Politics Is a Calling: Political Vocation in Young People. the Beginning of a Political Career in Spain

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Politics Is a Calling: Political Vocation in Young People. the Beginning of a Political Career in Spain POLITICS IS A CALLING: POLITICAL VOCATION IN YOUNG PEOPLE. THE BEGINNING OF A POLITICAL CAREER IN SPAIN Tesis doctoral Francisco Javier Alarcón González Directores: Miguel Jerez-Mir y José Real-Dato Programa de Doctorado en Ciencias Sociales Universidad de Granada 2018 Editor: Universidad de Granada. Tesis Doctorales Autor: Francisco Javier Alarcón González ISBN: 978-84-1306-786-5 URI: http://hdl.handle.net/10481/66900 Descriptores: Comportamiento del consumidor político Sociología política Miembros de los partidos políticos Psicología política Representación política Francisco Javier Alarcón González Memoria presentada para la obtención del grado en Doctor en Ciencias Sociales Escuela de Postgrado Universidad de Granada * * Remerciements: à Anne Muxel et Centre de Recheches de la Vie Politique (CEVIPOF -Sciences -Po, Paris) pour le séjour de recherche passé là-bas, Je les en remercie. I am indebted to Professor Michael Gallagher, Michael Marsh and staff from Department of Political Science for their courtesy during my visiting research at Trinity College Dublin. A la memoria de mis pequeños, Carlota y Emilio. Esta tesis ha sido parcialmente financiada por: El plan de formación investigadora de la Junta de Andalucía a través de una beca de formación de personal docente e investigador asociada al proyecto de excelencia, “Análisis dinámico de las carreras políticas en el sistema político español”, P08-SEJ- 04032. Convocatoria publicada en el Boletín Oficial de la Junta de Andalucía número 47 de 10 de marzo de 2009. Dos ayudas para la realización de estancias de investigación de excelencia. Ambas financiadas por la Consejería de Economía, Innovación y Ciencia a través del programa de incentivos a actividades de carácter científico y técnico individuales de las Universidades y Organismos de Investigación de Andalucía, para las modalidades de estancias de excelencia e invitados. La primera de ellas para relizar una estancia de investigación en el Centre de recherchers politiques de Sciences Po, CEVIPOF, Sciences Po-París (convocatoria 2/2010). La segunda para su realización en el Department of Polical Science del Trinity College Dublín (convocatoria 2/2011). CONTENTS List of figures vi List of tables vii List of abbreviations and acronyms xi CHAPTER 1 Introduction 1 1.1 Introduction 3 1.2 Democracy and Political Participation: The Role of Young Citizens in 3 Politics 1.3 Problem Statement 8 1.4 Pathways to Power: The Process Approach 11 1.5 Stage and Steps 14 1.6 Aims of this Research 15 1.7 Research Questions 17 1.8 Research Design and Data 20 1.9 Outline of the Chapters 21 PART I 25 CHAPTER 2 Young People’s Political Participation in Contemporary Spain 27 2.1 Introduction 29 2.2 Young people and Political Participation: Engaged and Politicized but 31 Differently 2.3 Engagement in Politics: Models 34 2.3.1 Socio-demographic Characteristics 34 2.3.2 Civic Voluntarism Model 35 2.3.3 Cognitive Engagement Model 36 2.3.4 Social Capital Model 37 2.4 Data and Methods 38 2.5 Political Engagement: Dependent Variables 39 2.6 Modelling Political Participation: Independent Variables in the Models 40 i 2.6.1 Socio-demographic Characteristics 40 2.6.2 Civic Voluntarism Model 42 2.6.3 Cognitive Engagement Model 43 2.6.4 Social Capital Model 45 2.7 Results of Multivariate Analysis 46 2.8 Conclusion and Implications 51 Annex 1. Variables, Statistic and Coding for Survey CIS 3126 53 CHAPTER 3 The Place of Youth Wings in the Political Career: An Analysis from 57 the Members of Spanish Lower House (1977-2011) 3.1 Introduction 59 3.2 The State the Art: The Salience of Passage through Youth Wings in the 62 Political Career 3.3 Data and Variables 69 3.4 Results 74 3.5 Conclusion and Implications 87 PART II 91 CHAPTER 4 Young Politicians’ Career Study 93 4.1 Introduction 95 4.2 Qualitative Data: Semi-structured Interviews and Direct Observation 95 4.3 The Young Party Members’ Survey 100 4.3.1 Population, Sample and Coverage 100 4.3.2 The Questionnaire: Variables, Indicators and Questions 113 Annex 1. Topic Guides for Semi-structure Interviews 137 Annex 2. Variables Mixed in Boxes 140 Annex 3. Big-Five Personality Questions 142 ii CAPÍTULO 5 Una visión de los militantes jóvenes: perfil y ruta de entrada en las 145 organizaciones políticas juveniles 5.1 Introducción 147 5.2 El perfil de los jóvenes miembros de las organizaciones juveniles de los 150 partidos políticos 5.2.1 Las fuerzas políticas objeto de análisis 150 5.2.2 Las características de los miembros de las organizaciones juveniles 153 partidistas 5.3 Caminos de llegada al partido: la ruta de acceso 170 5.3.1 Introducción 170 5.3.2 La importancia de la ruta de acceso a la formación política 172 5.3.3 Datos y variables 175 5.3.4 Análisis de las rutas de acceso 177 5.4 Conclusiones 184 Anexo 1. Descriptivos y codificación para el total de la muestra en rutas 187 de acceso CAPÍTULO 6 Explicando el activismo militante entre los jóvenes miembros de las 189 organizaciones políticas juveniles 6.1 Introducción 191 6.2 Modelos teóricos explicativos de la militancia y el activismo partidista 193 6.2.1 Las variables sociodemográficas 193 6.2.2 El modelo de voluntarismo cívico 196 6.2.3 El modelo socio-psicológico 199 6.2.4 Los modelos de elección racional 200 6.2.5 El modelo de incentivos generales 204 6.3 Miembros de los partidos políticos: activos y pasivos 205 6.3.1 Midiendo el activismo político por las actividades 206 6.3.2 Midiendo el activismo político por el tiempo dedicado 209 6.4 Las variables intervinientes en los modelos explicativos del activismo 211 6.4.1 Las variables socio-demográficas 211 6.4.2 Las variables en el modelo de voluntarismo cívico 213 iii 6.4.3 Las variables en el modelo socio-psicológico 216 6.4.4 Las variables en los modelos de elección racional 218 6.4.5 Las variables en el modelo de incentivos generales 221 6.5 Resultados y análisis de los modelos 222 6.6 Conclusiones 241 Anexo 1. Descriptivos y codificación para el total de la muestra 248 CAPÍTULO 7 La vocación política de los jóvenes militantes: la política como 251 actividad laboral 7.1 Introducción 253 7.2 La política como actividad laboral, la vocación política y su medición 255 7.2.1 La profesión y la vocación política 255 7.2.2 La vocación política y su medición en la sociología política 257 7.2.3 La medición de la vocación en los trabajos actuales 259 7.2.4 La escala Calling de Dobrow y Tosti-Kharas (2011) 261 7.3 El proceso implementado para obtener la escala adaptada a la política y 263 en español y el análisis de sus propiedades psicométricas 7.3.1 La doble adaptación y la traducción 265 7.3.2 Validación de la escala. El análisis de las propiedades psicométricas de 268 la escala de vocación política 7.4 La vocación política en los miembros de las organizaciones políticas 280 juveniles 7.4.1 Las influencias: literatura e hipótesis 280 7.4.2 El análisis de los resultados y discusión de los predictores de la 286 vocación política 7.5 Conclusiones 292 Anexo 1. Instrucciones enviadas a los miembros del panel de expertos 295 Anexo 2. Validez discriminante: correlaciones para socialistas, 297 comunistas y populares Anexo 3. Validez nomológica: correlaciones para socialista, comunistas 298 y populares Anexo 4. Variables independientes y su codificación 299 iv CAPÍTULO 8 Aspirantes, candidatos y electos: reclutamiento y ambición política 301 en los miembros de las organizaciones juveniles de los partidos políticos 8.1 Introducción 303 8.2 Aspirantes, candidatos y electos en los inicios de una carrera política 306 8.3 Variables explicativas en los inicios de la carrera política 310 8.3.1 Las variables socio-demográficas y los recursos 311 8.3.2 El contexto 314 8.3.3 Las motivaciones 315 8.4 La ambición política en los militantes de base: los aspirantes 317 8.4.1 La respuesta cognitiva: pensar en ser candidato 319 8.4.2 La respuesta afectiva: gustar ser candidato 323 8.4.3 La respuesta conductual: hablar de ser candidato 326 8.5 Candidatos versus no candidatos 329 8.6 Electos versus candidatos no electos 335 8.7 Conclusiones 340 Anexo 1. El activismo como variable independiente en el análisis de la 343 selección y la elección Anexo 2. Descriptores y codificación de las variables para el total de la 346 muestra CONCLUSIONES 349 CAPÍTULO 9 Conclusiones: la política como vocación en los jóvenes españoles 351 9.1 Introducción 353 9.2 Las preguntas planteadas y sus respuestas 355 9.3 Implicaciones para los estudios politológicos 365 9.4 Implicaciones para la democracia representativa 367 9.5 Futuras líneas de investigación 369 REFERENCIAS BIBLIOGRÁFICAS 373 v FIGURES 1.1 Prewitt’s Approach 11 1.2 Involvement’s Process until Holding a Public Office 13 1.3 Stages and Steps 14 1.4 Stages and theories in the process to politica power 16 2.1 Typology of the Evolution of Political Action 33 4.1 Invitation e-mail 108 4.2 First Window of the Online Survey 109 6.1 Acumulativo de acciones para el total de la muestra 209 7.1 Fases y sub-fases de la adaptación y validación 264 7.2 Versión española de la escala de vocación política 267 8.1 Secuencia de fases hasta el poder político 306 vi TABLES 1.1 Chapter, Question and Research Tools 21 2.1 Items in Citizen and Caused Oriented Variables 39 2.2 Socio-demographic Characteristics 41 2.3 Differences in Variables of Civic Voluntarism Model 43 2.4 Differences in Variables of Cognitive Engagement Model 44 2.5 Media Consumption in Cognitive Engagement Model 45 2.6 Differences in Political Trust among Young and Older People 45 2.7 Differences in Social Networks between Young and Older People
Recommended publications
  • Discontinuity and European Lawmaking – Another Deficit of EU
    Discontinuity: Another Source for the EU’s Democratic Deficit? Thomas König [email protected] Abstract: This study evaluates discontinuity that is induced by the two-stage lawmaking process of EU directives and discussed in the jurisprudential literature as another source for the EU’s democratic deficit. While directives must be transposed into national law, their lengthy transposition period has raised the normative question about the extent to which governments of today can politically and reliably commit domestic majorities of tomorrow. From a political science perspective, this jack-in-the-box-effect is particularly critical in systems with restrictive voting procedures and high agency loss because the parliamentary principal is unable to learn about the behaviour of the governmental agent and can hardly change or amend the decision of the former government. Hence, the empirical task is to identify the potential for discontinuity in EU lawmaking which requires measuring the governmental activities in the implementation process and to compare the preferences of the former and current majorities. This is the first study which empirically analyzes the potential of discontinuity by combining statistics on the implementation process in the 15 member states with preference indicators for their governments over a period of almost 20 years. The findings reveal that parliaments are almost excluded from this process. On closer inspection, the results show that the preferences of the former and the newly elected representatives differ drastically in about one third of all cases, in particular in Austria, Denmark, France, Sweden – and to a lesser extent – in Ireland, Greece and Luxembourg where public support for European integration has also notably decreased in recent years.
    [Show full text]
  • The Lehendakari
    E.ETXEAK montaje ENG 3/5/01 16:08 P‡gina 1 Issue 49 YEAR 2001 TheThe LehendakariLehendakari callscalls forfor anan electionelection inin thethe BasqueBasque CountryCountry onon MayMay 13th13th E.ETXEAK montaje ENG 4/5/01 08:53 P‡gina 2 Laburpena SUMMARY Laburpena SUMMARY EDITORIALA■EDITORIAL – Supplementary statement to the Decree dissolving Parliament ...................... 3 GAURKO GAIAK■CURRENT EVENTS – Instructions for voting by mail .................................................................................. 5 – Basque election predictions according to surveys................................................ 6 PERTSONALITATEAK■PERSONALITIES – The Sabino Arana Awards for the year 2000........................................................ 8 EUSKAL ETXEAK – The Human Rights Commissioner visited the Basque Country ....................... 8 ISSUE 49 - YEAR 2001 URTEA – Francesco Cossiga received the "Lagun Onari" honor ...................................... 9 EGILEA AUTHOR Eusko Jaurlaritza-Kanpo – The Government of Catalonia receives part of its history Harremanetarako Idazkaritza Nagusia from the Sabino Arana Foundation ....................................................................... 10 Basque Government-Secretary General for Foreign Action – The Secretary of State of Idaho calls for the U.S. C/ Navarra, 2 to mediate in the Basque Country......................................................................... 11 01007 VITORIA-GASTEIZ Phone: 945 01 79 00 ■ [email protected] ERREPORTAIAK ARTICLES ZUZENDARIA DIRECTOR – The
    [Show full text]
  • El Caso Bildu: Un Supuesto De Extralimitación De
    EL CASO BILDU: UN SUPUESTO DE EXTRALIMITACIÓN DE FUNCIONES DEL TRIBUNAL CONSTITUCIONAL Comentario de la Sentencia de la Sala Especial del Tribunal Supremo de 1 de mayo de 2011 y de la Sentencia del Tribunal Constitucional de 5 de mayo de 2011 JAVIER Tajadura Tejada I. Introducción.—II. LA SENTENCIA DE LA SALA ESPECIAL DEL Tribunal SUPREMO DE 1 DE MAYO DE 2011: 1. Las demandas de la Abogacía del Estado y del Ministerio Fiscal. 2. Las alegaciones de Bildu. 3. La fundamentación del fallo mayoritario de la Sala Especial: 3.1. Nor- mativa aplicable. 3.2. Análisis y valoración de la prueba. 3.3. Conclusiones. 3.4. El «contraindi- cio». 3.5. El principio de proporcionalidad. 4. Análisis del Voto particular.—III. LA SENTENCIA DEL Tribunal Constitucional DE 5 DE MAYO DE 2011: 1. La fundamentación del recurso de amparo. 2. Las alegaciones de la Abogacía del Estado y del Ministerio Fiscal. 3. Los Fundamen- tos Jurídicos de la sentencia. 4. El Voto particular del profesor Manuel Aragón.—IV. CONSIDE- raciones finales. I. Introducción El día 5 de mayo de 2011, por una exigua mayoría de seis votos frente a cinco, el Pleno del Tribunal Constitucional, tras una deliberación de urgencia de menos de cuatro horas, dictó una de las sentencias más importantes de toda su historia. En ella estimó el recurso de amparo de la coalición electoral Bildu contra la sentencia de la Sala Especial del Tribunal Supremo que cuatro días atrás había anulado todas las candidaturas presentadas a los comicios del 22 de mayo. Desde el punto de vista jurídico, la principal objeción que cabe formular a esta sentencia es la de haberse extralimitado en sus funciones y haber invadido, de forma clara y notoria, el ámbito competencial propio del Tribunal Supremo.
    [Show full text]
  • “Nothing About Politics”: the Political Scope in Rural Participatory Governance, a Case-Study in the Basque Country, Spain
    Journal of Public Deliberation Volume 13 | Issue 2 Article 8 11-6-2017 “Nothing about politics”: The political scope in rural participatory governance, a case-study in the Basque Country, Spain. Patricia García-Espín Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas (CSIC), [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://www.publicdeliberation.net/jpd Part of the Civic and Community Engagement Commons Recommended Citation García-Espín, Patricia (2017) "“Nothing about politics”: The political scope in rural participatory governance, a case-study in the Basque Country, Spain.," Journal of Public Deliberation: Vol. 13 : Iss. 2 , Article 8. Available at: https://www.publicdeliberation.net/jpd/vol13/iss2/art8 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Public Deliberation. It has been accepted for inclusion in Journal of Public Deliberation by an authorized editor of Public Deliberation. “Nothing about politics”: The political scope in rural participatory governance, a case-study in the Basque Country, Spain. Abstract Participatory mechanisms are understood as settings for citizens’ political engagement. However, participants frequently depict these institutions as nonpolitical. In this paper, the political scope of participatory institutions is examined through a case-study of town meetings (concejos abiertos) in the Basque Country (Spain). Through ethnographic observation and interviews with 53 participants, we analyze how participants deal with public issues, and how they limit or expand the political scope of their participation. In concejos, participants talk about “small deliberation” issues such as sewers or water installations. They ejr ect partisan issues in their everyday engagement. However, they cultivate a culture of self-management, and embark on political campaigns on selective issues.
    [Show full text]
  • Abertzaletasunaren Gorakada Non Zer Alkartasuna Eusko Alkartasunaren Barne Aldizkaria
    29 aalkartasuna ekaina - uztaila 37/72 FRANQUEO C ONCERTADO Abertzaletasunaren gorakada non zer alkartasuna eusko alkartasunaren barne aldizkaria 8.500 ale 2003ko Uztaila 811 posta kutxa, Donostia D.L./L.G. SS 714/88 Zuzendaria Onintza Lasa Koordinatzaileak 3-5 Elkarrizketa: Bruno Zubizarreta · Jabier Otermin Begoña Errazti: "El PP ha dejado claro su nula legitimidad democrática Erredakzioa pues ha vulnerado todo lo que dice defender" Eva Aranguren • Karmelo Arren • 6-7 Leire Ereño: Begoña Arruti · "Desde la impronta socialdemócrata, abertzale y pacifis- Ana Garaialde • ta de EA trabajaremos para que la sociedad guipuzcoa- Amaia Goikoetxea • na progrese" Mikel Irujo • Ana Iturralde · Joserra López-Larrinaga: Luis Mendizabal • "La estrategia tramposa del PP-PSOE ha fracasado" Igone Olarte • Mikel Cabello Iñaki Sanchez: "Araban, alderdi espainolek euren espania mailako inte- Maketazioa resak mantentzeko hitzarmen bat egin dute" Azk Taldea Imprimategia 8-10 Aberri Eguna 2003 Gertu, Koop. E. ● ARABA GASTEIZ · 01005 San Prudencio, 3 11 Análisis de elecciones Tel. 945 · 23 27 62 Fax 945 · 23 29 53 Eusko Alkartasuna logra un incremento del 26% en su [email protected] representación municipal ● BIZKAIA BILBO · 48005 Arenal, 2-3. 12-15 Ordezkariak Tel. 94 · 416 10 33 Fax 94 · 415 62 94 [email protected] - Nafarroako Parlamentuan ● IPARRALDE - Iruñeako Udalean BAIONA · 64100 8 Quia d’Galluperie - Gipuzkoako Batzar Nagusietan Tel. 59 · 25 50 28 Fax 59 · 25 50 28 - Donostiako Udalean [email protected] - Bizkaiako Batzar Nagusietan ● GIPUZKOA DONOSTIA · 20018 - Bilboko Udalean Portuetxe bidea, 23 Tel. 943 · 02 01 30 - Arabako Batzar Nagusietan Fax 943 · 02 01 31 [email protected] - Gasteizko Udalean ● NAFARROA IRUÑA · 31001 Plaza del Castillo, 49 Tel.
    [Show full text]
  • 1492 Reconsidered: Religious and Social Change in Fifteenth Century Ávila
    1492 RECONSIDERED: RELIGIOUS AND SOCIAL CHANGE IN FIFTEENTH CENTURY ÁVILA by Carolyn Salomons A dissertation submitted to Johns Hopkins University in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Baltimore, Maryland May 2014 © 2014 Carolyn Salomons All Rights Reserved Abstract This dissertation is an assessment of the impact of the expulsion of the Jews from Spain in 1492 on the city of Ávila, in northwestern Castile. The expulsion was the culmination of a series of policies set forth by Isabel I of Castile and Ferdinand II of Aragon regarding Jewish-Christian relations. The monarchs invoked these policies in order to bolster the faith and religious praxis of Catholics in the kingdoms, especially those Catholics newly converted from Judaism. My work shows how the implementation of these strategies began to fracture the heretofore relatively convivial relations between the confessional groups residing in Ávila. A key component of the Crown’s policies was the creation of a Jewish quarter in the city, where previously, Jews had lived wherever they chose. This transformation of a previously shared civic place to one demarcated clearly by religious affiliation, i.e. the creation of both Jewish and Christian space, had a visceral impact on how Christians related to their former neighbors, and hostilities between the two communities increased in the closing decades of the fifteenth century. Yet at the same time, Jewish appeals to the Crown for assistance in the face of harassment and persecution were almost always answered positively, with the Crown intervening several times on behalf of their Jewish subjects. This seemingly incongruous attitude reveals a key component in the relationship between the Crown and Jews: the “royal alliance.” My work also details how invoking that alliance came at the expense of the horizontal alliances between Abulense Jews and Christians, and only fostered antagonism between the confessional groups.
    [Show full text]
  • Are Stateless Nations Discriminated in Terms of Social Progress?
    Informes fundacIó catalunya europa [05/17] Are stAteless nAtions discriminAted in terms of sociAl progress? An AnAlysis of the 19 efA countries through the dAtA of the europeAn regionAl sociAl progress index. [autor:] MARC TATARET BATALLA peer revIewer: JORDI ANGUSTO ZAMBRANO Amb lA col·lAborAció de: Informes fundacIó catalunya europa [05/17] Are stAteless nAtions discriminAted in terms of sociAl progress? An AnAlysis of the 19 efA countries through the dAtA of the europeAn regionAl sociAl progress index. [autor:] MARC TATARET BATALLA peer revIewer: JORDI ANGUSTO ZAMBRANO Contents 1. Introduction – Executive Summary. ...................................................................................... 3 1.1 The EU-SPI as an analytical tool. ......................................................................................... 4 1.2 The EFA countries. ......................................................................................................... 6 1.3 Methodology. ................................................................................................................ 7 2. Comparing the 19 EFA countries. .......................................................................................... 9 3. EFA Countries Profile. .......................................................................................................... 14 3.1 First Analysis: Bavaria ........................................................................................................ 15 3.2. Second Analysis: Flemish Region ....................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Standing Orders of the Congress of Deputies
    CONGRESS OF DEPUTIES STANDING ORDERS OF THE CONGRESS OF DEPUTIES MADRID PRELIMINARY PART Constituent meeting of Congress 68, 67, 62, Section 1 1 23, 99, Following a general election to the Congress, a constituent 115 C meeting of the House shall be held in accordance with Section 68.6 Calling of the meeting 147 SO of the Constitution, on such day and at such time as specified in the 168 C Royal Decree issued to call the election. 5 SO Section 2 Provisional The constituent meeting shall be chaired initially by the oldest of Bureau the Members-elect present, assisted by the two youngest acting as Secretaries. Section 3 1. The Chairperson shall open proceedings and one of the 36 SO Secretaries shall read out the Royal Decree calling the election, the Procedure at roll of Members-elect and any appeals lodged against the election Meeting results, specifying the Members-elect who may be affected by the decision on such appeals. 2. The Bureau of the Congress shall then be elected in Election of accordance with the procedure described in Section 37 hereof. final Bureau 37 SO Section 4 Oath or pledge of 1. After the voting has concluded, those elected shall take an oath 9 C allegiance to or pledge to observe the Constitution, for which purpose their names 20, 59 SO the shall be called out in alphabetical order. The Speaker shall then Constitution declare Congress constituted, and shall adjourn the sitting. 2. The constitution of Congress shall be notified by the Speaker to the King, the Senate and the Government.
    [Show full text]
  • Bicameral Systems and Representation of Regions and Local Authorities: the Role of Second Chambers in Europe”
    CONFERENCE ON “BICAMERAL SYSTEMS AND REPRESENTATION OF REGIONS AND LOCAL AUTHORITIES: THE ROLE OF SECOND CHAMBERS IN EUROPE” Paris, 21 February 2008 organised by THE FRENCH SENATE THE CONGRESS OF LOCAL AND REGIONAL AUTHORITIES OF THE COUNCIL OF EUROPE in co-operation with THE PARLIAMENTARY ASSEMBLY OF THE COUNCIL OF EUROPE AND THE VENICE COMMISSION REPORT FORMS OF REPRESENTATION IN SECOND CHAMBERS: ELECTION PROCEDURES BY Mr Carlos CLOSA MONTERO (member of the European Commission for democracy through law - Venice Commission -, Spain) 1. The position of second chambers in european constitutional design: at some time during the 20th century, the use of second chambers seemed to be condemned to a corner of history, since several european countries eliminated them during the first third of the xxth century (Serbia 1901-1903; 1917 Russia; 1917 Finland; 1926 Portugal; 1928 Albania; 1949 Malta; 1982 Turkey). However, drafters of new constitutions after 1945 have shown themselves kin on having second chambers, a path continued also at the end of the xxth century in new constitutions. Thus, rather than being an extraordinary feature of european political system, it has become a common one: not least than 17 european states have second chambers.1 There is a certain correspondence between the size of states and having a second chamber: generally speaking, large countries do tend to have second chambers. In Europe, the largest countries to have a unicameral parliament are Greece, with 11 million inhabitants, and Portugal, with 10.5 million. Despite this trend, second chambers are disputed. Usually, their operative costs and the delays in passing legislation are arguments used against them.
    [Show full text]
  • Directorate-General for Research
    DIRECTORATE-GENERAL FOR RESEARCH W O R K I N G D O C U M E N T NATIONAL PROVISIONS CONCERNING INELIGIBILITY AND INCOMPATIBILITY WITH REGARD TO THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT "National Parliaments" Series W - 9 This document is available in : EN DE FR The contents of this publication do not necessarily reflect the views of the European Parliament. Reproduction and translation for non-commercial purposes are authorized provided the source is acknowledged and the publisher is given prior notice and sent a copy. Publisher: European Parliament Directorate General for Research ECPRD Secretariat L - 2929 LUXEMBOURG Tel . : (352) 4300 2447 Fax : (352) 4300 9021 Editor: Marília CRESPO ALLEN in collaboration with the CORRESPONDENTS of the ECPRD, European Centre for Parliamentary Research and Documentation Manuscript completed in February 1997 DIRECTORATE-GENERAL FOR RESEARCH W O R K I N G D O C U M E N T NATIONAL PROVISIONS CONCERNING INELIGIBILITY AND INCOMPATIBILITY WITH REGARD TO THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT "National Parliaments" Series W - 9 6 - 1997 PE 220.623 National provisions concerning ineligibility and incompatibility with regard to elections and membership of the european parliament Contents Page General remarks ............................................................ 3 1. Ineligibilities arising from: (a) the holding of certain posts or the exercise of certain activities (b) an individual criminal law or civil law decision Belgium................................................................. 8 Denmark................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • The Construction of the Basque Polarized Pluralism
    The Construction of the Basque Polarized Pluralism Francisco J. LLERA RAMO Universidad del País Vasco Working Paper n.64 Barcelona 1993 The political transition from the authoritarian system to the pluralist regime started in December 1976 with the Political Reform Act and finished with the approving referenda of Constitution and Statutes, being the first one (December 1978) general for the State and the second (October 1979) specific for the Basque Country. The following stage in both cases was that of starting the previously designed institution-building process to result in a third phase that we might define as consolidation of the democratic system which is the present one. The Basque people have been called to polls more than twelve times since the first free elections in 1977. They have voted the composition of the Houses in Madrid and Vitoria, of the regional institutions of Alava, Guipúzcoa and Vizcaya, of the city councils and even of the European Parliament, not to mention the four referenda. At the regional level, the "inaugural" 1980 election opened a period of political alignment and institution-building hegemonized by the PNV (Partido Nacionalista Vasco, Basque Nationalist Party) in a context of strong anti-centralist mobilization and of maximum activity of the radical nacionalism's armed organisms at the same time as ETApm decided its disolution. The second elections of 1984 were of "passage", extending the previous situation to a term shortened by PNV's parliamentary weakening eventually leading to its early split at the time of defining the internal organization of the Basque Country with the LTH as well as its alliance-politics.
    [Show full text]
  • Casanova, Julían, the Spanish Republic and Civil
    This page intentionally left blank The Spanish Republic and Civil War The Spanish Civil War has gone down in history for the horrific violence that it generated. The climate of euphoria and hope that greeted the over- throw of the Spanish monarchy was utterly transformed just five years later by a cruel and destructive civil war. Here, Julián Casanova, one of Spain’s leading historians, offers a magisterial new account of this crit- ical period in Spanish history. He exposes the ways in which the Republic brought into the open simmering tensions between Catholics and hard- line anticlericalists, bosses and workers, Church and State, order and revolution. In 1936, these conflicts tipped over into the sacas, paseos and mass killings that are still passionately debated today. The book also explores the decisive role of the international instability of the 1930s in the duration and outcome of the conflict. Franco’s victory was in the end a victory for Hitler and Mussolini, and for dictatorship over democracy. julián casanova is Professor of Contemporary History at the University of Zaragoza, Spain. He is one of the leading experts on the Second Republic and the Spanish Civil War and has published widely in Spanish and in English. The Spanish Republic and Civil War Julián Casanova Translated by Martin Douch CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS Cambridge, New York, Melbourne, Madrid, Cape Town, Singapore, São Paulo, Delhi, Dubai, Tokyo Cambridge University Press The Edinburgh Building, Cambridge CB2 8RU, UK Published in the United States of America by Cambridge University Press, New York www.cambridge.org Information on this title: www.cambridge.org/9780521493888 © Julián Casanova 2010 This publication is in copyright.
    [Show full text]