who do not Louch, play then all art must fall by the same blow that strikes it down. clo c to each other, with feel whizzing over each other' head , imilar to thr kicking and dipping of children ngaged in a voguing ballle. If From this per peclive, Ball participant ' mimetic practi ce are exem­ accordin g Lo Paris is Burning Hou e are in ome en e '"gay treel plary of creative arti try becau e mimes i i a cultural form , perhaps th e ga ng ," tlten voguing i th ir mo t direct method of fighting. However, very ground of ·ultur . thr rr i an important cliffercncc: capoeirista remain focu ed on each ~.hen thc?riz. cl~ .~ scntial to cultur , mime i un ·rttlc questi on other ancl no one win ; a ogucr fo ·u .. c upon looking fabulou for th e of ~n.grn, 111akrng 1l d1f~1cult lo determin wh n borrowing i not appro­ audience and tric to win a Lroph . . priation ~G~ ld .by). Mune i , according to Micha l Tau ig, has two De pile thi cliff r nee, th simi lariti .. ugge t that voguing ma y a peel : 11rnla t1 on and a en uou connection between the imi tator' hr a lat 20' 11 centur. development of " hat Ve\ e Clark call a r idue body an~l .th e '"origi.nal" body. Barbara Browning not th at although of tradi ti onal 111 mory, which she link Lo both clia poric group and n~u c h cnl1 cal all nl1 on ha been given Lo drag as a ite of 111imcsi &, ra­ cl aitc·r . What might it mC'a n if oguing '"r member '' its African connec­ cial and cultural id entiti es are al o mimicked. A I in slh cti cs of history tio ns whi l it practition r arc unm are of the c root ? I am not con­ become especia ll y crucial when th e art of 111imi cry m •a n to ""yield into ce rned with r v aling uniqu or pure origin ; in lead I am interested and becom th e other" (Tau ig xiii), a 111 ove n1 111 which complement s in th e way of knowing in voguing and in Ball cu lture. Bequer and ~a.lli '~ 110~io11 of th e s If within th other during voguing. In the Ball , 1m1t~ t1 o n 1 embedded within the cliff r ~ nt lypes of cult ural Syncretism: Fashion system as they rntersecl. Mimesis in Lhi s c-ontex l i both th result of The large r s tr111 of fmd1io11 i11 American culture ha multiple i­ hi s tori ca ~ yncreti m invol vin g African diaspori c culture and a force multan ou ~ strea m (I loll aml r), and within th Ball the e tream are that conlln ue lo create new ync reli c form . comb ined and reC'o mhin d' i1h other lc111 nt . Mimcsi i u11de11iable: Even if one accept th e pre ence of African-ha eel prac ti ce in the many fa hi on , ava ilabl throu gh a •·n '' m dia lif '' ·an b s n and Balls, th e s.Lrong parallels between Afric- an-ba cl r li gions and Ball­ copied by anyon with ace s to at levi ~ ion, regard le of income level room ~racl1ce s may seem surprisin g. In yncrcli c reli gion such as (llolland r 198). Th kid' wor .. hip of eli te de igner notwith landing, Santeria and Candomble, a reli giou s community i known as a House. the mo t chic cl ign r outfit i.. not guarnnt cl a troph .. An ou tfit mu t A Hou e is run by a mother and father or godparent and its initiates be wo rn w ll, fill cl with fa hionabl compl 111 nlar. acce so ri , and are c hiltl~·e 1.1 or godchildren. AddiLionall y, practitioners of Afri ca11- brought to life by a child" ith an '"ovah" runwa ' alk. ba s~ d re l1 g1ons va lu e th e tran formative power of clan c . Writing of Furth r, th clothing made b th de ign rs in th BalL onl oc­ Afnc a n ~b'~ cd reli gions and th e Balls, Browning ( L64) asserts, '"demar- ca ionall

128 129 Susman Vogue of Life zine. Ba::aar has a particular role wi thin th e Ball becau e it refers to sexual'' are inadequat to explain the varieties of cxualitic al play. a special category with a double meaning: Bazaar/fa hionable and Bi­ The kids would consid r three of the four specified to be gay; zarre/ trange. Here, th ~ ~ fri ca n love of punning and layered meanings, onl y wo men are unmarked . In the Ilou e of Vizcaya, roughly half of the that Hur ton ob erved 1s 111 full pl ay, and humor is an important element women identify a le bi an and the other half, straight, but all compete of cultural urvival. The double m aning of Bazaar/Biza rre reveals the in ''women' '' categories. 111 th ory, butch queens date butch queen an

130 131 Susman Vogue of Life

of the games, and so forth; that social life is precisely social, eem a logical outcome of the strong fo cus on women's clothing in consisting of webs of relationship and interaction between mul­ Weste rn fas hi on. Dcspit th upward wing in the men' industry since tiple, shiftingly interrelated subject positions, none of which can be extracted as autonomous 'agents' and at the same time there th r 1960s, wom en's clothing is the standard and men' i the marked is 'agency,' that is, actors play with skill, intention, wit, knowledge, term . Women' clothing tends lo be hi ghly elaborated; men's hi ghly intelligence. The idea that the game is 'serious' is meant to add res tricted. Toge th er th cod form a in gle coherent sign y Lem into the equation the idea that power and inequality pervade th e which, Davi argu (40)," k lo ratify and legitimate al the deep­ games of life in multiple ways, and that, while there may be play­ est, mo t tak n-for-grant ed I v I. of everyday life, th e culturall y en­ fulness and pleasure in the process, the stakes of these games are dorsed gender di vi ion of labor in ociety.'' A trong commitment to the often very high. tra nsformative potential in fashion, along with an acceptance of drag and other tran gender cl acL, threaten to unravel variou naturalized Would it be po ible lo con ici er the fa hioning of id entity in the Ba ll con truction of gender and open up opportunitie for identity hifts. as a•• eriou game'' in Ortner' en e? Within a game, a person may Drag i th cleare t example of fa hion haping id entity. Yet not all occupy multiple ubject po ition , and th e form th at identity takes may depend upon context a much as hifts in empha i within the variou fo rms of drag are alike, nor ar the way in which they tran form iden­ intertwined a p cl of identity, such a g nd r, ra c , and sexuality. The tity. Mos t of the writing on fa hion and gender ob erv e th at the main­ move ment among po ition eem to be on out ·om of a culture eom­ stream fashion of "mcnsw ar" for women i a trend that makes frequent return in th late tw nti th c nlury. While thi tyle may con truct po eel of multiple syncr ti m . u ·h po ibility of lf-tran form ation im age of powcrf ul women, it is never deeply di turbing. However, may be cru ·ial lo an oppr cl group. '" men" in ''wom n's'' clotlting i. di sturbing b cau. thi tran gression In th e ballroom, fa hion hap a11cl i u eel lo 5hapc different manife talion of id ntity. In fact, fa hion ma y nouri ,h in thi context di srup t normati v notion ~ of mal r/fe mal P°'°" rd namics and a clearly becau e of th e in tability, ambivalenc , and contradictorine i11hcre 11t egrega tecl g nd r binary. But c h c ~ \\ ith who pas a m n may be in individual and group iclentitie (Davis). Of cour e th e Ball offer equally di turhing, and th ry ar on th margin of the Ball cene. In h r dis ·u sion of Bull r conflate butch children opportunitie to tran form th ir id cntiti . More importantly, Paris is Burning, it may be through th e e opportunitie · for th If-fashi oning of ident i­ qu e en ~ in drag with fcminc qupen . In fa ·t, sh focu e on fe mme ti es that a per on may mak n e of inh r nt ambival 11 c to fin d her qu een , who typically wo uld try to cli tancC" th m elv from th e idea of drag, inc th ey aim to pa a women. Wi thin th ballroom, uch way in life (Davis). Ange l told me that he I arn d to be an indi vidual and a part of so mething larger by d igning and making clothes. Jli attemp ts arc alway a doubled I a ~ ing. B caus in the ballroom cene she wi ll alway b lab I cl o f mme qu een, he ma . be een a having statement refl ect the perspec ti ve of many kid , although those wh o are not de igners may rely on ly upon th e I ction and combination of realness, but wil I not be con icl red a woman. Identity chang i ~ cl arly und r crutin. ' hen it i ubject to a test clothing lo mak e them elv ubject . of rca lne . But ev 11 r a In es clo not hav a con i t nl cl finition. According lo Jacki e Gold by, Ball children ar ubj ct to and in- Trophy-quality realn for a hutch que n (pa ing a cl mane! struments of identity revi ion becau e they are both engaged with and ~ trai g ht) a tough hom bo. a sth tic: trect rath r than hi gh fa hion lothes and di sengaged from commod ity cultur . li e argu s that the kid ' identit y a mac ho swagg r. ln contra t, fa ~ hionable realn for f mme qu een becomes anoth r commodity feti h, th e logical r ult of trying to li ve out tend towa rd a porn sta rl r t a th ti c. None of the trophy-winning '"re­ consumer capi tali sm. Yet, rather th an b coming ali enated from som e alne "fcn1m qur 11 could pas a a ,. traight'' woman, athough the. true self by such commodity/identity xchangcs, children who remake do not look like men ith r. Hormonally, urgically, and sartoriall th eir id entitie "find meaning and a kind of fre •dom in their actions'' enha nced, "rcaln ,, here m ans h p r-exagg rat cl femininit. · To (Goldsby 111 ). 'he argue th at mak in g lit fa shion commensurable wha t ex t nt is uch a n w icl nt it m rel x i rior? with inn er-city fa hi on level th e hi erarC' hy of va lu e that mainstream Whil h r cogni z that th . Ball (again, a d pi ·t cl in Paris is culture gives th em. Fa hi on id entity ga m thus revise the values of Burn ing) qu sti on th binary of ge nd r, P gg Ph elan rein crib th e consumer capitaJi m a well a identity for tho eon th e margin. ma le/femal binary , h n h argue that men ' ho c ro ~ dr ~ cannot The pre Li ge given to both fa hi on and female drag in the ball room inte rioral ize woman hecau th k p h r i mag xt rnal. For Phelan

132 133 Susman Vogue of Life

(102), gender fa h ionecl on Lh e exterior of Lh e body does not Lransform Ho w Do I Looifemininity and wi lei "'di ruptive anti-knowledge behind a cool As wilh fa hion, voguing challenges Lh e tability and unily of iden­ facade'' (Filli n-Y h 33). II r pr ence i demanded al Ball . IL i se­ tity, or perhaps enable uch hifts lo Lake place. Pallon (96) argues that rured by th performanc of ariou regi Ler of g nder - even a butch vog uing "deconstrucl "gender and race de pile Lh e identity of the pe r­ realne s queen r onat with ome of the characteri tic of the femme son dancing. Bequer and Ga lli (452) argue that voguin g can make id en­ ti ty heterogen ou becau e iL di ru pl th e po · ·ihiliLy for a coherent fat ale. Th is is a p rforming community and the majority of kicL are inler- experi enli ality. Vogu ing appear to hav ·uch a Lro 11 g impacl b e c au ~ e ec; tecl in haping LhC'ir iclcntilic, for a \\atching audi nee. llo11ander of ils syncreti c African roo t , b cau iL draw · upon fa ·hion, plays \\ ith notes that, b ginning in the 1920 .. , the aclvanc of cinema attached notion of ma culin ily a11d femi nini ty, and becau e iL is a kinesth eti c ideal s of mov m nl Lo id als of clothing slyl which \\ re ab orbed by language. pro p! who watch cl film and then imitated in anticipation of being The abil ity lo change one elf by · Imping one' look and one' ohc;e rvecl . l agre with Lh ori ts\ ho argue that photograph. and cinema movement may b one of th e few optio n Lo a rl power. Lee (2 15) arc an cff cl, rather than cause, of a long complicat d hi Lory of We L­ reporls Lh at Lh e " le power p ople f I th ey can x rl ov r Lheir rm i­ em ob e ion wi th the isual. At the ame time, I maintain that cinema ro nmenl, th e more th ey allempl lo do o over th ir O\ n ho

  • 134 135 Susman Vogue of Life and the tructure of the Hou e refi cl a imila r hi Lory, may of th e kid fame as omething th y ou ght within th e ballroo m. are not m are of the e hi tori cal connecti on . Therefore, th e constan t Perh aps beca u e mai nstream (re)viewer of th e film often fa il e~ lo use of vi ual recording device prov ide the opportunit y to create an­ not ice th at Ball arc a "reality'' with their own ystem of economics, other kind of hi Lory, as evidenced by ome calegori e from recent Balls: po\\ er, and privil ege, kids' a pi rations to fame were interpreted .solely '" Note: Aeling Fath e r Bulter Carli r lam Dunked Lhi category la t as their desire for an out id r' gaze and the Ball were read again a 1 ~ d year. Plea e r view Polo Ball tape '97." 'R c reate one of th e four hot aga in as a '"fanla y.'' Whal could a ubculture fantasy \~o rld do bu ~ di e momenl : (do re earch). ea on Kara 11 dr s cl in r d, ell ing it li ke a without ou tsider ' affirmation? Green argue (1) Lhal mam tream mi me­ fe mme queen at Marc Chanel' $50 Bal I. .. '' sis of the ubcultu re had kill cl th e latter; " no one needs lo go to a ball Why th e de ire to create a record d hi Lo ry? In parl, no do ubt, for Lo see drag any more ... (or) to ee voguing either.'' .Being o fashionable the heer plea ur of wa tchi ng again and comm enting. In part, to cre- doomed the en lire community Lo the death Lh al is expected of every ate a sen e of connectedne between a large group of people aero fa hion. ti me. And in part, a a defi ant ge Lure in the face of death which 'i it One of the earlie t main Lream lories on voguing i a 1990 article this community fa r too often, an attempt to make a mark of having-heen­ written by Eric Pooley in New York magazine. Pooley's slory, headlined pre ent. Vi ible legibi lity is sought a the ground fo r ontology. "The Vogue of Death ,'' narrated event around a vo~ uin g b a ll~ e on the Fashion and Death Chri stophe r trecl pi er, cv nts whi ch culmina ted 111 a s ~ a bb111 g . In a 1995 artic le, Gu y Tr bay (24) led hi article aboul a beneht Ball for the According to Wa lter Benj amin, fa hion und r capitali m produced legrncl ary Avi P ndav is with th tatemenl Lh al, "fol.k have probabl r, commodity f ti hi ' Ill in perfect fo rm : b cau e it wa · d riven by the c·on­ hern proph syin g th e cl ath of voguing inc b fore 1t had th e label. tinual planned oh ole ·enc of clothing ' Lyle, th e cl ire for new eom­ Dc'lpite hi fatali. ti· I acl , Trcha not cl Lh al th ball room :e1:e .con­ modi tie wo ul d he perµ tu al. Thu , B •11 ja111in a rgue , fa hion wa5 al­ ti11uccl to r ncv its If again a11cl aga in . Although th e cl ath of 111 d1v1dual lied with death . u an Bu ck-Mor (l 01 ) trac B njamin' argument t n r~ of Paris is Burning were read ofl n a th death of th ubculture, fu rther wh n he ma intain that, "'fa hion i th e Ill dium that 'lures [sex] Th ese Lragedi w re tra11 form cl into th e birth of a nli-A~D . act1 v1. m ever deepe r into the inorgani c wo rld' - the ' r a im of dead th ings'." in the Balls. Although Browning correctly noted th at Pa~ ts ts B u ~n ing Benj amin could not have known of th ri way th id as would wag di turbi ngly free of ref rrnc lo AID , ~h ~ fil.m d1 ~I co 1~t a m an resonate within th e AID - tricken fa hion community (both in the Hall ob lique ref r nr to th communit' AlD act1 v1 111 1n bnef cl1 p from and in the lite de igner community) . llow vrr, il i important lo rc\isit a 1989 AID b n fit Ball. hi idea because reports a bout th e ba llroo m uhcullure in the pres Nowaday th r ar al lea l two annual AID be 11 efil Ball in th e after the pl a h of Paris is Burning e med inl nl upon pronouncing the New Yo rk ar a, th Gay Men' Il ea Ith Crisi (GM TI C) Hou e of L~ L ex death of the Ball and the kid . Fo r exampl , a 1993 N w York Time Ball in Ma nhattan and th f IRE Ball in Newark , pon ored by ProJe.cl story chroni cled th e remarkable numbe r of cl ath of Lh lar of Paris Fire and People of All olor Tog th r. The Jlou e of Latex wa a b~·il ­ is Burn ing and di c ussed th e law uit brought by th e remaini ng ~ t a r lian t proje ·L in itial cl and run b. a f w kid from the Ball COlllllllllllly . agai nst the film' director. Th e author of the a rti c le (G reen 11) claimed GM IIC pay Ball roo m admi ion for kid who join th llou of Latex. thal th e ubculture wa also dyin g: These kid go Lo Ball and omp t like any other kid , but Lh Ya re al 0 targe ted fo r AID cdu ation and trained to beco.me A~D P r educa­ Once mainstream America began to copy a subculture that was tors. The annual Ball include an AID -pr v ntwn fai r and numerou copying it, the subculture itself was no longer of interest to a categori es tha l r f r to af r ·. I heard an amazin? de cription a wider audience, and whatever new opportunities existed for the °~ Latex Ba ll in whi ch a llou \ on a ca tegory wa ll 1ng tog th r with principals dried up . memb r dr eel as a af r s x kit, wit h co tum in luding a human- Green argue that the film gave birth lo th community and that, wit h­ sizcd condom and lat x glov . . . out further opporlunilies for public ity in Lh mainstream medi a, the The FIRE Ball i run h N wark -ba cl fD orga111 zal1on and a subcullure wa condemned Lo death. llow v r, a mu ch as chil dren in coll ec ti ve of N wa rk Jl ou ~ . B ginni ng in 1996, in additi on to catego­ Paris is Burning µoke of their dr am of fa m , they commonly defined ries such as " af r x omm rc ial a a Hou ,'' ther hav be 11 con-

    136 137 Susman Vogue of Life

    Lest in which Hou e have been invited Lo m morialize deceased mem­ Notes ber by con Lru cling altars and quill in their honor.ei The combined effort of uch organizations have re ulled in ge lure towards AIDS 1 I have italicized terms used in th e Balls the first time they appear. education, u ually in th e form of a table pil cl with free condoms and 2 This paper was written immediately following my fieldwork, and my use of prevention pamphlet , al nearly ev ry Ball, even Lhe mailer-scale the present tense refers properly to ] 997-1998. Mini-Ball . Ila AID preventi on gone oul of fa hion in the Ball ? Although 3 In the intere I of space, I will not examine ballroom language which is fas­ much lip service i given lo afer ex, a change in practices does not cinating in many respect . "O ah,'' which is a favorite descriptor, means nece arily follow. I have heard everal cynical kid ay that Latex i fabulou . ote th pun "'ovah nowing kirt:' a '"fir l" hou e, ju la Le pping tone into th Ball . In response to my •l This comm ent i especially on the mark if one recalls Willi inja in Paris que tioning if the e prevention Lrategie till work, Larry Abrams. the is Burning teaching young, hopeful female models how to walk a runway. GMHC employee who ran th e in ti tu Lional part of the 1997 Latex Ball, 51do not mean to imply th at Bequer and Gatti are not aware of the Latino pres­ ci Led a need for a more '"i nlervenlioni t'' trategy b cau e he believes ence in 1he Balls; th C' opposite i clearly true. I am making a distinction that knowledge alone doe nol nece ari ly change practi ces. Even the between th e ethnic connections that scholars and the children make. repetition of prevention knowledge i no long r consi tently of great intere t al th e Ball . ln th 1997 FIRE Ball, 11 0 on walked any of the 6The ronte ts are an intervention by the ewark Project, an ethnographic and safer ex categorie , even tho e with cash priz Rocial srrvice project rnn by Karen McCarthy Brown at Drew niversity. She call uch inlrrvcntions ''provoking data.'' The Dance of Survival

    While it would be unreali tic Lo conclude on a romantic nolc that Works Cited disavow Lh e problem of AID , pov rty, and olh r forms of viol ence Abram , Larry. Per onal int n iew. Gay M n' I l ahh Cri is, New that affect thi community, [ want to cmpha · ize its incredible capac it y York City. 21 August 1997. for renewal and urvival a individual and as a group, for carrying Beequer, Marco and Jo. al ti. '"El ment ~ of Vogue.'' ubcultures forward and tran forming cultural m mory, and fo r er ativity and gen­ Reader. Eds. K n G ldrr and arah Thornlon. N w York: erosity. In the fa ll of my fieldwork, Ang l and Damon trained me to walk Rou t I dge, l 997. 445_4,5;3 . in Lh e wom en's vog ue category. They in ve nted qu nc of movrmcnt, Benjamin, Walt r. "'Pari , apital of th Nin teenth ntury.'' Reflec- commanded me to follow and copy th m , th n wi th a wave of th eir tions. N w York: cho ·k 11 Book : 1978. 146-162. hand , urged m lo improvi . In th e 111idcll of any 1l ou e ga thering, Brow ning, Barbara. "P nctrahl cl (""Pari i Burning'').'' Infec- Angel wou ld turn 0 11 mu ic, fa ce Ill , and mak" me dance, da11 ci11g i11 tious Rh.> thm: Metaphors of Contagion and the pread of African front of me and corr c ti11 g me all th way. 11 a lway nded by a ~s ur­ Cu lture. New York: Routl clg·, 1998. 159-172. ing me, '"G irl, you're goin g to turn it! " Wh n 1h c big cla y arrived, An­ BuC'k- Mor ~ , u. an. Th e Dialectics of eeing: Walter Benjamin and gel brushed a icl e my complaint of nervousn as h ru heel off Lo help Lhe Arcades Project. Camhriclg , MA: MIT Pre , 1993. another child pre pare for he r category ancl aid, ~· D o n ' L worry about a Butler, Judith. "G nd r is Burning: Qu tion of Appropriation and thing. Just remember, if you sta rt to fall , turn it into a dip!'' uhver ion.'' Bodies that. Maller: On the Discursire Limils of "ex." N wYork: Rout! clg, 1993. 121-1 40. - . Gender Trouble: Feminism and the ubversion of Identity. N w Yo rk: Routlcclg , 1990. Chcnoun , Farid. A llislory of Mens Fashion. Tr. Ock Du ~ inbcrr Pari : Flammarion, 1993. Clark, Vcv . "Performing th M mor of Diffe r nc in fro- arib- b an Dane : Kath ri11 Dunham', hor ograph., 1938-87.'' llistory and Memory in African-American Culture. Ed .

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    Genevieve Fabre and Robert O'M ally. N w York: Oxford Uni­ Ler, Janet. "From the Jn ide: An Interview with Three Women Fash­ ver ity Pre , 1994. 188-204. ion De igner ." Zoot Suits and Secondhand Dresses: An Anthol­ Co grove, tuart. '"The Zool uit and Lyl Wa rfar ." Zoot Suits and ogy of Fashion and Music. Ed. Angela McRobbie. Bo ton: Secondhand Dresses: An Anthology of F'ashion and Music. Ed. Unwin Hyman, ) 988. 215-224. Angela McRobbie. Bo Lon: Unwin llyman, 1988. 3-22. Morris, Ro al ind C. '"All Made Up: Performance Theory and the New Craik, Jennifer. Th e Face of Fashion: Cultural tudies in Fashion. An thropology of ex and ender.'' Annual Rei·iew of Anthropol- New York: Routledge, 1994. og; 24 ( 1995): 567-92. Dav is, Fred. Fashion, Culture, and Identity. hi cago: Uni ve rsity of Ne" to n, E th cr. Mother : Female Impersonators in America. Chicago Pre , 1992. Ch icago: Univer ity of Chicago Pre , 1979. Dekle, Nicole. '"D eep in Vog ue." Dance Maga:::i ne Apr. 1991: 36. Ortner, berry. Making Gender: Th e Politics and Erotics of Culture. Father Damon Vizcaya. Personal interview. New Jersey City, NJ. 24 Bo ton: Beacon Pre , 1996. August 1997. Paris is Burning. Dir. Jennie Living ton. , 1991. Fillin-,Ye h, usan. '"Dandie , Marginality, and Mod rnism: Georgia Patton, Cindy. "Embodying uballern Memory: Kine the ia and the

    0 Keefe, Marcel Duchamp, and 0th r Cross-Dressers." Th e Problematics of 7 nd rand Race." The Conn ection: Oxford Art Journal 18.2 (1995): 33-44. Representational Politics, ubcultural Identities, and Cultural Garber, Marj ori e. Vested In terests: Cross- Dressing and Cultural Anxi­ Theory. Ed. athy clt wichte11berg. Boulder: We tview Pre , et)'· New York: I larperP rennial, J99:3. 199:3. 81-l 06. Gold by, Jackie. '" Qu e ns of Languag ." Looks. Eels. Martha Phrlan, Peggy. "'Th old n Apple: Jennie Living ton' Paris is Gever, Pratibha Parmar, and John r y 0 11. New York: Burning.'' 111 Unmarked: th e Politics of Peiformance. New York: Routledge, 1993. 108-l 15. Hou t\ dg , 199:3. 9:3- 111 . Green, Je se. "' Pari ha Burned. Death i Unraveling the World of Poolry, Eri ·. '"The Vogue of D nth.'' New York Maga:::ine 15 October th e Drag Ball Depicted in th e Acclaim cl F il m ' Pari i Burn­ ] 990: 55-60. ing.'" New York Times 18 April 199:3, lat d., sec. 9: l +. Poulgon-Bryanl , C'Oll. '"Doi ng it Prop rl y: The World A ·cording lo Halberstam, 1udith. '"Mackd a

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