ARCHAEOLOGY AND BUDDHISM IN SOUTH ASIA

This book traces the archaeological trajectory of the expansion of Buddhism and its regional variations in South Asia. Focusing on the multireligious context of the subcontinent in the first millennium BCE, the volume breaks from conventional studies that pose Buddhism as a counter to the Vedic tradition to understanding the religion more inte- grally in terms of dhamma (teachings of the Buddha), dāna (practice of cultivating generosity) and the engagement with the written word. The work underlines that relic and image worship were important fea- tures in the spread of Buddhism in the region and were instrumental in bringing the monastics and the laity together. Further, the author examines the significance of the histories of monastic complexes (viharas, stupas, caityas) and also religious travel and pilgrimage that provided connections across the subcontinent and the seas. An interdisciplinary study, this book will be of great interest to stu- dents and scholars in South Asian studies, religion, especially Buddhist studies, history and archaeology.

Himanshu Prabha Ray is affiliated to Ludwig Maximillian University, Munich, Germany, and is recipient of the Anneliese Maier research award of the Humboldt Foundation. She is former Chairperson of the National Monuments Authority, Ministry of Culture, Govern- ment of India, and former Professor, Centre for Historical Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, India. She is Member of the Governing Board, The Oxford Centre for Hindu Studies. Her recent books include The Archaeology of Sacred Spaces: The Temple in West- ern India, 2nd Century BCE – 8th Century CE (with Susan Verma Mishra, 2017); The Return of the Buddha: Ancient Symbols for a New Nation (2014); and The Archaeology of Seafaring in Ancient South Asia (2003). Among her earlier works are The Winds of Change: Bud- dhism and the Maritime Links of Early South Asia (1994) and Monas- tery and Guild: Commerce under the Satavahanas (1986).

ARCHAEOLOGY AND BUDDHISM IN SOUTH ASIA

Himanshu Prabha Ray First published 2018 by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN and by Routledge 711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017 Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business © 2018 Himanshu Prabha Ray The right of Himanshu Prabha Ray to be identified as author of this work has been asserted by her in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe. British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data A catalog record for this book has been requested ISBN: 978-1-138-30489-5 (hbk) ISBN: 978-0-203-72854-3 (ebk) Typeset in Sabon by Apex CoVantage, LLC CONTENTS

List of figures vi Preface viii

Introduction 1

1 Spread of Buddhism: regional patterns 22

2 The written word: language and identity 44

3 Travelling relics: spreading the word of the Buddha 62

4 Religious travel and rituals 79

5 The shifting equations: Buddhism in a multireligious milieu 103

References 121 Index 136

v FIGURES

0.1 Map showing distribution of Ashokan edicts in the subcontinent 4 1.1 Map showing distribution of Buddhist sites in the subcontinent 23 1.2 Worship of the Ashokan pillar as shown at Stupa 3, Sanchi 25 1.3 Ashokan pillar at Sarnath unearthed during archaeological excavations in the early 20th century 26 1.4 Inscription of Kushan King Huvishka dated 123 CE on a pedestal of Buddha image from Mathura, now in Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj Vastu Sangrahalaya, Mumbai, Maharashtra 29 1.5 Map of the Western Deccan showing locations of Buddhist sites 33 3.1 Amaravati worship of the relics, British Museum, London 63 3.2 Ratnagiri main stupa surrounded by smaller stupas, Odisha 73 4.1 The 16th-century Lokesvara image from Vellipalayam Nagapattinam district, now in the Madras Museum, Tamil Nadu 85 4.2 Stone Buddha image in worship as a Saiva deity under a tree in Nagapattinam, Tamil Nadu 87 4.3 The stupa maṇḍala with four Dhyānī Buddhas flanked by two Bodhisattvas each, at Udayagiri, Odisha 89

vi Figures

4.4 Buddhagupta inscription, now in the Indian Museum, Kolkata, West Bengal 96 Note: The maps are historical, not to scale and representative in nature. The international boundaries, coastlines, denominations and other information shown in any map in this work do not necessarily imply any judgement concerning the legal status of any territory or the endorsement or acceptance of such information. For present bounda- ries and other details, readers may refer to the Survey of India maps. All figures in the volume are from the personal collection of the author.

vii PREFACE

I am thankful to Shashank Shekhar Sinha and Aakash Chakrabarty at Routledge, New Delhi, for inviting me to write this book to serve as a short introduction for students of this subject. It draws on more than three decades of research and teaching on Buddhism in South Asia at the Centre for Historical Studies (CHS), Jawaharlal Nehru University. The students at CHS have contributed immensely by challenging my ideas, both through feedback in the classroom and also by undertak- ing doctoral research on their own. Starting with my first publication in 1986 on Buddhist monastic sites in the Deccan and their role in social and cultural integration in the Early Historic period titled Monastery and Guild: Commerce under the Satavahanas, my research has taken me across the Bay of Bengal to study maritime linkages between several regions of South and Southeast Asia and also to study the wider pilgrimage networks of the monastic site of Kanheri on the west coast of India. Over the years, my research has been sustained by several micro-studies that I have undertaken on sites as diverse as Sanghol in Punjab and Nagapatti- nam on the Tamil Nadu coast, and also on coastal Odisha in eastern India. This led me to another facet of the study of Buddhism based on archival research and writings of major political leaders in the colonial period, which resulted in a book on the adoption of the Ashokan lion capital and chakra as national symbols of independent India. It has been a long learning experience with support from funding agencies, family and friends. Chandan’s encouragement and faith in my work has kept it going. I have drawn on the goodwill of several scholars whose names are far too numerous to be given here. I will only mention Dr. Kapila Vatsyayana, Dr. Devangana Desai, Prof. Vid- ula Jayaswal, Dr. Peter Skilling, Prof Uwe Hartmann, Dr. Monica Zin, Dr. Janice Leoshko and my younger colleagues Dr. Umakant Mishra,

viii Preface

Dr. Garima Kaushik, Dr. Julia Shaw, Dr. Lars Fogelin and Dr. Akira Shimada. It is a daunting task to present the archaeology of Buddhism in 50,000 words, as required by the publishers. The approach that I found useful was to move away from discussing archaeology with reference either to the life of the Buddha or to frame it within debates of urbanism as has been traditionally accepted. I hope that my empha- sis on the image and relics of the Buddha as the essence of Buddha dhamma will provide readers with a hitherto unexplored perspective for understanding archaeology and Buddhism in South Asia.

ix

INTRODUCTION

Archaeological excavation is any research aimed at the discovery of objects of archaeological character, whether such research involved digging of the ground or systematic exploration of its surface or was carried out on the bed or on the subsoil of inland or territorial waters of a member state.1 The first recorded discovery of a Buddhist stupa in the subcontinent dates to 1798 when Colin Mackenzie (1754–1821), a Scottish army officer in the British East India Company, discovered the remains of a stupa at Amaravati in Andhra Pradesh.2 Two years later, in 1800, a local doctor excavated a stupa at Vaisali in Bihar.3 A third region that is significant is the north-west, where one of the early ‘archaeological’ excavations was undertaken in 1830 at Manikyala near Rawalpindi, located on the Grand Trunk Road in present-day Pakistan by Jean- Baptiste Ventura (1792/1793–1858), a French officer in the employ of the Punjab court of Maharaja Ranjit Singh (1780–1839). Ventura decided to spend his money and time in opening the stupa at Maniky- ala, which the local tradition regarded as the resting place of Sikandar or Alexander’s horse. After his excavations, Ventura informed Ranjit Singh in a short note in Persian, that the resting place of Sikandar’s horse had been discovered.4 Though the remains found were not those of a horse but relics, gems and so on enshrined in a stupa, nevertheless the excavations initiated a search for sites associated with the ‘histori- cal’ Buddha and the ‘religion’ preached by him, that is, Buddhism, a religion that was gradually coming into its own in Victorian England.5 As a result of these early forays, the archaeology of Buddhism has been largely studied through identification of religious architecture associated with the life of the ‘historical’ Buddha. This is a premise postulated in the 19th century when Alexander Cunningham (1814– 1893) argued for the setting up of the Archaeological Survey of India (ASI) and for the archaeology of Buddhism, a religion that did not find

1 Introduction mention in the Puranas. No doubt the discoveries of the 19th and 20th centuries are important, but as shown in a recent publication,6 they need to be critically analysed rather than taken at face value. The term ‘Buddhism’ seems to have arisen around the beginning of the 19th century and was marked by attempts to characterize ‘authen- tic Buddhism’ defined as being the teachings of the historical Buddha who lived and preached in the sixth–fifth centuries BCE.7 Archaeol- ogy itself is a relatively new discipline that developed within the last 300 years in Europe. Till then, it was generally believed that the world had been created in the year 4004 BCE, the date prescribed for its origin in the Bible. Any study of the past was based solely on literary sources, especially those of the Greeks and Egyptians. The disciplines of archaeology and anthropology transformed the study of the past in Europe and moved it beyond the domain of literary texts to material artefacts, architectural edifices and the study of communities and soci- eties. In the 19th century, archaeology was transposed to the Indian subcontinent under colonial rule when in 1861 Alexander Cunning- ham was appointed the archaeological surveyor and in 1871 he was given the charge of the ASI.8 How does archaeology help unravel the history of Buddhism as it expanded not only across the Indian subcontinent but in large parts of Asia as well? Archaeology, as it has developed over the last three dec- ades, helps define a context for both relic and image worship. It maps Buddhist sacred spaces not only horizontally across the physical and natural landscape, but also vertically in time, highlighting antecedents of religious sites and subsequent transformations. Archaeology thus establishes multiple layering of a site thereby indicating sharing and negotiation between contemporary belief systems. Finally, religious architecture has to be seen as a ritual instrument that integrated the lay devotee and the monk and the nun into a social fabric. It is the strands of this social fabric that need to be understood and appreciated and analysed within the larger narrative of origin myths and histories of monastic centres. This study shifts the focus from studying Buddhism as a counter to the Vedic tradition that emerged in an urban environment in the mid- dle of the first millennium BCE, as generally proposed in secondary writings, to highlighting Buddhism within the first millennium BCE multireligious milieu of South Asia, which brought to the fore issues such as dhamma, dana and the emphasis on writing. It traces the archaeology of Buddhism through its regional manifestations over time and its fluctuating fortunes vis-à-vis other religious groups in the subcontinent such as Hinduism and Jainism. A good example of these

2 Introduction shifting dynamics is reflected in the site of Sarnath near Varanasi, as discussed in Chapter 5. A third theme of significance is the role of monasticism. Did monasticism form the core essence of Buddhism, and did the religion die out in the subcontinent with the decline of monasticism in the 12th and 13th centuries? Like other contemporary Indic religions, Buddha dhamma had no central organization, ‘no single authoritative text, no simple set of defining practices’.9 Its core principle was refuge in the Buddha, the dhamma and the Sangha, though as it expanded across Asia it absorbed local traditions, responded to historical factors and evolved philosophically. The physical manifestations of the dhamma appeared in the archaeological record as religious architecture at least 200– 300 years after the Buddha had preached his dhamma across north India, and especially important are inscriptions, stupas, images and other objects of veneration. The earliest inscriptions that refer to the existence of Buddhism are those inscribed on pillars by the Mauryan King Ashoka in the third century BCE (Fig. 0.1). In the following centuries, short dona- tive inscriptions became common at a large number of monastic sites across the subcontinent and reflected the special importance given to writing in early Buddhism. While the inscriptions and monastic archi- tecture have been studied and written about separately in terms of either patronage or art and architecture, this book contextualizes the two together from the point of view of the development of monasti- cism and its expansion across the subcontinent. The role of monks and nuns in the spread of the stupa cult and image worship is crucial to an understanding of the relationship between the monastic and the ascetic tradition. The stupas enshrined relics of the Buddha and his disciples, while the space around it was often dotted with smaller structures to the monastic dead. Buddhist literature also contains instructions to monks to perform funeral rites for a fellow monk and to build stupas for the deceased members of their community.10 More recent research has meticulously documented the enormous diversity of death rituals and funerary practices in Tibetan Buddhism, especially in the context of the laity.11 Buddha dhamma or Buddhism was one of the ascetic movements that developed in the middle of the first millennium BCE. It distin- guished itself from Upanishadic thought and Jain tenets by redefining both liberation and karma, the latter being defined as the principle of cause and effect. The eightfold path shown by the Buddha was founded on wisdom, morality and concentration.12 The venerable Assaji, one of

3 Figure 0.1 Map showing distribution of Ashokan edicts in the subcontinent Introduction the five first disciples of the Buddha, explained the essence of the Mas- ter’s dharma or doctrine to the monks Sariputta and Moggalana in the pratītyasamutpāda sūtra, a verse intimately connected with the Bud- dha himself and his doctrine of dependent origination.13 ‘He who sees the pratītyasamutpāda sūtra sees the dharma; he who sees the dharma sees the Buddha’.14 The verse articulates several layers of meanings: it captures the Enlightenment experience of the Buddha at Bodh Gaya; links this essence to the dhamma or the true body of the Buddha, thereby introducing fluidity between the abstract and the physical; and historically this critical text was inscribed on a variety of materials and enshrined in stupas across Asia, as a measure that would result in reju- venating the Sangha and help the lay community renew its vows to the Buddha. This also raises the issue of balancing the philosophical ker- nel of Buddha dhamma with the inclusion of rituals and worship that are evident in the archaeological record from the early centuries BCE. A ritual activity that indicates wider networks of monks and nuns relates to the making and distribution of what have been erroneously termed ‘votive tablets’ in secondary literature. These unbaked clay seals and sealings are ubiquitous at Buddhist sites in the early medieval period and in 19th-century literature were often wrongly described as pilgrim’s mementoes. Instead, they are ritual objects associated with merit-making. One stanza that occurs extensively across the Bud- dhist world is the pratītyasamutpāda sūtra, the fundamental doctrine of Buddhism. How does this conceptualization of the archaeology of Buddha dhamma differ from that described in secondary writings? In the next section, I discuss the historiography on the subject with refer- ence to certain themes of relevance to this study.

Historiography

Buddha as a social reformer The school of Buddhist studies that emerged in Europe during the early 19th century was dominated by Indologists well into the 1900s. Eugène Burnouf (1801–1852), a Parisian philologist who wrote L’Introduction à l’histoire du buddhisme indien15 in 1844, based his study on Sanskrit manuscripts procured from Nepal and demonstrated that the texts of the Buddhists of Tibet and China were translations of Sanskrit texts from India. This, in turn, focused Buddhist studies on the pursuit of master texts for deposit in European libraries. There was a significant increase in the editing and publishing of many Pali works from 1877 onwards, especially after T. W. Rhys

5 Introduction

Davids established the Pali Text Society in 1881. Rhys Davids taught Pali and Buddhist literature at University College, London, and was instrumental in the setting up of the School of Oriental Studies. He was also the first to hold the chair in comparative religion at the Uni- versity of Manchester (1904–1915). An important notion that devel- oped was that of the historical Buddha challenging the authority of the Vedic sacrifices presided over by brahmana priests and an opinion widely shared by European Buddhologists who regarded Buddhism as a social reform movement.16 No doubt this theory has been challenged by later Buddhologists, such as Richard Gombrich.17 The image of the Buddha as a social reformer who led a crusade against Hinduism not only looms large in Victorian writings, but through Cunningham these ideas also found their archaeological man- ifestation and continue to be repeated to the present.18 Cunningham sought to divide religious architecture on the basis of dynastic history, though his primary concern remained the study of Buddhism, which had found no mention, as he stated, in the Purāṇas. Cunningham had an abiding interest in the biography of the his- torical Buddha, and in his book The Bhilsa Topes chapters 2–12 are devoted to outlining the history of Buddhism in India, life of the Bud- dha and a discussion of the Maurya, Gupta and Indo-Scythian dynas- ties. The discussion presents an integration of the archaeological data with textual accounts and inscriptions. The description in the fifth- century Sri Lankan Chronicle, the Mahāvamsa is used for an analysis of the building and dedication of stupas (Chapter 13). It is significant that many of Cunningham’s formulations, such as his identification of places associated with the life of the Buddha, description of Buddha as a social reformer, the prominent role of the Mauryan ruler Ashoka in spreading the faith and the degenerate nature of Buddhism after seventh century CE, continue to be repeated to the present day in sec- ondary writings. Cunningham argued that any enquirer into Indian archaeology should retrace the steps of the Chinese travellers Faxian and Xuan- zang. As a result, his surveys extended mainly across modern Uttar Pradesh and Bihar, though his search for Pundravardhana took him briefly to Bengal in 1879–1880 and led to the discovery of the site of Mahasthangarh. His search for Buddhist sites nevertheless led him to the recovery of a varied archaeological landscape, including the earliest Hindu temples dated to the Gupta period in central India at Nachna, Eran, Tigowa and so on. Cunningham evaluated images as mimetic and as straightforward illustrations of the text. His search for the biography of the historical Buddha led him to visit sites associated

6 Introduction with the Master. Cunningham visited Nalanda, then known as Bar- gaon in his first year as Archaeological Surveyor. He explored Sarnath in 1835, repeatedly visited Bodh Gaya between 1861 and 1881 and identified Basarh with Vaisali in 1861.19 In his book on Bodh Gaya published in 1892, Cunningham illustrated the first-century BCE relief from Bharhut as a representation of the temple built by Ashoka at Bodh Gaya. This formulation has since then been convincingly coun- tered by several scholars.20 The association of the Mauryan ruler (317–186 BCE) Ashoka with the establishment of early stupas finds mention in the writings of sev- eral early archaeologists, especially John Marshall who was the direc- tor general of the ASI from 1902 to 1928 and excavated the site of Taxila (32 km to the north-west of Rawalpindi in Pakistan) from 1913 to 1934 and Sanchi (located 46 kms north-east of Bhopal in central India) from 1912 to 1919. The emphasis in Marshall’s methodology was on tracing archaeological correlates of the legend of Ashoka as it was narrated in the Divyavadana, a text dated fifth century CE. Based on the text, he identified architectural components and archaeological markers to define the origins of the stupa. Thus, the association of the Dharmarajika stupa at Taxila with Ashoka and the Mauryas assumes significance in Marshall’s work,21 though both these assumptions have been challenged and negated by subsequent research.22

The image of the Buddha The most sustained effort in art history was that of Alfred Foucher (1865–1952),23 beginning with publications as early as 1900 and cul- minating in his monumental L’art Greco-bouddhique du Gandhāra in four parts.24 Buddha images excavated from archaeological sites in the north-western part of the subcontinent became the basis of Foucher’s thesis on the Greek origin of the Buddha image. To illustrate his views, Foucher used the earliest image from Hoti Mardan and also the Bud- dha figures from the Lahore Museum. Coins found in stupa deposits in Gandhara showing the image of the Buddha with the Greek legend Boddo provided further fodder to sustain Foucher’s claim.25 Thus, an important link is evident between archaeological work, museum col- lections and interpretations by art historians based on these collections. Foucher demonstrated a breadth of art historical scholarship joined with an erudition in Buddhist textual studies that was unrivalled in the field. Foucher’s understanding of Gandharan culture was premised on the maintenance of Hellenistic culture in north-west India through colonies such as Bactria from the time of Alexander down to the first

7 Introduction century BCE. While firmly establishing the role of Hellenism in the development of Buddhist art, Foucher also changed the framework of the debate and the issue that now became important was the origin of the Buddha image. Around the same time, Okakura Kakuzo argued for Chinese influences, given the Mongolian origins of Kushan rulers.26 Implicit in the discourse developed by Foucher and others on the origin of the Buddha image was the assumption that colonialism stim- ulated stagnant non-Western societies by introducing the inventions of the Western civilization.27 There were several opponents of Foucher’s hypothesis. E. B. Havell argued that Indian art could only be under- stood with reference to Indian philosophy and Greek influence was marginal and inconsequential to the development of art. In his review of Foucher’s book, Victor Goloubew criticized the author for minimiz- ing the contribution of Mathura – an issue that was further developed by Ananda Coomaraswamy.28 The issue of aniconism figured again in more recent debates between Susan Huntington and Vidya Dehejia.29 Huntington has emphasized that the theory of aniconism is not valid as an all-inclusive explana- tion for the absence of the Buddha image in early Buddhist art and that the theory of multivalent interpretation proposed by Vidya Dehejia does not offer a viable alternative to the traditional understanding of aniconism.30 Karlsson has added to the discussion by suggesting that it is important to focus on the larger context of these reliefs rather than on the relief itself.31 In a more recent study, DeCaroli shows how the emergence of powerful dynasties and rulers, who benefitted from novel modes of visual authority, was at the root of the changes in atti- tude towards figural images.32 The extent to which Cunningham’s surveys defined Buddhist sacred geography and impacted the study of iconography is seldom evalu- ated, and an early step in this direction was Janice Leoshko’s study.33 The reporting slant of archaeologists in India such as Cunningham and others did not help in an understanding of the later forms of Bud- dhism, and instead widened the rupture between context and icon in what came to be seen as degenerate Buddhism. Iconography came to be relied on heavily for explicating points arising from religious doctrine and the architectural component was relegated to the background. An example of this is the representation of the bhavacakra or wheel of life in a 5th-century painting at Ajanta, and also in several examples from Tibet dated as late as the 19th century. Leoshko has analysed this link by interrogating connections between text and image, form and con- tent, aesthetics and religious requirements and of course, continuity

8 Introduction and change.34 Relevant for this book is her emphasis on a synchronic reading of visual imagery.

Buddhism in the writing of socio-economic history of India An issue that figures prominently in the writings of several historians and archaeologists relates to the emergence of urban centres in north India in the middle of the first millennium BCE, which then led to the efflorescence of Buddhism in the region.35 A settlement hierarchy had been proposed for north India by 400 BCE, with the largest sites, surrounded by monumental earthen ramparts, dominating the major arteries of communication. The largest sites of the period are also said to be the capital cities and political centres of the ruling elite. It is no coincidence that these included the capital cities of principalities also mentioned in early Buddhist sources such as Rajgir (of Magadha until superseded by Pataliputra), Campa (of Anga), Ujjain (of Avanti) and Rajghat (of Kasi). Perhaps, the southernmost centres in this list were Besnagar near Sanchi and Tripuri in central India. The locale of a great deal of activity in early Buddhist literature is also north India and more prominently the Ganga plains, and this then led scholars to suggest a causal link between the two. Statistical analysis of early Buddhist literature by B. G. Gokhale has identified a total of 1,009 place names in early Buddhist sources. Of these, 842 or 83.43 per cent refer to the five major cities of the north, while the rest cover 76 different types of settlements categorized as market towns (nigama, see below), villages (gama) and countryside (janapada). Outside this central area, there are references to a few places in the Deccan associated with the Buddha’s disciples, the thera and the theris. These include centres such as Supparaka (Sopara on the west coast), Bharukaccha (Bharuch at the mouth of the Narmada) and Patitthana (Paithan in Aurangabad district).36 In a special issue on Buddhist archaeology, several papers high- light the link between economic factors such as trade and urbanism in the development of Buddhism.37 Chakrabarti, for example, links three major stages of Buddhism’s growth and expansion starting from the sixth century BCE onward to the successive growth and expan- sion of the urban base in India. He states that in the period closer to Buddhism’s end as a major religious force in the subcontinent in the 12th–13th centuries CE, the emphasis shifted to the support derived from the regional states like the Bhaumakara kings of Orissa and the

9 Introduction

Palas of Bengal.38 Following the example of James Fergusson, who established a link between architectural form, ethnicity and religious affiliation,39 Dilip Chakrabarti in a later publication discusses Bud- dhist religious sites in India under the heading ‘Art and Architecture’.40 In terms of archaeology, however, a majority of Buddhist stupa sites date not from the period of the historical Buddha but from the third– second centuries BCE. As discussed in Chapter 2, the model for a Ganga Valley origin of Buddhism is based on an uncritical assessment of textual sources rather than on archaeological data. In contrast to the dates proposed for urbanization in the Ganga Valley in the mid- dle of the first millennium BCE, a phenomenal spatial expansion of Buddhist monastic sites occurred many centuries later from the first century BCE onwards. Nor can a uniform plan be identified. Instead, the monastic complexes are marked by a variety of ground plans and architectural and sculptural features. An analysis of these regional variations is significant in locating the local and regional context of early Buddhist communities and their interaction with groups of other religious affiliations rather than studying them through the prism of diffusion from a central core in the Ganga Valley to other parts of the subcontinent. This is an issue that will be discussed in the next chapter. Here, I continue with an overview of writings on the archaeology of Buddhism.

Archaeology of Buddhist sites The archaeology of Buddhism has often been seen as a record of the material remains of the life and associated sites linked to the Buddha. Sukumar Dutt’s pioneering study of Buddhist monasteries and monas- ticism published in 1962 shifted the emphasis from doctrinal, philo- sophical or sectarian aspects of Buddhism to architectural remains. H. Sarkar’s Studies in Early Buddhist Architecture of India in 1966 showed how Buddhists adopted different building plans in different periods of history; and the extent to which Buddhist architecture was influenced or conditioned by the doctrines and philosophies of the dif- ferent sects. Another synthesis was provided by Debala Mitra, direc- tor general of the ASI from 1981 to 1983 in her book titled Buddhist Monuments (Sahitya Sansad, Calcutta, 1971). At the regional level, a large number of studies and excavation reports of Buddhist sites may be mentioned. These reports largely document and record monastic architecture as unearthed in archaeological excavations. There have also been several regional studies from a variety of perspectives such as on Gandhara41 or on the stupa in south Asia.42

10 Introduction

The contested history of the multireligious site of Bodh Gaya forms the theme of several publications, which argue that Bodh Gaya was a Hindu and Buddhist pilgrimage destination for most of its history.43 Another multireligious site is that of Varanasi on the river Ganga, where archaeological excavations have been conducted for several decades, starting with those in 1940. The earliest phase of Varanasi city extended from the confluence of the rivers Ganga and Varuna to a little east of the Railway Station complex.44 More recent archaeological work by Vidula Jayaswal has shown that the nucleus of ancient Varanasi shifted from Kashi-Rajghat locality to the pucca mahal area (west of Rajghat), which is still the heart of the city. This tendency is well recorded in the accounts of the Chinese traveler Xuanzang. The nucleus of the city as per his description was south-west of Sarnath, calculated to be the pucca mahal area. These shifts in the sacred landscape including the Buddhist site of Sarnath have been recorded in a recent publication.45 Julia Shaw’s research on the Buddhist complex at Sanchi in central India relates the monastic complex with a continuous constructional sequence from c. 3rd century BCE to 12th century CE to other aspects of the archaeological landscape including settlements (particularly the ancient city of Vidisha), ritual centres, rock shelters and aspects of land use and water management.46 The principal research question that she addresses is: ‘How did the spread of Buddhism from its cradle in the Gangetic valley relate to other key processes such as urbanisa- tion, state-formation and innovations in agriculture during the late centuries BCE?’47 A somewhat different landscape, viz. the mortuary space around Buddhist sites, has been investigated by Lars Fogelin. Using archaeo- logical work at Thotlakonda in coastal Andhra Pradesh as his lens in a broader examination of Buddhist monastic life, Fogelin discovers the tension between the desired isolation of the monastery and the mutual engagement with neighbours in the Early Historic Period. He also sketches how the religious architectural design and use of land- scape helped to shape these relationships. Thus, in his study, Buddhist monasteries seemed to be precariously balancing their public and pri- vate religious obligations with their need to provision and sustain the resident population.48 Fogelin followed up his study with An Archaeo- logical History of Indian Buddhism, which provides a comprehensive survey of Indian Buddhism from its origins in the sixth century BCE, through its ascendance in the first millennium CE and its eventual decline in mainland South Asia by the mid-second millennium CE. The author argues that economic self-sufficiency in the mid-first mil- lennium CE allowed the Sangha to limit their day-to-day interaction

11 Introduction with the laity and begin to more fully satisfy their ascetic desires for the first time. This withdrawal from regular interaction with the laity led to the collapse of Buddhism in India in the early-to-mid second millennium CE.49 Two other studies that deserve mention are Umakant Mishra’s study of the multireligious landscape of early medieval Odisha50 and Akira Shimada’s comprehensive analysis of the site of Amaravati.51 Moving away from dominant discourses that discuss women as a single mono- lithic, homogenous category, Garima Kaushik’s monograph examines their sustained role in the larger context of South Asian Buddhism and reaffirms their agency. It highlights the multiple roles played by women as patrons, practitioners, lay and monastic members and more within Buddhism. It rereads, reconfigures and reassesses historical data in order to arrive at a new understanding of Buddhism and the social matrix within which it developed and flourished.52 In my earliest published book,53 I shifted the focus from art and architecture, that is, rock-cut caves and structural stupas in the Dec- can to understanding the cultural landscape of monastic sites. This shift in focus also emphasized the interface between the polity and monastic institutions in the development of society and religion under one of the most influential early dynasties in peninsular India, the Sātavāhanas. With regard to the development of Buddhism in India, my work has sought to facilitate the turn of the entire discipline from the study of spectacular single sites like Sanchi, Bharhut, Amaravati and Nagarjunakonda towards an exploration of networks of larger and smaller Buddhist settlements, the interrelations between these sites, trans-regional trade networks and the multifunctionality of these Buddhist centres. In later publications, I have widened the discussion to include early centres in Southeast Asia, and also presented discus- sions of the importance of maritime networks for cultural exchange on the Indian subcontinent with other regions of the world.54 My work has also drawn on micro-studies on sites as diverse as Sanghol in the Punjab,55 Odisha in eastern India56 and Nagapattinam on the Tamil Nadu coast.57 This early work led me to interrogate colonial construc- tion of knowledge, especially with reference to religions such as Bud- dhism, as discussed in the next section.

Interrogating the colonial interlude In the Introduction to an insightful collection of essays, Donald S. Lopez Jr. refers to the problem that distinguished Buddhist studies from parallel disciplines, viz. how to deal with the native who also

12 Introduction lays claim to the text. Was the native a mere informant who became superfluous once the manuscripts had reached European libraries and the languages of the text deciphered? Was the study of Buddhism a study of a world of texts?58 Buddhism had another appeal to the Vic- torian mind – it was based on reason and restraint and was seen as opposed to ritual and superstition. Besides, ‘original Buddhism’ and ‘pure Buddhism’ like the classical civilizations of Greece and Rome were long dead, but as a creation by Europe, it could also be con- trolled by it. ‘The Buddhism that largely concerned European schol- ars was an historical projection derived exclusively from manuscripts and block-prints, texts devoted largely to a “philosophy”, which had been produced and had circulated among a small circle of monastic elites. . . . As a result, much of the representation of Buddhism to the west . . . has centred on philosophical doctrines (often in the guise of an ancient wisdom) deserving their place in the history of ideas, with little attention paid to the more difficult questions of the contexts of textual production and circulation’.59 Torkel Brekke refers to complete transformation in religions in India in the 19th century at two interrelated levels: on the one hand, there was a conceptual shift in the understanding of religion among the English educated elite, while on the other, religious leaders worked towards creating a community identity.60 He uses three case studies in his book, that is, the Hindus of Bengal, Buddhists of Sri Lanka and the Svetambara Jains of Western India to corroborate his thesis. The three leaders, viz. Swami Vivekananda (1863–1902), Anagarika Dharma- pala (1863–1933) and Virchand R. Gandhi (1864–1901), attended the August 1893 Parliament of Religions in Chicago and played pivotal roles in the making of modern Indian religions. Hindus, Buddhists and Jains redefined what it meant to belong to their respective com- munities. ‘They did this inside the parameters laid down by the English language, by European ideas of religion, European ideas of history, and European ideas of societies and nations’.61 In my latest book,62 I trace the development of Buddhist archaeol- ogy in colonial India and examine its impact on the reconstruction of India’s Buddhist past, and the making of a public and academic discourse around these archaeological discoveries. Michon explored the complex relationship between history, archaeology and religion in north-west India in the Early Historic period, so as to move beyond inherited theories on Buddhism.63 Thus, this brief survey of major trends in the study of the archaeology of Buddhism underscores the vibrancy of the field, though several themes remain to be explored, as discussed in the next section.

13 Introduction

‘Redefining’ Buddha dhamma Buddhism has come to be studied in chronological terms such as Hinay- ana, Mahayana and Vajrayana, which are often seen as exclusive blocs or sects, generally in chronological sequence. Skilling has shown that the term ‘Theravāda’ itself indicating a ‘kind of Buddhism’ was a 19th-cen- tury creation. Theravāda is a term rarely found in early Buddhist texts and histories or in Early European writings. Pali and Sanskrit texts refer to ācāryavāda or nikāyāntara when referring to other schools or reli- gious affiliations. At present, Thais, for example, define their religious identity as ‘Buddhist’ rather than as ‘Theravādins’.64 This monolithic cat- egory of Theravāda and its overuse in secondary literature has obscured the fact that ordination lineages in different parts of the Buddhist world were autonomous and formed a part of the ‘independent system of self- production of monastic communities’.65 They invoked their credentials of ordination at well-known and established monastic centres to either establish hierarchies or to claim legitimacy. While these lineages were linked in a global Buddhist interconnected network, they continued to maintain institutional distinctiveness at the local or regional level. Eighteen is obviously a standard figure and the number of monastic orders is likely to have been higher; some remain obscure and seem to have had little influence outside of their individual centres. The historicity and workings of these autonomous monastic orders is still unclear, but it is evident that they were neither under centralized con- trol nor under a parent ordination lineage.

The idea that Pāli texts are the oldest and most authentic is modern; it is a product of Western philological and text-­ comparative methodologies. . . . Not only must we consider the relations between the various schools and the Mahāyāna on the level of ideas, we must remember that the monastics who practised Mahāyāna took Śrāvaka vows, and shared the same monasteries with their fellow ordinands.66

The 18 nikāyas were distinguished on the basis of region, language, interpretation and teachers. The Buddha is said to have preached in Magadhi, the language of Magadha in eastern India. The school that we know today, which performs its rites and liturgies in a language which has come to be called Pali, was codified primarily by Buddhag- hosa, a Buddhist scholar and commentator, in fifth-century Sri Lanka at the Mahavihara. This ordination lineage is the most widespread at pre- sent, while the Sarvāstivādin and Dharmaguptaka Vinaya lineages are

14 Introduction active in Tibet and East Asia, respectively. We know very little of most of the others, though there are indications that several nikāyas were present at Nalanda. In Tibet and China, for example, the language used and the means through which the texts were authenticated were very different from those in large parts of India. These ordination lineages have left no historical records of their expansion or spread. There was no centralized authority to regulate or control them, and as the ordina- tion lineages spread, new texts were produced and claims of authentic- ity of the texts arose.67 It is this spread of monastic ideals and lineages that we must try to identify and unearth in the archaeological record. It is also important to maintain a distinction between monastics and lay devotees. How were relations between the laity and lineage defined? Even if the monastics were Sarvāstivādin or belonged to Sīhalavaṁsa or some other lineage, was this affiliation to a particular nikāya also true of the laity? To what degree did the distinctions and identities of monastic lineages apply to the laity? These are questions to which there are no ready answers at present, but are crucial for an understanding of the interaction between the monks and the laity. Ritual performances, in which both participated, provided occasions for the monks to help the laity renew their vows.

Overview of the chapters This book moves away from available secondary writings on the archaeology of Buddhism in several ways:

• A textual analysis of the Buddha’s biography as contained in the Lalitavistara, Mahāvastu, Aśvaghoṣa’s Buddhacarita and the Vinaya of the Mūlasarvāstivādins indicates that between the sec- ond and fourth century CE the narrative of the life of the Buddha was still in the process of formation.68 This was long after a verita- ble upsurge in the construction of stupas and viharas across almost all regions of the Indian subcontinent. Hence, the book desists from comparing and identifying sites based on textual sources. • The Ganga Valley and sites often associated with the life of the Buddha are no longer at the centre of the discussion in this book; instead regional characteristics are underscored with a view to providing a dynamic overview of the role of monks and nuns in the expansion and spread of sites. • Relic and image worship find place of prominence, as these were important features in the expansion of Buddhism across the sub- continent and into other parts of Asia.

15 Introduction

• This book takes the position that the 19th- and early 20th-century colonial intervention transformed and reconfigured sites associ- ated with early Buddhism. Hence, these intrusions need to be fac- tored into any discussion of the past. • Rather than stressing the uniqueness of Buddhism in isolation, this study discusses it within a multireligious context.

Thus, this book is an attempt to contextualize Buddhist religious architecture within its cultural landscape. The first issue that needs scrutiny is the spread of Buddhist monastic centres across the subcon- tinent in the early centuries of the Common Era. In secondary writ- ings, this is attributed to royal patronage of the Mauryas or to trade. It is often assumed that Buddhism was a unitary phenomenon, which originated in urban centres in the Ganga Valley and spread to other regions. This is an issue that will be interrogated in Chapter 2. It is significant that rather than a chronological ordering of the Sangha into Hinayana, Mahayana and Vajrayana, which are often seen as exclusive blocs or sects, Pali and Sanskrit texts refer to ācāryavāda or nikāyāntara when referring to other schools or religious affiliations. Traditions of writing and language, discussed in Chapter 3, formed the basis for regional diversity. The 18 nikāyas were distinguished on the basis of region, language, interpretation and teachers. Chapter 4 takes up the issue of the worship of the relics that con- stitute the core of Buddha dhamma. The relics of the Buddha are said to have been divided into eight soon after his parinirvān. a or passing away in the sixth century BCE. Textual accounts mention a second redistribution by the Mauryan King Ashoka in the third century BCE, when 84,000 stupas were built over the Buddha’s relics across the Buddhist world. Unlike sacred sites, relics are eminently portable; thus, they aid and abet the decentralization and propagation of the cult. At the same time, the popularity of the relics was easily exploited by the ecclesiastic, institutional and secular authorities who oversaw their dissemination.69 Archaeological excavations at Taxila provide testimony to the fact that the space around Dharmarajika stupa was not left unoccupied, but was instead filled in during the subsequent centuries with a number of smaller stupas, some of them containing bone relics, beads, coins and so on. A ring of 12 small stupas was built around the main stupa dated from 50 BCE to CE 40. There is evidence to suggest that some of the small stupas were repaired several times while others have decayed and only the plinth survives.70 There seems to have been a change in the mortuary landscape as evident from post-fifth-century monastic

16 Introduction sites such as Ratnagiri in Odisha, Nalanda in Bihar, Paharpur in Bang- ladesh and so on. Inscribed texts or dhāran. īs were placed in many of the small stupas that crowded around the main stupa. These dhāran. īs were taken from specific groups of texts preoccupied with problems of death and means to avoid rebirth.71 The worship of the stupa and meditation are a few of the well- known Buddhist rituals that are shared across Asia. Transformations in mantras and mudras are important to understand historical changes in the practice of Buddha dhamma over time, while pilgrimages to sites associated with the life of the Buddha help connect not only the different nikāyas but also draw them in closer interaction with the laity, as discussed in Chapter 5. Chapter 6 takes up the discussion of Buddhism in a multireligious milieu. Ashoka’s dhamma or religious doctrine clearly included both brahmanas and śramaṇa or Buddhist and Ajivika ascetics in the third century BCE and in a way set the tone for interaction between the two in later periods. It is this changing relationship between Buddhism and Hinduism and Jainism that forms the central theme of this chapter. The history of archaeology and art history is important to place in context some of the theories that emerged with regard to the relation- ship of Buddha dhamma with its contemporary religious doctrines in the 19th century and which have continued to be repeated. For exam- ple, the connection between architectural form and religious change was firmly established in 19th-century India and the quest for chronol- ogy securely rooted architecture within linear time. More importantly, this projected linear development of Buddhist-Jain-Hindu architecture propagated notions of origins and decline and hostility between the different religions of the subcontinent, coexistence being ruled out. The framework propounded by James Fergusson (1808–1886) has survived with extraordinary tenacity in the post-Independence period and has resulted in a general disregard for multireligious sites, shared architectural vocabulary and plurality of religious forms in the aca- demic discourse – a theme that will be addressed. These shifts in focus help this study in moving away from the well-trodden path to raise fresh set of issues and challenges.

Notes 1 Recommendation on International Principles Applicable to Archaeologi- cal Excavations, UNESCO New Delhi Declaration, 5 December 1956, http://portal.unesco.org/en/ev.php-URL_ID=13062&URL_DO=DO_ TOPIC&URL_SECTION=201.html accessed on 7 April 2017.

17 Introduction

2 Colin Mackenzie, Extracts of a Journal, Asiatick Researches, 9, 1807: 272–8. 3 J. Stephenson, Excursions to the Ruins and Site of an Ancient City Near Bakhra, Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, 4, 1835: 128–38. 4 J.-M. Lafont, Conducting Excavations and Collecting Coins in Maha- raja Ranjit Singh’s Kingdom (1822–1839), Himanshu Prabha Ray edited, Coins in India: Power and Communication, Marg Publications, Mumbai, 2006: 98–107. 5 Philip Almond, The British Discovery of Buddhism; Donald S. Lopez, Jr. edited, Curators of the Buddha: The Study of Buddhism under Colonial- ism, The University of Chicago Press, Chicago and London, 1995: 3. 6 Himanshu Prabha Ray, The Return of the Buddha: Ancient Symbols for a New Nation, Routledge, New Delhi, 2014. 7 It is significant that the Buddha and Buddhism are rarely mentioned in Graeco-Roman texts, and it was through early Christian writing that some information about Buddhism filtered into Europe. In the 16th and 17th centuries, as European missionaries travelled to Asia, they discovered a new religion that they labelled bauddhamatham or Buddha’s point of view. In addition, missions travelled to Tibet and Siam and the resulting accounts exposed Europe to writings of Buddhism. 8 Himanshu Prabha Ray, Colonial Archaeology in South Asia (1944–1948): The Legacy of Sir Mortimer Wheeler in India, Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 2007. 9 Jacob N. Kinnard, The Emergence of Buddhism, Fortress Press, Minne- apolis, 2011: XI. 10 Gregory Schopen, An Old Inscription from Amaravati and the Cult of the Local Monastic Dead in Indian Buddhist Monasteries, Bones, Stones and Buddhist Monks, University of Hawaii Press, Honolulu, 1997: chapter IX. 11 Margaret Gouin, Tibetan Rituals of Death: Buddhist Funerary Practices, Routledge, London and New York, 2010. 12 Stephen C. Berkwitz, South Asian Buddhism: A Survey, Routledge, Abing- don and New York, 2010: 10. 13 Ye dhammā hetuppabhavā tesām hetum tathāgato Āha tesāñ ca yo nirodho evam vādī mahāsamaṇo ‘ti Those dhammas which arise from a cause The Tathāgata has declared their cause And that which is the cessation of them. Thus the great renunciant has taught. 14 Daniel Boucher, The Pratītyasamutpādagāthā and Its Role in the Medieval Cult of the Relics, Journal of the International Association of Buddhist Studies, 14, 1, 1991: 1–27. 15 Eugène Burnouf, L’Introduction à l’histoire du buddhisme indien, Imprim- erie Royal, Paris, 1844. 16 Hermann Oldenberg and William Hoey, The Buddha: His Life, His Doc- trine, His Order, William and Norgate, London, 1882: 171–2. This was based on three suttas: Ambatta sutta (Digha Nikaya), Canki suttanta (Majjhima Nikaya) and Kutadanta sutta (Digha Nikaya). 17 Richard F. Gombrich, How Buddhism Began: The Conditioned Gen- esis of the Early Teachings, Munshiram Manoharlal, New Delhi, 1997;

18 Introduction

Torkel Brekke, Religious Motivation and the Origins of Buddhism: A Social- Psychological Exploration of the Origins of a World Religion, Routledge – Curzon, London and New York, 2002. 18 R.S. Sharma, India’s Ancient Past, Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 2005: 130, 138: ‘Buddhism particularly appealed to the people of the non- Vedic areas where it found virgin soil for conversion’. 19 Janice Leoshko, Sacred Traces: British Explorations of Buddhism in South Asia, Ashgate, Aldershot, 2003: 74–6. 20 Vidya Dehejia, Questioning Narrativity and Inscribed Labels: Buddhist Bharhut, Sannati, and Borobudur, Himanshu Prabha Ray edited, Sacred Landscapes in Asia: Shared Traditions, Multiple Histories, India Interna- tional Centre and Manohar, New Delhi, 2007: 285–308. 21 John Marshall, Taxila: An Illustrated Account of Archaeological Excava- tions carried out at Taxila, Cambridge University Press, London, 1951: 234–5. 22 Daniel Michon, Archaeology and Religion in Early Northwest India: His- tory, Theory and Practice, Routledge, London, New York and New Delhi, 2015: 163–81. 23 Alfred Foucher, The Beginnings of Buddhist Art and Other Essays in Indian and Central Asian Archaeology, Humphrey Milford, London, 1917: 2–3. 24 Alfred Foucher, L’art Greco-bouddhique du Gandhāra, (four parts), E. Leroux, Paris, 1905, 1918, 1922 and 1951. 25 Alfred Foucher, The Greek Origin of the Image of Buddha, Alfred Foucher edited, The Beginnings of Buddhist Art and Other Essays in Indian and Central-Asian Archaeology, Paul Geuthner, Paris, 1917 (reprinted in New Delhi: Asian Educational Services, 1994). 26 Okakura Kakuzo, Ideal of the East, John Murray, London, 1905. 27 Stanley K. Abe, Inside the Wonder House: Buddhist Art and the West, Donald S. Lopez, Jr. edited, Curators of the Buddha: The Study of Bud- dhism under Colonialism, The University of Chicago Press, Chicago and London, 1995: 79. 28 Victor Goloubew, Review of Alfred Foucher, L’art Greco-bouddhique du Gandhāra in four parts, E. Leroux, Paris, 1905, 1918, 1922, Bulletin de l’École française d’Extrême-Orient, 23, 1923: 438–54. Ananda K. Coomar- aswamy, The Origin of the Buddha Image, Art Bulletin, 9, 4, 1927: 287–9. 29 Vidya Dehejia, Aniconism and the Multivalence of Emblems, Ars Orienta- lis, 21, 1991: 45–66. 30 Susan Huntington, Aniconism and the Multivalence of Emblems: Another Look, Ars Orietnalis, 22, 1992: 111–56. 31 Klemens Karlsson, Face to Face with the Absent Buddha: The Formation of Buddhist Aniconic Art, Uppsala University Press, Uppsala, 1999. 32 Robert Daniel DeCaroli, Image Problems: The Origin and Development of the Buddha’s Image in Early South Asia, University of Washington Press, Seattle and London, 2015. 33 Janice Leoshko, Sacred Traces: British Explorations of Buddhism in South Asia, Ashgate, Aldershot, 2003. 34 Ibid.: 123–130. 35 R. Thapar, From Lineage to State: Social Formation in the Mid-First Mil- lennium BC in the Ganga Valley, Oxford University Press, New Delhi,

19 Introduction

1984. F.R. Allchin, The Archaeology of Early Historic South Asia: The Emergence of Cities and States, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1995. Dilip K. Chakrabarti, The Archaeology of Ancient Indian Cities, Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 1995. 36 B.G. Gokhale, Early Buddhism and the Urban Revolution, The Journal of the International Association of Buddhist Studies, 5, 2, 1982: 7–22. 37 Kathleen D. Morrison, Trade, Urbanism, and Agricultural Expansion: Buddhist Monastic Institutions and the State in the Early Historic Western Deccan, World Archaeology, 27, 2, 1995: 203–21; Robin A.E. Coning- ham, Monks, Caves and Kings: A Reassessment of the Nature of Early Buddhism in Sri Lanka, World Archaeology, 27, 2, 1995: 222–42. 38 Dilip K. Chakrabarti, Buddhist Sites Across South Asia as Influenced by Political and Economic Forces, World Archaeology, 27, 2, 1995: 185–202. 39 James Fergusson, History of Indian and Eastern Architecture, John Mur- ray, London, 1876. 40 Dilip K. Chakrabarti, The Oxford Companion to Indian Archaeology: The Archaeological Foundations of Ancient India, Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 374–407. 41 Kurt A. Behrendt, The Buddhist Architecture of Gandhara, Brill, Leiden, 2004. Pia Brancaccio and Kurt Behrendt edited, Gandharan Buddhism: Archaeology, Art, Texts, UBC Press, Vancouver and Toronto, 2006. 42 Jason Hawkes and Akira Shimada, edited, Buddhist Stupas in South Asia, Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 2009. 43 Janice Leoshko, edited, Bodh Gaya: The Site of Enlightenment, Marg Publication, Mumbai, 1988. Nayanjot Lahiri, Bodh-Gaya: An Ancient Buddhist Shrine and Its Modern History (1891–1904), Timothy Insoll edited, Case Studies in Archaeology and Religion, Archaeopress, Oxford, 1999: 33–44. Alan Trevithick, British Archaeologists, Hindu Abbots, and Burmese Buddhists: The Mahabodhi Temple at Bodh Gaya, 1811–1877, Modern Asian Studies, 33, 3, July, 1999: 635–56; Alan Trevithick, The Revival of Buddhist Pilgrimage at Bodh Gaya (1811–1949), Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi, 2006. 44 A.K. Narain and T.N. Roy, Excavations at Rajghat (1957–58; 1960–65): Part I: The Cutting, Stratification and Structures, Banaras Hindu Univer- sity, Varanasi, 1976: 7. 45 V. Jayaswal, Ancient Varanasi: An Archaeological Perspectives (Excava- tions at Aktha), Aryan Books International, New Delhi, 2009. V. Jayas- wal, The Buddhist Landscape of Varanasi, Aryan Books International, New Delhi, 2015. 46 Julia Shaw, Monasteries, Monasticism, and Patronage in Ancient India: Mawasa, a Recently Documented Hilltop Buddhist Complex in the Sanchi Area of Madhya Pradesh, World Archaeology, 27, 2, 1995: 111–30; Julia Shaw, Buddhist Landscapes in Central India: Sanchi Hill and Archaeolo- gies of Religious and Social Change, c. 3rd Century BC to 5th Century AD, British Association for South Asian Studies, The British Academy, Leftcoast Press, London, 2007. 47 Julia Shaw and John Sutcliffe, Water Management, Patronage Networks and Religious Change: New Evidence from the Sanchi Dam Complex and Counterparts in Gujarat and Sri Lanka, South Asian Studies, 19, 2003: 73–104.

20 Introduction

48 Lars Fogelin, Archaeology of Early Buddhism, AltaMira Press, Lanham, Toronto, New York and Oxford, 2006. 49 Lars Fogelin, An Archaeological History of Early Buddhism, Oxford Uni- versity Press, New York, 2015. 50 Umakant Mishra, Vajrayana Buddhism: Study in Social Iconography, Pratibha Prakashan, Delhi, 2009. 51 Akira Shimada, Early Buddhist Architecture in Context: The Great Stupa at Amaravati (ca. 300 BCE–300 CE), Brill, Leiden, 2013. 52 Garima Kaushik, Women and Monastic Buddhism in Early South Asia: Rediscovering the Invisible Believers, Routledge India, New Delhi, 2016. 53 Himanshu Prabha Ray, Monastery and Guild: Commerce under the Sātavāhanas, Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 1986. 54 Himanshu Prabha Ray, The Winds of Change: Buddhism and the Mari- time Links of Early South Asia, Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 1994. 55 Himanshu Prabha Ray, edited, Sanghol and the Archaeology of Punjab, Aryan Books International, New Delhi, 2010. 56 Himanshu Prabha Ray, Buddhist Heritage of Odisha, National Monu- ments Authority and Aryan Books International, New Delhi, 2013. 57 Himanshu Prabha Ray, A ‘Chinese’ Pagoda at Nagapattinam on the Tamil Coast: Revisiting India’s Early Maritime Networks, India International Centre Occasional Paper Series, No. 66, 2015. 58 Donald S. Lopez, Jr., edited, Curators of the Buddha: The Study of Bud- dhism under Colonialism, The University of Chicago Press, Chicago and London, 1995: 3. 59 Lopez, Curators of the Buddha: 7–8. 60 Torkel Brekke, Makers of Modern Indian Religions in the Late Nineteenth Century, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 2002. 61 Ibid.: 157. 62 Himanshu Prabha Ray, The Return of the Buddha, Routledge, New Delhi, 2014. 63 Daniel Michon, Archaeology and Religion in Early Northwest India: His- tory, Theory, Practice, Routledge India, New Delhi, 2015. 64 Peter Skilling, Theravada in History, Pacific World, Journal of the Institute of Buddhist Studies, Third Series, 11, Fall, 2009: 61–94. 65 Ibid.: 63. 66 Peter Skilling, Scriptural Authenticity and the Śrāvaka Schools: An Essay Towards an Indian Perspective, The Eastern Buddhist, 41, 2, 2010: 5–6. 67 Ibid.: 14. 68 Max Deeg, Chips from a Biographical Workshop, Linda Covill, Ulrike Roesler and Sarah Shaw edited, Lives Lived, Lives Imagined, Wisdom Publications, Boston and The Oxford Centre for Buddhist Studies, 2010: 51–2. 69 Susan Naquin and Chűn-fang Yű, edited, Pilgrim and Sacred Sites in China, University of California Press, Berkeley, 1992. 70 Marshall, Taxila: 240–1. 71 Gregory Schopen, ‘Burial “Ad Sanctos” and the Physical Presence of the Buddha in Early Indian Buddhism,’ Religion, 17, 1987: 199.

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