Politik : Indonesian Political Science Review, 5 (3), December 2020, pp. 437-454 ISSN 2477-8060 (print), ISSN 2503-4456 (online) DOI: https://doi.org/10.15294/ipsr.v5i3.21963 © 2020 Politik Indonesia: Indonesian Political Science Review

Candidacy Transformation as Electability Factor of the Legislative Candidate from Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) in Legislative Election 2004-2019

Siti Muslikhatul Ummah Universitas Indonesia, Indonesia Ardian Bakhtiar Rivai Sun Yat Sen University, Taiwan

Abstract This article discusses candidacy transformation which is previously characterized as inclusive- exclusive to inclusive-pragmatic of Prosperous Justice Party (Partai Keadilan Sejahtera/PKS) in the legislative election. The argument is based on the woman candidacy processes of PKS legislative candidates within different legislative election periods namely 2004, 2009, 2014, and 2019. Based on the collected data, the 2009 General Election is the momentum where the most significant legislative seats are acquired by female candidates compared to the other three legislative elections. That phenomenon is this study’s starting point in this article that explores the factors of PKS woman candidate electability, which are each candidate’s social and political capital. This article's conceptual framework is the narration of male power relation as the effort to win seats for PKS woman legislative candidates, which is obtained from the relation with local elites in their respective areas in the 2019 General Election. In contrast to the three previous general elections, the PKS woman legislative candidate electability was sourced from their political and organizational experience and social network in the society. Through a qualitative case study, this article uses interviews as the primary data source, while related documentation and publication as secondary data.

Keywords Candidacy; Woman’s Electability; Male Power Relation; Political Capital; Social Capital

INTRODUCTION list. This provides an opportunity for the One of the proportional electoral emergence of nepotism and cronyism, system's weaknesses is that it gives one of which is the male power relations party leaders a strong position to that women have. This weakness can be determine the final legislative candidate overcome with the awareness of the political party administrators of the Siti Muslikhatul Ummah is a student at the legislative candidate lists compiled Department of Political Science, Universitas Indonesia, Indonesia. Email: ummahmuslikhatul21 ahead of the election. In compiling a list @gmail.com. of candidates or a candidacy, it must Ardian Bakhtiar Rivai is a Ph.D. student at the Sun contain people who are familiar with the Yat-Sen University, Taiwan. His research focuses on political parties and electoral system. problems faced in the regions they The authors are grateful to the anonymous represented to then fight for the region's reviewers for their valuable comments on this paper's interests in the legislature (Prahara, early draft. 2013).

Received November 19, 2019; Accepted December 19, 2020; Published December 28, 2020. 438 Politik Indonesia: Indonesian Political Science Review, 5 (3), December 2020, pp. 437-454

In implementing the affirmative These fluctuations can also not be action policy, there are rules related to avoided in acquiring women's seats the list of numbers called a zipper experienced by Islamic parties, namely system. This regulation calls for at least PPP, PAN, and PKS, but not including one woman in every three candidate for PKB. Numbers since the 2009 elections. Based on the number of women's Affirmative action is one of the efforts to seats in parliament, women's increase women in parliament. representation in Islamic parties since From the 2004 to 2014 elections, the the implementation of affirmative action affirmative action policy has undergone in the 2004 to 2019 elections has several changes1. To increase women's fluctuated except PKB which has always representation in parliament. However, increased. PKB experienced an increase based on election results from the 2004 in women's seats in every election, to 2019 period, only one party could namely in 2004 by seven seats, in 2009 by obtain women's expression of 30%, eight seats, in 2014 by ten seats, and in namely the Nasdem Party in the 2019 2019 by 12 seats. The acquisition of elections. women's seats in parliament for PAN Although all political parties have tends to stagnate in 2004 by seven seats, not fulfilled the 30% quota for women, 2009 by seven seats, increasing in 2014 there has been a significant increase in by nine seats and decreasing in 2019 by women's representation after the seven seats. The acquisition of women's affirmative action policy was seats in parliament for PKS has tended implemented. In the 1999 election, to be stagnant and reduced, in the 2004 women's representation was at 9% and election, in 2009 by three seats, in 2014 experienced a rise in 2004 elections by by one seat, and experiencing a 11.3%. In the 2009 elections by 18.4%. significant increase in the 2019 election However, in the 2014 election, this by eight seats. The acquisition of percentage decreased to 17% and women's seats in parliament for PPP has increased again in the 2019 election, increased in the 2004 election by three amounting to 20.52%. These data seats, in 2009 by six seats, in 2014 by ten indicate a fluctuation in women's seats and is down in the 2019 election by representation during the five seats. implementation of affirmative action.

1 Law Number 12 of 2003 concerning Elections 2014 election, through the General Election considers and takes into account 30% of women's Commission Regulation (Peraturan Komisi representation in the legislative candidate list. This Pemilihan Umum/PKPU) Number 7 of 2013 the regulation was later amended again in Law Number affirmative action policy was strengthened by the 10 of 2008 concerning Elections which states that 30% existence of administrative selection abortion of women's representation in the legislative sanctions for political parties that are unable to meet candidate list must be fulfilled. The Law also states the 30% quota for women's representation in the list that there is the use of a zipper system which requires of candidates in a region. election. at least one woman among the three serial numbers of the legislative candidate list. Furthermore, in the

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From the four parties above, PKB is an educator; 4) Ledia Hanifah Amaliah, a party that tends to increase the who is an activist. acquisition of women's seats slowly. Matland (2005) and Tremblay (2007) Meanwhile, the other three parties state that women must go through three experienced fluctuations. Looking at the selection stages in the political process. fluctuation in the acquisition of There are women must select women's seats, PKS is the party that has themselves to decide to participate in experienced a sharp increase in the 2019 political contestation. Women must pass elections, while other parties have the supporting party's selection, and the experienced a decline (PAN and PPP). final selection is that women must win There are several factors related to the votes. Selection from political parties growth and decrease in women's and voters requires women to have a representation. PPP experienced a large capital, especially in an open-list significant increase in the 2014 election proportional system that impacts due to party policies contained in the stronger selection pragmatism. party's statutes and bylaws which Political pragmatism such as placed women as number 1 in 30% of the networks of relations and popularity is electoral districts. essential in the free list competition and In the 2019 elections, women's majority vote. This is as stated by representation in PKS has a sharp Hillman (2017) that the electability of increase. This identifies a change in the women who have social capital in the pattern of candidacy in the recruitment form of networks or male power of candidates within the PKS. One of the relations has shifted women who have strong arguments is the emergence of the political capital or what he calls a the names of elected PKS female political dynasty. Open competition candidates who are the region's leaders' among candidates has an impact on wives. Such as Netty Prasetyani (wife of pragmatic competition right since the the former Governor of West Java), Nur nomination process from political Azizah Tamhid (wife of the former parties. Political parties tend to recruit Mayor of ), and Nelvi Zuairina women with extensive economic (wife of the Governor of West Sumatra). resources, high popularity, and women In the previous elections, PKS tended to with male power relations, while avoid candidacy that led to a political political capital and individual capital dynasty formation. Even the PKS are sidelined. women elected during the last elections Thompson (2002) analyzes senior did not have strong relations and is not female politicians' political history in in political dynasties. The female PKS Asia using the term political dynasty to candidates elected in the previous polls describe vital kinship elements with include: 1) Yoyoh Yusroh, a preacher influential male politicians such as who is one of the women made as an husbands or fathers as key factors in icon in PKS; 2) Nursanita Nasution, who which women political leaders gain is an academic; 3) Aan Rohanah, who is power. In local politics, 440 Politik Indonesia: Indonesian Political Science Review, 5 (3), December 2020, pp. 437-454

Kusumaningtyas et al. (2017) explained sources. Primary data sources were that the kinship factor is closely related obtained from interviews with elected to the oligarchic network. This is said by and not-elected PKS women candidates, Hadiz and Robinson (2014) in that while secondary data sources were oligarchy is a system of power relations obtained from documentation and that allows the concentration of wealth observation. The second data source is and authority and the collective obtained from secondary data sources. protection of both wealth and authority. Secondary data sources come from Thus, political kinship and financial various written sources and documents resources (oligarchy) are significant in the Central Leadership Council PKS assets for women politicians to gain secretariat office, books, journals, power. Lovenduski (2008) states that research, and mass media to be used as women have weaker resources than supporting data. men. Women are considered lower than men and tend not to be placed in RESULTS AND DISCUSSION strategic positions that support political The Influence of Women's Political activities. Therefore, male politicians Capital in the PKS Candidacy Process who have earlier on controlled material, in the 2004, 2009, and 2014 Legislative social, and cultural resources become Elections strong assets for women politicians who Casey (2008) defines political capital have a kinship to come forward and be as the utilization of all types of capital elected in political contestation. owned by an actor or a political In this research, the focus is related institution to produce political actions to the candidacy process carried out in that benefit or strengthen the position of the legislative elections for the 2004 to political actors or political institutions 2019 period. While the 2019 election, it involved. Hicks and Misra (1993) state only focuses on the power relations that political capital focuses on giving between men and women. power or resources to realize many things that can actualize the interests of RESEARCH METHOD gaining power. In essence, political The method used in this research is capital is the power that a person has, qualitative research. This research which can then be operated or method is chosen because it helps the contributed to his contestation's success author elaborate on discussing the in a political process such as an election. political and social capital of elected PKS Casey (2008) states that the primary women candidates in more depth. market for political capital is electoral, Through this method, the authors can policy, and institutional processes. This also see how the political and social means that political capital can be used capital of elected PKS women from the candidacy process to a candidates is used in elections. The data legislative candidate's election process. source of this study is based on primary In the candidacy process, political data sources and secondary data capital becomes one of the assets that

Ummah & Rivai | Candidacy Transformation as Electability Factor of the Legislative… 441 affect a legislative candidate's The Number is quite influential in nomination in an electoral district and winning a seat for a legislative candidate his/her number in the candidate list. in the election. The candidate in the However, the process of candidacy is topmost Number has a relatively high something that has the potential to cause chance of winning a seat. However, in conflict within the party. This is as stated reality, Numbers' placement is one of by Rahat and Hazan (2001) that the problems in supporting affirmative candidate selection is an essential arena action policies against women. Women for power struggles within parties. are often placed on a significant Number Schattschneider (1942) said that the even though the zipper system policy nature of the nomination process has been implemented. determines the nature of the party. Although the 2009 and 2014 PKS is a party that is well known in elections determined that electability is its cadre system. In interviews, elected based on majority votes, the Indonesian PKS women candidates said that the parliament's major electability factor nomination in PKS was an appointment still exists. Based on data from the by the party proposed by cadres Center for Political Studies Universitas through Pemira (grand election) and Indonesia, most women elected were kaderisasi (a structured process of number 1 in the Number. In the 2009 forming a cadre). The respondent said election, women's electability in that there was no competition in the Number 1 was 44%, Number 2 was 29%, nomination process because candidates and Number 3 was 21%. In the 2014 did not propose themselves but were election, the electability of women in asked and elected by the party. They Number 1 was 47%, Number 2 was 21%, said that the party nominated the reason and Number 3 was 15% (Margaret et al., cadres was because of their political 2018: 51-54). In the 2019 election, capital such as position in the party women's electability in Number 1 was structure. This is based on image of 48%, Number 2 was 25%, and Number 3 national leadership, economic was 12% (Puskapol UI, 2019). conditions, popularity, competence, Based on these data, the choice of experience, education, social Number 1 has always increased from interactions, and loyalty to the party, the 2009 to 2019 elections. This shows also their activities during their time in that the trend of the people choosing regeneration process. There is no Number 1 is getting stronger. Suppose difference in recruiting a candidate from the affirmation policy is an effort to party cadres other than these factors increase women's representation. In that mentioned above. This shows that PKS case, the approach should no longer be is a political party whose policies are based solely on the 30% quota. Still, it gender-biased and even patriarchal in must also pay attention to the Numbers' women's legislative candidacy, placement, which is political parties' especially in the placement for Numbers policy. But unfortunately, the order of in the candidate list. women as number 1 in PKS is still very 442 Politik Indonesia: Indonesian Political Science Review, 5 (3), December 2020, pp. 437-454

Table 1. Women in the PKS Legislative Candidate List Quantity of PKS Women Candidates based on Number Election 1 2 3 4 5 6 2009 2 8 61 8 24 39 2014 1 27 52 11 28 41 2019 6 25 53 17 37 31 Source: General Election Commissions data in 2004, 2009, 2014 (Processed by the researcher, 2019). minimal. The zipper system's use is Initially, carried out the Numbers in often interpreted as women in the 3rd PKS through an election process (grand Number of three legislative candidates. election). The electability of candidates This is indicated by the ample number of in the election process usually women in Numbers 3 and 6 compared prioritizes cadres' position in the party to numbers 1, 2, 4, and 5. structure and their character. This aims The data in the table above shows to see how much support the cadres that the use of the zipper system is still have. Based on these strengths, parties mis-interpreted. The zipper system can plan support maps and strategies for requires at least one woman among the winning elections, including Numbers' three numbers submitted. This means assignment determined by the Central that women can occupy Numbers 1, 2 Level Leadership Council. Research by and 3 both in one number and in all Irwansyah, Panjaitan, and Novitasari three numbers. However, PKS female (2013) found that the longer the candidates are more likely to be placed women's membership in political in the third number out of the three parties, the greater the support provided sequences, and there is only one woman by political parties. However, in PKS, among the three candidates. This can be women with long membership terms do seen in every election period since the not have the same opportunities as men zipper system is implemented in 2009 to get party support. This can be seen and even until 2019. Looking at the from the strategic position in the placement percentage of Number 1 of management structure and figures the number of PKS female candidates, within the party that are difficult for the highest was in the 2019 election, women to achieve in PKS. This causes which is 2.8%. In the 2009 election it was women's role in the general election to only 1% while in the 2014 election only be in a Number that is not favorable for 0.5%. The placement of the Number of their election. PKS women candidates shows that there Women are in a less strategic and is no effort by PKS to increase the profitable position in the legislative representation of female cadres, so it is nomination process. This can be seen in unlikely that women will qualify for the Number position given by parties to parliament. female candidates. Based on the five

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Table 2. PKS Elected Women Candidates in the 2004, 2009, and 2014 Elections Candidate Name Election Number Electoral District 2004 2 DKI 1 Nursanita Nasution 2009 3 DKI Jakarta II 2014 3 Jawa Barat VI 2004 2 DKI Jakarta II Aan Rohanah 2009 2 Jawa Barat VIII 2014 2 Banten III 2004 1 Jawa Barat V Yoyoh Yusroh 2009 1 Banten III 2004 1 Kepulauan Riau Herlini Amran 2009 1 Kepulauan Riau 2014 1 Kepulauan Riau 2009 2 Jawa Barat I Ledia Hanifa 2014 3 Jawa Barat I Source: Researcher’s processed data (2019). female candidates who were elected In the 2009 election, Nursanita became from the 2004 to 2014 elections, only two candidate Number 3 under Mohammad were placed in Number 1, while the Sohibul Iman (Member of the Syuro other three were in Numbers 2 and 3 Council 2005-2010) at Number 1, and under male candidates. Yoyo Yusroh Akhmad Faradis (Chairman of the PKS and Herling Amran are women who are Central Leadership Council Youth placed in Number 1. This is done Development Division 2005-2010) at because their status has been recognized number 2, while Aan Rohanah became nationally by PKS cadres. candidate number 2 under Mahfudz Meanwhile, the other three female Siddiq (Incumbent, Chairman of the candidates are ranked 2nd and 3rd PKS Faction, Chairman of the PKS under men with high management Central Leadership Council Da'wah positions and popularity levels. This Planning Agency 2005-2009). Ledia placement is PKS's effort to secure party Hanifa Amaliah received Number 2 votes without paying attention to the under Suharna Surapranata (Chairman electability of women. In this case, of the PKS Advisory Council). In the women's electability has not become the 2014 election, Nursanita was placed at party's concern, but only to fulfill the number 3 under Mahfudz 30% quota for women. Abdurrahman (General Treasurer) at In the 2004 election, Nursanita Number 1 and Sitaresmi Soekanto Nasution was number 2 under Anis (Deputy Secretary-General for Archives Matta (PKS Secretary-General), Aan and History) at Number 2. Aan Rohanah Rohanah was number 2 under Hidayat was placed at number 2 under Jazuli Nur Wahid (PKS president 2000-2004). Juwaini (The incumbent and Chairman 444 Politik Indonesia: Indonesian Political Science Review, 5 (3), December 2020, pp. 437-454 of the Economic and Entrepreneurship the competence, education, social Development Sector 2010-2015). Ledia interaction, experience of the Hanifa was placed in Number 3 under legislative candidate in society, Asep Saefulloh Danu (Head of Scouting morality, and how a candidate and Sports for 2010-2015) at number 1 handles problems in society”. and Ahmad Kuncaraningrat (Chairman of the PKS faction Regional Meanwhile Herlini said: Representative Board in Bandung 2009- 2014) at number 2. “The nomination mechanism is Based on the placement of carried out through the grand Numbers, PKS policy seems to prioritize election, where the cadres are used positions in the management structure. to choosing candidates who have a According to Nursanita, the strategic high management structure in the role in the PKS management affects the party”. level of popularity, character, experience, and loyalty within the party. Nursanita said the same thing that For example, elected PKS women her nomination was through the grand candidates are women who have election. The election is made based on strategic positions in the party. But the cadre process followed by a unfortunately, this position is limited to legislative candidate. Meanwhile, the field of womanhood. Meanwhile, in according to Ledia Hanifa, the grand other areas in the party management election's legislative candidate election structure, many are occupied by men. process is seen from the candidates' This shows that women are losing when track record and popularity. Each compared to men, whose numbers candidate has a different understanding occupy more strategic positions in the of the criteria in the internal party PKS management structure. This is a nomination process during the grand series of reasons why women are placed election but does not know how to more in the significant Number below determine it in the Number list and men. electoral district conducted by the The procedure for nominating Central Leadership Council and Central candidates in PKS is not a written Level Leadership Council. procedure, so the exact reason is The small representation of PKS unknown. The voting process system is women in parliament is the impact of carried out through internal elections for gender-neutral policies, one of which is cadres at each level but does not have recruiting candidates for legislative any regulation regarding the selection. candidates. The mechanism for placing Aan Rohanah said: candidates in the candidate list is carried out in several stages. Cadres will select “A legislative candidate is candidates at the grassroots through a appointed through a grand election grand selection. The election made by in PKS. This election is seen from the cadres then becomes a

Ummah & Rivai | Candidacy Transformation as Electability Factor of the Legislative… 445 recommendation from the DPW record of party structures' positions. (Regional Management Council) and Political feasibility is part of the political DPP (Central Leadership Council) to be capital used in electoral administration. recommended to the DPTP (Central Political parties have the role of Level Representative Council). The nominating women against winnable Central Level Leadership Council is voting pockets. As gatekeepers, the tasked with arranging legislative political parties must look for female candidates' placement to be determined candidates who have potential and by the Central Leadership Council and quality and then carry out capacity submitted to the DCS (Provisional building for women (Norris & Inglehart, Candidate List) PKS in the election. 2001; Verge, 2012; Krook & Norris, Thus, the Central Level Leadership 2014). Political parties act as gatekeepers Council has an essential role in placing and facilitators who control the women on the candidates' list nomination process and have the duty (Darmastuti, 2010). to select their cadres to occupy political The Central Level Leadership positions. Council is an organizational structure Political capital is one of the filled by leaders in the PKS management considerations for political parties to structure at the central level. Since the place their legislative candidates in Central Level Leadership Council's positions and regions that will correlate establishment in 2004, the Central Level with the chances of being elected (Kenny Leadership Council's management has & Verge, 2016; Sun, Hu & Hillman, never been occupied by party women 2016). Casey (2008) stated that one of the activists (Atthahara, 2016). There are no functions of political capital is used women who serve in the Central Level during general elections. In the general Leadership Council structure because election process, if someone wins, he has no women become Chairman in central already benefited from the political management. The absence of women capital he/she has. Thus, PKS women from the Central Level Leadership candidates' political capital provides an Council structure means that women do advantage in being elected during the not influence in determining Numbers. general election. Even in the PKS management structure Based on the research results, the at the central level, women still occupy capital that has the most influence in the minimal strategic positions so that appointment by PKS is political capital. women's political experience is far In political capital, apart from the behind that of men. management structure's track record, Women's political experience is an the grand election process is also taken important form of political capital in into consideration. The PKS election political contestation. Randall (1987) process is carried out by each cadre from requires political feasibility to be based the DPC (Branch Management Council), on political experience, both election DPW (Regional Management Council) participants' experience, and the track to the DPP (Central Leadership 446 Politik Indonesia: Indonesian Political Science Review, 5 (3), December 2020, pp. 437-454

Council). After the election process, the know the candidacy process's clear party's elected candidates are screened qualification standards. This seems to by the party based on their position in show that the screening process the party, level of popularity, and mechanism does not have transparent character. It was in this screening and open standard procedures so that process that PKS appointed the cadres it the process looks very elitist. wanted to nominate. According to Sitaresmi, there are According to Hazan and Rahat problems with the placement of (2010), the candidacy process involves Numbers and electoral districts within who the candidate chooses and who the party which is covered up. She determines the candidate. Based on the added that grand election results of the study, it shows that the implementation is just a party formality candidacy in PKS involves party where there is a conflict in it. This is officials and members according to because there is no transparent and membership levels. Meanwhile, those open procedure for candidacy in PKS, who select and determine candidates are which creates conflicts of interest within the party's structural officers, namely the party. the DPTP (Central Level Leadership The Numbers placement has its Council). Looking at the degree of the advantages for candidates who are in inclusive-exclusive spectrum presented the top Number in the 2004 elections. by Hazan and Rahat, PKS is a party that The benefits of using a semi-open has a path of candidacy from inclusive candidate list system were obtained by to exclusive. In the inclusive stage, all all PKS women candidates elected in the party members can be involved in the 2004 election. Nursanita was in number electoral process either as voters or 2 and received an abundance of party elected as candidates through grand votes and Anis Matta, which reached the elections. This is done to see how big Hare Quota (Bilangan Pembagi party members support a candidate at Pemilih/BPP) figure of 220,455. Aan the grassroots level. Candidates who Rohanah also received a similar have been selected in grand elections advantage at number 2 and received an then enter the exclusive candidacy abundance of votes process through a screening. The DPP with 262,019 votes who had reached the (Central Leadership Council) and the Hare Quota figure 232,355. Besides, the DPTP (Central Level Leadership two women are in the electoral district Council) carried out the screening of DKI Jakarta, which incidentally is the process by considering and determining area with the highest vote gain for PKS. candidates' lists based on the party While Yoyoh Yusroh received 139,967 winning strategy. In the screening votes, she has not reached the Jawa process, parties can remove candidates Barat electoral district's BPP number, deemed to be detrimental to the party. which is 219,993, but because she is a PKS exclusivity is seen in the screening Number 1, she gets an abundance of process when the informants did not votes from the party.

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Apart from Numbers, the electoral difficult access and consists of 3 seats. system division is one of the most Meanwhile, a potential electoral district important technical instruments of the refers to mapping the PKS voting base, electoral system. This is because the which is mostly located in the DKI placement of an electoral district has a Jakarta and Jawa Barat areas. The direct effect on an electoral system. The biggest chances of PKS winning are in relationship between votes and seats or these two regions. In addition to the number of people's representatives placement in strategic and potential deserves to represent an electoral electoral districts, placement in the same district and the opportunity for one electoral district from the previous political vote to win a seat. The election period is an important factor in distribution of political representation women's vote accumulation process. or the party system can also be directed In the 2004 to 2014 election periods, and controlled through electoral out of the five elected PKS female districts. Generally, the electoral district candidates, only two were placed in the can be defined as a competition area for same electoral district. The other three all election contestants to gain votes. were placed in different electoral Every people's representative who sits districts. Nursanita Nasution was in the parliament has an electoral district elected in the 2004 election because she base where there are constituents in the was in DKI I. Even though Nursanita area they represent. Electoral districts was in second place, DKI is the area are determined based on the population where PKS won the vote. Nursanita in the region concerned. Two things that received an abundance of votes from her must considered in the placement of party during the 2004 election in which electoral districts include the equality of a closed list is still used. Apart from that, each seat's value that is contested, that is the electoral district of DKI I is the area the population, and the background of she very actively visited because of her other factors such as geographical other profession as a lecturer at one of conditions, history, culture, and access the academies there. Many students say to communication-transportation that they have chosen PKS and her. (Kartawidjaja & Pramono, 2007). Meanwhile, in the 2009 election, she Political parties have a significant was placed in the electoral district of role in the nomination of women with DKI II and the 2014 election in Jawa internal party policies such as women's Barat VI's electoral district. DKI II and placement in strategic and potential Jawa Barat VI are the addresses of electoral districts. A strategic electoral Nursanita's residence at the 2009 and district refers to an electoral district with 2014 elections. Although Nursanita is a narrow area such as DKI Jakarta with still in an electoral district with a high 6-8 seats. This makes women more PKS voting base, since the 2009 comfortable collecting votes than a large elections, the system for determining electoral district such as Kepulauan elected candidates uses a majority vote. Riau, an archipelago and has relatively She is placed in the number three 448 Politik Indonesia: Indonesian Political Science Review, 5 (3), December 2020, pp. 437-454 position, so she has to start again from Meanwhile, Herling Amran and zero to introduce herself to constituents. Ledia Hanifa are female legislative Aan Rohanah and Yoyoh Yusroh candidates who are placed in the same experienced the same thing. Both are electoral district for three election incumbent candidates whose electoral periods. Since the 2004 election, Herling district has been moved. In the 2009 was placed in the Kepulauan Riau election, Aan Rohanah was transferred electoral district. Helen said that she was to Jawa Barat VIII's electoral district born in Riau and is active in publishing because the area was her birthplace, Ummi magazine, whose subscribers are namely Cirebon. Likewise, Yoyoh most people in the Riau Islands, where Yusroh's transfer to Banten III in the previously they were a province with 2009 elections was her home in Riau. Ledia was stationed in the Jawa Tangerang. The relocation of electoral Barat I electoral district, Bandung districts carried out by PKS is called an Cimahi, from the 2009 elections to the effort to expand the PKS vote. However, 2019 elections. The media in reality, the transfer was not wholly acknowledged that her family network successful. Yoyo Yusroh won and structure is vital in the region. The successfully held her seat, while Aan extended family of Ledia Hanifa is a Rohanah did not. The placement of prominent figure in the Bandung area. Numbers is also a success factor for According to Ledia, this is a factor in her Yoyoh Yusroh. According to Sitaresmi, always being placed in the same apart from the Number factor, Yoyoh electoral district for every election. Yusroh's election was also due to her Apart from the candidate factor, prominent character wherever she was PKS women candidates' electability placed. However, this success could not cannot be separated from constituent be obtained by Aan Rohanah when her communities' choices. The four elected electoral district was moved and she PKS women who were interviewed became number 2. Even though she was agreed that social capital through transferred to the electoral district, Aan networking and organizational Rohanah admitted that she had never approaches in the community is been active in the area before. Aan important during elections. The Rohanah said: electability of PKS women candidates in the 2004, 2009, and 2014 elections in “I was transferred to Cirebon by using social capital is influenced by two PKS. The party reads that I am factors, namely closeness to networks originally from Cirebon and have and relationships with members of many large families there. It's just organizations or groups. Female that I haven't been there for a long candidates build intimacy to networks time; I don't have any activities in the community long before the there. But I was there and even campaign period, such as the majelis though I have many relatives I was taklim (Muslim non-formal education a new person who was not known”. institution) network. Meanwhile,

Ummah & Rivai | Candidacy Transformation as Electability Factor of the Legislative… 449 building good relations with members namely the parliament as their through social service activities, healthy representative. Taking a look at the gymnastics, and free medical interchange of the elected PKS women's examinations are party work programs network, it can be categorized as carried out with party structures. binding (exclusive) social capital. However, this capital was not fully able Putnam (2000) describes binding social to raise votes at the time of the election. capital as something that can sustain The value of ties or networks of specific reciprocity and mobilizing social capital depends on the number of solidarity while at the same time being networks they can mobilize and the the strongest glue of social relations in volume of cultural, social, and economic maintaining loyalty and strengthening capital that each network has particular identities. This is in line with (Kilpatrick, Field & Falk, 2011; Ferragina what is conveyed by Aan Rohanah that & Arrigoni, 2017). Bourdieu's opinion majelis taklim was the most substantial shows that social capital does not fully network in providing support to her benefit or influence someone if other during the 2004 elections. capitals do not accompany it. This was Meeting through the activities proven when PKS women candidates mentioned above creates solidarity and had built networks with the community, mutual assistance (reciprocity). It is a but these networks did not fully support social investment for the community. them when the voting was conducted. Besides, the interactions formed from Herlini revealed that the network in social activities also give rise to society that she had built over a long individual personal bonds. This period was swept away by a pragmatic association then becomes social capital approach by other candidates in her for PKS women candidates to get constituency, which was related to support in voting. money politics. Also, Putnam (1993) includes Male Power Relation in the elements of reciprocal norms. The Candidating Process of Elected PKS reciprocity norm can be used as an Women Candidates for the 2019 analysis related to the network built by Election elected PKS women candidates. Putri (2017) explains that social Reciprocity occurs when the network capital in the electoral process is created by PKS women is strong and has horizontal and vertical. Horizontal a high level of trust, namely in majelis social capital is built from systematic taklim, after this when the election is and organized network members held, the network automatically selects through formal organizations. In the PKS women candidates. The contrast, vertical social capital is built up common goal to be achieved in the from community members' social election is clear: to win the vote of PKS structure who have influence or can be as a party that is close to the da'wah called relations with local elites or network into the government system, power relations. 450 Politik Indonesia: Indonesian Political Science Review, 5 (3), December 2020, pp. 437-454

Male power relations are social Nevi ran as a PKS candidate in the capital for women who come from Electoral District of Sumatera Barat II kinship networks with local elites who and was in Number 2. Nevi was able to influence women's electability in get 52,141 votes. Meanwhile, Nur elections. This capital was successfully Azizah Tamhid ran in the Electoral used in the election of PKS women District of Jawa Barat VI with Number 3. candidates in the 2019 elections. In her first election experience, Nur In the 2019 elections, several PKS Azizah was able to collect 63,963 votes. women candidates' electability looked Unlike the three women above, different from the electability of Sakinah Al Jufri had previously previous elections. If in the previous participated in the 2009 and 2014 election, PKS avoided a pattern of legislative elections. In the 2009 election, candidates that involved elements of she took part in the contestation at the political dynasties, in the 2019 election, DPRD (Regional People's there were four names of women Representative Council) level of Central candidates who had a kinship with Sulawesi Province with Number 1. She political elites at the local and national was elected with a total of 4,457 votes. levels. These four women include (1) Meanwhile, in the 2014 election, she was Netty Prasetyani, wife of the Governor nominated as a legislative candidate for of West Java for the 2008-2013 and 2013- the DPR RI (The House of 2018 periods, Ahmad Heryawan; (2) Representatives of the Republic of Nur Azizah Tamhid, wife of the Mayor Indonesia) in the Central Sulawesi of Depok for the 2005-2010 and 2010- Electoral District with Number 1. But 2015 periods, Nur Mahmudi Ismail; (3) unfortunately, in that election, she was Nevi Zuairina, wife of the Governor of not able to win a seat. Sakinah again West Sumatra for the 2010-2015 and participated in the contestation in the 2015-2020 periods, Irwan Prayitno; and 2019 election, with the same electoral (4) Sakinah Al Jufri, younger brother of district and Numbers, and she was the Chairman of the 2015-2020 PKS elected with a vote of 50,305. Syuro Council, Salim Segaf Al Jufri. Dynastic political practices have The 2019 election is the first political occurred in Indonesia and other contestation experience for Netty countries. Richter (1991) in 1990-1991 Prasetyani, Nevi Zuairina, and Nur analyzed the factors behind the Azizah Tamid. Apart from participating emergence of successful women in in the general election for the first time, politics in South and Southeast Asia. the three women have never served in Richter concludes his analysis that there any management structure at PKS, both are family ties or kinship relations with at the central and regional levels. In the their family, namely male politicians legislative election, Netty was ranked who have influenced such as fathers, number 1 in the Electoral District of husbands, and siblings, which are the Jawa Barat VIII. In the election, she was factors behind the emergence of women able to get 57,047 votes. Meanwhile, in politics. These kinship relationships

Ummah & Rivai | Candidacy Transformation as Electability Factor of the Legislative… 451 enable women to overcome various social networks through the community obstacles to progress in politics, such as or majelis taklim, loyalty to the party, also a lack of financial capital, skills, his/her activities during the cadre popularity, experience, networks, and process. Candidates who have a strong information. tendency to ease their candidacy process In Indonesia, many problems in the nomination and placement of regarding political dynasties have strategic electoral districts. According to occurred both at the local and central Hazan and Rahat (2010), the candidate levels. However, in PKS, the political process can be categorized into an dynasty issue is something that PKS inclusive to exclusive process. does not naturally do. Even in the 2004 Inclusive-exclusive candidacy is to 2014 elections, in candidacy, a seen in the insufficient number of legislative candidate depended on the women who are placed in nominations political experience and structural and strategic electoral districts management positions in the PKS to compared to male candidates who have occupy the maximum Number. more substantial roles. Women's Meanwhile, in the 2019 election, 4 out of difficulty in occupying strategic 8 women elected had never held a positions in elections shows that elected position in the management structure in women candidates can win in elections the PKS. This shows an increasingly already. As the profile has explained, elitist (exclusive) and pragmatic shift in PKS women candidates elected in the candidacy in the 2019 legislative 2004, 2009, and 2014 elections have elections. strong social and political capital. Meanwhile, in the 2019 elections, the CONCLUSION candidacy process has shifted to be Based on the discussion results, the inclusive-pragmatic. Several women process of candidacy for PKS women candidates participate in legislative candidates in the four election periods of elections with a kinship with local and 2004, 2009, 2014, and 2019 has national elites who have or are currently experienced a significant shift in the in office. Pragmatism can be seen from 2019 election. In the 2004-2014 election the women candidates who occupy the process, the candidacy process was top Number even though their political carried out through a grand election track record is not much seen in internal process by all party members. All party and external party activities. Also, they members are involved in the electoral also occupy constituencies with large process either as voters or as candidates PKS mass bases such as West Java and for legislative candidates. In grand West Sumatra. elections, the election tendency is based PKS, which initially had difficulty on a candidate's popularity level placing women in strategic positions, because of some factors. The position has shifted towards being pragmatic. and occupation in the party structure, Women are found in strategic positions competence, experience, education, because of their capacity and character 452 Politik Indonesia: Indonesian Political Science Review, 5 (3), December 2020, pp. 437-454 and their kinship with local elites who Hicks, A., & Misra, J. (1993). Political can quickly get ballot votes. resources and the growth of welfare in affluent capitalist democracies, REFERENCES 1960-1982. American Journal of Atthahara, H. (2016). Kebijakan Partai Sociology, 99(3), 668-710. Crossref | dalam Rekrutmen Calon Legislatif Google Scholar Perempuan Studi Perbandingan: Hillman, B. (2017). 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