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Amadeo Bordiga and the Myth of Antonio Gramsci
AMADEO BORDIGA AND THE MYTH OF ANTONIO GRAMSCI John Chiaradia PREFACE A fruitful contribution to the renaissance of Marxism requires a purely historical treatment of the twenties as a period of the revolutionary working class movement which is now entirely closed. This is the only way to make its experiences and lessons properly relevant to the essentially new phase of the present. Gyorgy Lukács, 1967 Marxism has been the greatest fantasy of our century. Leszek Kolakowski When I began this commentary, both the USSR and the PCI (the Italian Communist Party) had disappeared. Basing myself on earlier archival work and supplementary readings, I set out to show that the change signified by the rise of Antonio Gramsci to leadership (1924-1926) had, contrary to nearly all extant commentary on that event, a profoundly negative impact on Italian Communism. As a result and in time, the very essence of the party was drained, and it was derailed from its original intent, namely, that of class revolution. As a consequence of these changes, the party would play an altogether different role from the one it had been intended for. By way of evidence, my intention was to establish two points and draw the connecting straight line. They were: one, developments in the Soviet party; two, the tandem echo in the Italian party led by Gramsci, with the connecting line being the ideology and practices associated at the time with Stalin, which I label Center communism. Hence, from the time of Gramsci’s return from the USSR in 1924, there had been a parental relationship between the two parties. -
October 31, 1956 Draft Telegram to Italian Communist Leader Palmiro Togliatti
Digital Archive digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org International History Declassified October 31, 1956 Draft telegram to Italian Communist Leader Palmiro Togliatti Citation: “Draft telegram to Italian Communist Leader Palmiro Togliatti,” October 31, 1956, History and Public Policy Program Digital Archive, TsKhSD, F. 89, Per. 45, Dok. 14 and in The Hungarian Quarterly 34 (Spring 1993), 107.1 http://digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org/document/111974 Summary: Draft telegram from the CPSU CC to Italian Communist Leader Palmiro Togliatti on the Soviet leadership's position on the situation in Hungary. Original Language: Russian Contents: English Translation Workers of the World, Unite! Top Secret Communist Party of the Soviet Union CENTRAL COMMITTEE No P 49/69 To Comrade Shepilov (M[inistry] of F[oreign] A[ffairs]) and to Comrade Vinogradov Extract from Minutes No. 49, taken at the October 31, 1956 meeting of the Presidium of the CC Draft of a telegram to be sent to Comrade Togliatti, The CC approves the attached text of a telegram to be sent to Comrade Togliatti in con-nection with the Hungarian situation. Secretary of the CC To Paragraph 69 of Minutes No. 49 Top Secret ROME For Comrade TOGLIATTI In your evaluation of the situation in Hungary and of the tendencies of development of the Hungarian Government toward a reactionary development, we are in agreement with you. According to our information, Nagy is occupying a two-faced position and is falling more and more under the influence of the reactionary forces. For the time being we are not speaking out openly against Nagy, but we will not reconcile ourselves with the turn of events toward a reactionary debaucher Your friendly warnings regarding the possibility of the weakening of the unity of the collective leadership of our party have no basis. -
Community, Place, and Cultural Battles: Associational Life in Central Italy, 1945-1968
Community, Place, and Cultural Battles: Associational Life in Central Italy, 1945-1968 Laura J. Hornbake Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 2013 2013 Laura J. Hornbake This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivs 3.0 Unported License. ABSTRACT Community, Place, and Cultural Battles: Associational Life in Central Italy, 1945-1968 Laura J. Hornbake This dissertation is an exploration of associational life in central Italy, an examination of organizations that were central to the everyday experience of tens of thousands of Italians at a time when social, economic and geographical transformations were upending their everyday lives, 1945-1968. This dissertation examines facets of these transformations: the changing shape of cities, increasing mobility of people, technological changes that made possible new media and new cultural forms, from the perspective of local associations. The many lively groups, the cultural circles and case del popolo of central Italy were critical sites where members encountered new ideas, navigated social change, and experimented with alternative cultures. At the same time, these organizations themselves were being transformed from unitary centers that expressed the broad solidarity of the anti-fascist Resistance to loose federations of fragmentary single-interest groups. They were tangles of intertwined politics, culture, and community, important sites in culture -
The Italian Communist Party and The
CENTRAL EUROPEAN UNIVERSITY DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY The Italian Communist Party and the Hungarian crisis of 1956 History one-year M. A. In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Masters of Arts Candidate: Aniello Verde Supervisor: Prof. Marsha Siefert Second reader: Prof. Alfred Rieber CEU eTD Collection June 4th, 2012 A. Y. 2011/2012 Budapest, Hungary Copyright in the text of this thesis rests with the Author. Copies by any process, either in full or part, may be made only in accordance with the instructions given by the Author and lodged in the Central European Library. Details may be obtained from the librarian. This page must form a part of any such copies made. Further copies made in accordance with such instructions may not be made without the written permission of the Author. CEU eTD Collection Acknowledgements I would like to express my frank gratitude to professors Marsha Siefert and Alfred Rieber for their indispensible support, guidance and corrections. Additionally, I would like to thank my Department staff. Particularly, I would like to thank Anikó Molnar for her continuous help and suggestions. CEU eTD Collection III ABSTRACT Despite a vast research about the impact of the Hungarian crisis of 1956 on the legacy of Communism in Italy, the controversial choices of the Italian Communist Party (PCI) have been often considered to be a sort of negative exception in the progressive path of Italian Communism toward modern European socialism. Instead, the main idea of this research is to reconstruct the PCI’s decision-making within the context of the enduring strategic patterns that shaped the political action of the party: can the communist reaction to the impact in Italy of the Hungarian uprising be interpreted as a coherent implication of the communist preexisting and persisting strategy? In order to answer this question, it is necessary to reconstruct how the news coming from Hungary left an imprint on the “permanent interests” of the PCI, and how the communist apparatus reacted to the crisis. -
CS02 08 Finetti Layout 1
8 ■ CRITICAsociale 2-3 / 2013 ■ LA BATTAGLIA DI NAPOLITANO NELLA DIREZIONE DEL PCI (DOPO IL MURO) PER UNA SCELTA SOCIALISTA MA OCCHETTO FU IL GATTOPARDO: “INNOVARSI AL FINE DI CONSERVARE L’ESSENZIALE” Ugo Finetti clino del comunismo era già in atto da un de- cennio. uando il 14 novembre 1989 La flessione elettorale iniziata nel 1979 – Q Giorgio Napolitano prende la salvo il risultato del 1984 all’indomani della parola nella Direzione del Pci morte di Berlinguer – era costante e crescente che discute la relazione del segretario, Achille in particolare tra le nuove generazioni che era- Occhetto, dopo la caduta del Muro di Berlino, no sempre state invece un punto di forza del nella sala al secondo piano delle Botteghe voto comunista. La “questione comunista” ne- Oscure si va delineando una piattaforma di “ri- gli anni ’80 è sempre meno centrale nella sce- lancio” del Partito con nuovo nome sulla base na politica nazionale rispetto al decennio pre- di una rivendicazione della sostanziale autono- cedente tra il ’68 ed il ’79 e la dialettica poli- mia e specificità della storia del Pci rispetto alla tica tendeva a ruotare sempre più intorno allo storia di ciò che nelle relazioni di Togliatti, scontro per la leadership del Paese tra Psi e Longo e Berlinguer era denominato “Movi- Dc. mento Comunista Internazionale”1. Una tesi D’altra parte nel dibattito del 14-15 novem- che - come aveva rilevato criticamente Ema- bre dell’89 emergono anche i punti di forza del nuele Macaluso intervenendo subito dopo Oc- comunismo italiano. A differenza degli altri chetto - doveva però essere adattata al fatto che partiti comunisti occidentali, il Pci non era sta- la stessa decisione di cambiare nome veniva to tenuto né si era fatto tenere in un “ghetto” e presa in un quadro di “effetto domino” ovvero vediamo in campo dirigenti che hanno alle sull’onda di analoghe decisioni di altri partiti spalle non solo una storia di lotte anche vinte comunisti al potere nell’Europa dell’Est. -
Political Studies Review, 14(4), P
City Research Online City, University of London Institutional Repository Citation: Rosenboim, O. (2016). Book Review: Antonio Gramsci (edited and translated by Derek Boothman), A Great and Terrible World: The Pre-Prison Letters, 1908–1926. Political Studies Review, 14(4), p. 562. doi: 10.1177/1478929916663343 This is the accepted version of the paper. This version of the publication may differ from the final published version. Permanent repository link: https://openaccess.city.ac.uk/id/eprint/18399/ Link to published version: http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1478929916663343 Copyright: City Research Online aims to make research outputs of City, University of London available to a wider audience. Copyright and Moral Rights remain with the author(s) and/or copyright holders. URLs from City Research Online may be freely distributed and linked to. Reuse: Copies of full items can be used for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-profit purposes without prior permission or charge. Provided that the authors, title and full bibliographic details are credited, a hyperlink and/or URL is given for the original metadata page and the content is not changed in any way. City Research Online: http://openaccess.city.ac.uk/ [email protected] A Great and Terrible World: The Pre-Prison Letters, 1908-1926 by Antonio Gramsci (edited and translated by Derek Boothman). London: Lawrence & Wishart Ltd, 2014. 418pp., £25.00 (p/b), ISBN 9781907103964 This volume is a collection of the early letters of Antonio Gramsci (1891-1937), the Italian Marxist political thinker and leader of the Italian Communist Party. Gramsci’s prison diaries, written during his long incarceration under the Fascist regime in Italy, appeared in English translation in 1994 and have since then become a reference point for theorists and historians alike. -
Calamandrei Regard 1934
CALAMANDREI REGARD 1934 - 2012 1 Sommario 1934 - 2012 ...........................................................................................................................................................1 1. Corrispondenza, 1937 ago. 6 - 2005 dic. 21 .........................................................................................................5 2. Resistenza, 1938 gen. 9 - 1999 mar. 26 ................................................................................................................9 1. Franco Calamandrei, 1947 apr. 20 - 1998 apr. 18 ............................................................................................9 2. Maria Teresa Regard, 1938 gen. 9 - 1999 mar. 26 ........................................................................................ 10 3. Attività letteraria, 1946 ago. 1 - 1994 giu. 13 .................................................................................................... 12 4. Attività giornalistica, [1952] set. 15 - 1956 ........................................................................................................ 14 1. Franco Calamandrei ....................................................................................................................................... 14 2. Maria Teresa Regard ...................................................................................................................................... 19 3. Agende del periodo trascorso in Cina, Vietnam e Tibet, [1952] set. 15 - 1956 ............................................ -
Between Business Interests and Ideological Marketing the USSR and the Cold War in Fiat Corporate Strategy, 1957–1972
Between Business Interests and Ideological Marketing The USSR and the Cold War in Fiat Corporate Strategy, 1957–1972 ✣ Valentina Fava On 15 August 1966, the Fiat automotive company signed an agreement in Moscow with the Soviet government regarding the construction of the Volga Automobile Factory (VAZ) to manufacture Fiat cars. The plant began oper- ations in September 1970—one year later than originally planned—and was a highly automated facility that was able to produce 660,000 Fiat 124s per annum.1 More than half a century later, the image of Italian-Soviet partnership in building the giant automobile plant still arouses emotions and curiosity, as demonstrated by documentaries and preparations for the fiftieth anniversary 1. The model’s body and engine were modified to be better suited for Soviet roads and climatic condi- tions. The total cost of constructing the plant was estimated at $642 million in February 1966: $247 million (39 percent) was to be spent in Italy, about $55 million (8 percent) was to be spent in the United States, France, Great Britain, Belgium, Switzerland, and West Germany (but this percentage grew to such an extent that $50 million alone was expected to be spent in the United States), and $340 million (53 percent) was to be spent (it never was) on building plants or equipment in member-states of the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance. This estimate included neither consultancy fees for the technical designs of the factory and the car nor the transfer of know-how and assistance methods, nor did it budget for purchasing special materials or paying third parties’ commissions for patents or additional know-how. -
Anti-Fascism and Democracy in the 1930S
02_EHQ 32/1 articles 20/11/01 10:48 am Page 39 Tom Buchanan Anti-fascism and Democracy in the 1930s In November 1936 Konni Zilliacus wrote to John Strachey, a leading British left-wing intellectual and a prime mover in the recently founded Left Book Club, inviting him to ponder ‘the problem of class-war strategy and tactics in a democracy’. Zilliacus, a press officer with the League of Nations and subse- quently a Labour Party MP, was particularly worried about the failure of the Communist Party and the Comintern to offer a clear justification for their decision to support the Popular Front and collective security. ‘There is no doubt’, Zilliacus wrote, ‘that those who are on the side of unity are woefully short of a convincing come-back when the Right-Wing put up the story about Com- munist support of democracy etc. being merely tactical camou- flage.’1 Zilliacus’s comment raises very clearly the issue that lies at the heart of this article. For it is well known that the rise of fascism in the 1930s appeared to produce a striking affirmation of sup- port for democracy, most notably in the 1936 election victories of the Spanish and French Popular Fronts. Here, and elsewhere, anti-fascism was able to unite broad political coalitions rang- ing from liberals and conservatives to socialists, communists and anarchists. But were these coalitions united more by a fear of fascism than by a love of democracy — were they, in effect, marriages of convenience? Historians have long disagreed on this issue. Some have emphasized the prior loyalty of Communist supporters of the Popular Front to the Stalinist regime in the USSR, and have explained their new-found faith in democracy as, indeed, a mere ‘tactical camouflage’ (a view given retrospec- tive weight by the 1939 Nazi–Soviet Pact). -
Communications Their Graves Prematurely
1706 Communications their graves prematurely. He included in this last during the heyday of the Red Brigadists, To draw category reformist Marxists, such as Costa, whose life attention to the Marxist cultural dimension of Italian he called upon the proletariat to end at the earliest terrorism is not the exercise in Cold War liberalism opportunity. All of the figures who come after Cafiero that Martin accuses me of performing. It is rather an in my book-Antonio Labriola, Arturo Labriola, Be attempt to understand how ideas, in Perry Miller's nito Mussolini, Amadeo Bordiga, Antonio Gramsci, phrase, become "coherent and powerful imperatives to and Palmiro Togliatti-s-embodied the violent interpre human behavior." tation of Marxism. Each acted in a specific historical RICHARD DRAKE context, but the Marxist revolutionary tradition exhib University of Montana its striking uniformities through the generations. The extra parliamentary left, of which Red Brigadism was one element, championed this tradition in the 1970s James Martin does not wish to respond. Downloaded from https://academic.oup.com/ahr/article/109/5/1706/15520 by guest on 24 September 2021 and 1980s. In explaining their reasons for killing THE EDITORS government labor economists Massimo D'Antona (1999) and Marco Biagi (2002), the current Red Brigadists denounced them, in the classic language of ERRATA revolutionary Marxism, for their reformist ideas. In claiming that I fail to consider other interpreta The cover illustration for the October 2004 issue was tions of Marxism, Martin overlooks my sustained mistakenly credited to the Hagley Museum of Wil mention of Filippo Turati, who relentlessly criticized mington, Delaware. -
The PCI Artists
The PCI Artists The PCI Artists: Antifascism and Communism in Italian Art, 1944-1951 By Juan José Gómez Gutiérrez The PCI Artists: Antifascism and Communism in Italian Art, 1944-1951 By Juan José Gómez Gutiérrez This book first published 2015 Cambridge Scholars Publishing Lady Stephenson Library, Newcastle upon Tyne, NE6 2PA, UK British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Copyright © 2015 by Juan José Gómez Gutiérrez All rights for this book reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the copyright owner. ISBN (10): 1-4438-8003-5 ISBN (13): 978-1-4438-8003-9 TABLE OF CONTENTS Acknowledgements ................................................................................... vii Introduction ................................................................................................. 1 1. Historical Context 2. Italian Art and the Cultural Politics of the PCI Part One: The Cultural Politics of the PCI Chapter I .................................................................................................... 10 ‘The New Party’: Between the Defeat of Fascism, the Crisis of Liberalism and the Hegemony of the Church 1. The PCI and the Political Evolution of Italy during the Post-war Period 2. The PCI and Stalin’s Soviet Union 3. Defeat of Fascism, Crisis of Liberalism and Catholic hegemony -
At the End of 1970S, the Italian Communist Party, Under The
At the end of the 1970s, the Italian Communist Party, under the leadership of Enrico Berlinguer, seemed to be at the final stage of an uninterrupted march towards legitimacy within the Italian political system. After reaching the peak of its electoral popularity, in 1975-76, it was considered by both Italian and foreign experts to be placed, to quote the title of a well known book, ‘on the threshold of government’.1 Far from being regarded as a dangerous lair of subversives, it had acquired a reputation as the guarantor of the Italian Constitution, even in some sectors of conservative public opinion.2 This positive perception of the role of the PCI within the democratic system was mirrored by a historiography which was generally favourable to the party. It has been argued that the Marxist cultural formation of most Italian historians accounts for this.3 Although such a claim is true in some respects - the historiography of the PCI was principally compiled by scholars who were not only Marxists but also members of the party 4- the description of the PCI as a democratic force was not the consequence of a lopsided historiography, but rather rested upon historical events which were interpreted as concrete evidence of Italian communists' constant commitment to the defence of peace 1 James Ruscoe The Italian Communist Party, 1976 – 81. On the Threshold of Government (London 1982). The expression is taken from the PCI's 1978 congressional theses. The book records the failure of the PCI's attempt to get into the national Government. However, the author stressed how: ‛… the PCI is one of the most stable factors in Italian life.