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Islamic Political Parties and Democracy: a Comparative Study of Pks in Indonesia and Pas in Malaysia (1998-2005)
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by ScholarBank@NUS ISLAMIC POLITICAL PARTIES AND DEMOCRACY: A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF PKS IN INDONESIA AND PAS IN MALAYSIA (1998-2005) AHMAD ALI NURDIN S.Ag, (UIN), GradDipIslamicStud, MA (Hons) (UNE), MA (NUS) A THESIS SUBMITTED FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY SOUTHEAST ASIAN STUDIES PROGRAM NATIONAL UNIVERSITY OF SINGAPORE 2009 Acknowledgements This work is the product of years of questioning, excitement, frustration, and above all enthusiasm. Thanks are due to the many people I have had the good fortune to interact with both professionally and in my personal life. While the responsibility for the views expressed in this work rests solely with me, I owe a great debt of gratitude to many people and institutions. First, I would like to express my gratitude to Dr. Priyambudi Sulistiyanto, who was my principal supervisor before he transferred to Flinders University in Australia. He has inspired my research on Islamic political parties in Southeast Asia since the beginning of my studies at NUS. After he left Singapore he patiently continued to give me advice and to guide me in finishing my thesis. Thanks go to him for his insightful comments and frequent words of encouragement. After the departure of Dr. Priyambudi, Prof. Reynaldo C. Ileto, who was a member of my thesis committee from the start of my doctoral studies in NUS, kindly agreed to take over the task of supervision. He has been instrumental in the development of my academic career because of his intellectual stimulation and advice throughout. -
26 BAB II KONDISI OBJEKTIF DPD Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (PKS)
BAB II KONDISI OBJEKTIF DPD Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (PKS) Kota Cilegon A. Sejarah Partai Keadilan Sejahtera Partai keadilan sejahtera (PKS) merupakan partai yang berdasarkan Islam yang pendiriannya terkait dengan pertumbuhan aktivitas dakwa Islam semenjak awal tahun delapan puluhan. Partai dengan lambing dua bulan sabit berwarna kuning emas ini merupakan kelanjutan dari partai Keadilan yang didirikan pada tanggal 20 Juli 1998.1 Partai keadilan sejahtera (PKS), sebelumnya bernama Partai Keadilan (PK) adalah sebuah partai politik berbasis Islam di Indonesia. Partai Keadilan didirikan oleh para aktivis intelektual Islam yang sering disebut komunitas dakwa, yang lahir dari fenomena politik kampus semenjak akhir 1970an, terutama setelah diberlakukannya kebijakan Nasionalisasi Kehidupan Kampus (NKK) yang mempersempit ruang kebebasan 1 Ali Said Damanik, Fenomena Partai Keadilan: Transformasi 20 Tahun Gerakan Tarbiyah di Indonesia, (Jakarta: Teraju, 2002) h. 218 26 27 dakwah. Pada awal 1980an mulai muncul gerakan keislaman dengan masjid-masjid sebagai basis oprasional dan strukturalnya, terutama masjid kampus. Ketika ada gerakan reformasi yang di ikuti oleh lengsernya soeharto, komunitas dakwah ini tidak menyia-nyiakan waktu untuk mendirikan partai. Berdasarkan latar belakang seperti itulah, partai keadilan didirikan dengan menggunakan Islam sebagai asas partai dan dideklarasikan pada tanggal 9 Agustus 1998. Partai yang dikomandani dengan istilah presiden partai oleh Dr. Ir. H. Nur Mahmudi Ismail dan Sekertaris Jendral H. Anis Matta, Lc. Ini berorientasi pada ajaran Islam guna mencapai tujuan dakwah Islam. Bersama dengan 41 partai politik lainnya, partai keadilan mempelopori tuntutan perubahan ketentuan Undang-undang pemilu tentang electoral threshold yang dirasakan tidak adil oleh mereka. Namun upaya ini menghadapi jalan buntu karna dihadang oleh sebagian kekuatan partai-partai besar yang khawatir akan revalitas dari kekuatan yang baru tumbuh. -
A US-Indonesia Partnership for 2020: Recommendations for Forging
A U.S.–Indonesia Partnership for 2020 Recommendations for Forging a 21st Century Relationship AUTHORS A Report of the CSIS Sumitro Murray Hiebert Chair for Southeast Asia Studies Ted Osius SEPTEMBER 2013 Gregory B. Poling A U.S.- Indonesia Partnership for 2020 Recommendations for Forging a 21st Century Relationship AUTHORS Murray Hiebert Ted Osius Gregory B. Poling A Report of the CSIS Sumitro Chair for Southeast Asia Studies September 2013 ROWMAN & LITTLEFIELD Lanham • Boulder • New York • Toronto • Plymouth, UK About CSIS— 50th Anniversary Year For 50 years, the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) has developed solutions to the world’s greatest policy challenges. As we celebrate this milestone, CSIS scholars are developing strategic insights and bipartisan policy solutions to help decisionmakers chart a course toward a better world. CSIS is a nonprofi t orga ni zation headquartered in Washington, D.C. The Center’s 220 full-time staff and large network of affi liated scholars conduct research and analysis and develop policy initiatives that look into the future and anticipate change. Founded at the height of the Cold War by David M. Abshire and Admiral Arleigh Burke, CSIS was dedicated to fi nding ways to sustain American prominence and prosperity as a force for good in the world. Since 1962, CSIS has become one of the world’s preeminent international institutions focused on defense and security; regional stability; and transnational challenges ranging from energy and climate to global health and economic integration. Former U.S. senator Sam Nunn has chaired the CSIS Board of Trustees since 1999. Former deputy secretary of defense John J. -
The Politics of Military Reform in Post-Suharto Indonesia: Elite Conflict, Nationalism, and Institutional Resistance
Policy Studies 23 The Politics of Military Reform in Post-Suharto Indonesia: Elite Conflict, Nationalism, and Institutional Resistance Marcus Mietzner East-West Center Washington East-West Center The East-West Center is an internationally recognized education and research organization established by the U.S. Congress in 1960 to strengthen understanding and relations between the United States and the countries of the Asia Pacific. Through its programs of cooperative study, training, seminars, and research, the Center works to promote a stable, peaceful, and prosperous Asia Pacific community in which the United States is a leading and valued partner. Funding for the Center comes from the U.S. government, private foundations, individuals, cor- porations, and a number of Asia Pacific governments. East-West Center Washington Established on September 1, 2001, the primary function of the East- West Center Washington is to further the East-West Center mission and the institutional objective of building a peaceful and prosperous Asia Pacific community through substantive programming activities focused on the theme of conflict reduction, political change in the direction of open, accountable, and participatory politics, and American understanding of and engagement in Asia Pacific affairs. The Politics of Military Reform in Post-Suharto Indonesia: Elite Conflict, Nationalism, and Institutional Resistance Policy Studies 23 ___________ The Politics of Military Reform in Post-Suharto Indonesia: Elite Conflict, Nationalism, and Institutional Resistance _____________________ Marcus Mietzner Copyright © 2006 by the East-West Center Washington The Politics of Military Reform in Post-Suharto Indonesia: Elite Conflict, Nationalism, and Institutional Resistance by Marcus Mietzner ISBN 978-1-932728-45-3 (online version) ISSN 1547-1330 (online version) Online at: www.eastwestcenterwashington.org/publications East-West Center Washington 1819 L Street, NW, Suite 200 Washington, D.C. -
Michael Malley
T he 7th D evelopment Cabinet: Loyal to a Fault? Michael Malley Five years ago, amid speculation that B. J. Habibie and his allies in the Association of Indonesian Muslim Intellectuals (ICMI) would gain a large number of seats in the cabinet, State Secretary Moerdiono announced that "expertise" would be Soeharto's chief criterion for choosing ministers. This year, despite the economic crisis that enveloped the country, few people even thought to suggest that Soeharto sought the most technically qualified assistants. As the outgoing cabinet's term wore to a close, the jockeying for influence among ministers and their would-be successors emphasized the most important qualification of any who would join the new cabinet: loyalty. As if to diminish any surprise at the lengths he would go to create a cabinet of loyalists, Soeharto fired his central bank chief, Soedradjad Djiwandono, in mid- February, just two weeks before the 6 ^ Development Cabinet's term expired. Together with the finance minister, Mar'ie Muhammad, Soedradjad had worked closely with the International Monetary Fund to reach the reform-for-aid agreements Soeharto signed in October 1997 and January this year. Their support for reforms that would strike directly at palace-linked business interests seems to have upset the president, and neither were expected to retain their posts in the 7 ^ Cabinet. But Soedradjad made the further mistake of opposing the introduction of a currency board system to fix the rupiah's value to that of the US dollar. The scheme's main Indonesian proponents were Fuad Bawazier, one of Mar'ie's subordinates, and Peter Gontha, the principal business adviser to Soeharto's son Bambang Trihatmodjo. -
In Search of Hegemony: Islamism and the State in Indonesia
In Search of Hegemony: Islamism and the State in Indonesia LUQMAN NUL HAKIM This thesis is submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy The University of Melbourne February 2019 Declaration I certify that this thesis is the product of my own research, fewer than the maximum word limit in length, and contains no material which has been accepted as part of the requirements of any other degree at any tertiary education institution, or any material previously published by another person except where due reference is made. Luqman Nul Hakim i Abstract In post-authoritarian Indonesia, but particularly following the 9/11 terrorist attacks, Islamism has become a contentious matter of scholarly debate. The prominent accounts emerging from security and democratisation studies place much analytical weight on ideology and culture by often portraying the relationship between Islam and politics in essentialist fashion, associating the dynamics of Islamism with interpretations of Islamic doctrine or the contest between moderate and radical Muslims. The institutionalist literature, on the contrary, explains the rise of Islamism as the result of the weak capacity of the state following the fall of the centralised New Order authoritarian regime. Another variant draws attention to the moderation of Islamic politics as the result of participation in democratic processes, especially electoral politics. Yet, such linear and teleological explanations obscure the complex circumstances that establish the different trajectories of Islamism. They also fail to comprehend how the prevalence of Islamist discourse on power struggles in the current democracy can produce a more conservative and illiberal form of Islamism. In contrast, this thesis utilises the politics of hegemony approach as developed in the traditions of political discourse theory. -
INDO 92 0 1319755155 1 18.Pdf (444.9Kb)
No Turkish Delight: The Impasse of Islamic Party Politics in Indonesia Vedi R. Hadiz1 Invoking a long-held but no longer correct assumption, a recent book describes Turkey as "the only Muslim secular-democratic state" in the world.2 Much earlier, Bernard Lewis had ventured to answer the question of why Turkey was the only existing democratic Muslim-majority country by pointing out that it has had "the longest and closest contact" with Western civilization.3 However, without such a history or similar geographical proximity to the West, Indonesia has emerged since the fall of the dictator Soeharto in 1998 as another strong exemplar of an overwhelmingly Muslim-majority country where secular democratic politics are prevalent, no matter how faulty and predatory in nature.4 As in Turkey, Islamic forces in Indonesia continue to be active within secular democratic politics, pursuing parliamentary as well as extra-parliamentary strategies. In both cases as well, shadowy organizations have employed violent methods in their efforts to establish an Islamic state. But it is particularly in the arena of parliamentary 11 thank Andi Rachman, Harun Ercan, Benny Setiawan, and Khelmy Kalam Pribadi for the assistance they provided during fieldwork that contributed material for this article, and also Nicole Andres at Murdoch University. 2 Banu Eligur, The Mobilization o f Political Islam in Turkey (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010), p .l. 3 Bernard Lewis, "Why Turkey Is the Only Muslim Democracy," Middle East Quarterly 1,1 (1994): 41-49. 4 It is generally accepted that Muslims make up about 98 percent of the Turkish population of 73 million, and about 88 percent of the Indonesian population of close to 240 million people. -
Indonesia Update: Trends Toward Consolidation, Threats of Disintegration (January-December 1999)
UNHCR Centre for Documentation and Research WRITENET Paper No. 18/1999 INDONESIA UPDATE: TRENDS TOWARD CONSOLIDATION, THREATS OF DISINTEGRATION (JANUARY-DECEMBER 1999) By John T. Sidel December 1999 WriteNet is a Network of Researchers and Writers on Human Rights, Forced Migration, Ethnic and Political Conflict WriteNet is a Subsidiary of Practical Management (UK) E-mail: [email protected] THIS PAPER WAS PREPARED MAINLY ON THE BASIS OF PUBLICLY AVAILABLE INFORMATION, ANALYSIS AND COMMENT. ALL SOURCES ARE CITED. THE PAPER IS NOT, AND DOES NOT PURPORT TO BE, EITHER EXHAUSTIVE WITH REGARD TO CONDITIONS IN THE COUNTRY SURVEYED, OR CONCLUSIVE AS TO THE MERITS OF ANY PARTICULAR CLAIM TO REFUGEE STATUS OR ASYLUM. THE VIEWS EXPRESSED IN THE PAPER ARE THOSE OF THE AUTHOR AND ARE NOT NECESSARILY THOSE OF WRITENET OR UNHCR. ISSN TABLE OF CONTENTS 1. INTRODUCTION ...........................................................................................................1 1.1 GENERAL OVERVIEW ...................................................................................................1 1.2 THE THREAT OF “DISORDER”: FROM RIOTS TO REBELLION AND RELIGIOUS CONFLICT3 2. ACEH: THE NEXT DOMINO? ....................................................................................4 2.1 BACKGROUND TO REBELLION ......................................................................................5 2.2 FROM REFORMASI TO REBELLION ................................................................................7 3. AMBON: THINGS FALL APART?............................................................................11 -
Too High a Price RIGHTS the Human Rights Cost of the Indonesian Military’S Economic Activities WATCH June 2006 Volume 18, No
Indonesia HUMAN Too High a Price RIGHTS The Human Rights Cost of the Indonesian Military’s Economic Activities WATCH June 2006 Volume 18, No. 5(C) Too High a Price The Human Rights Cost of the Indonesian Military’s Economic Activities Summary......................................................................................................................................... 1 I. Military Finance in Indonesia .................................................................................................. 9 Military Self-Finance and Human Rights .............................................................................. 9 A Brief History of Military Economic Activity..................................................................10 Military Business Activity and the Law................................................................................16 II. An Anatomy of Military Economic Activity .....................................................................26 Military-Owned Businesses ...................................................................................................26 Military Collaboration with Private Businesses..................................................................44 Military Involvement in Criminal Activity ..........................................................................63 Military Corruption.................................................................................................................71 III. Obstacles to Reform............................................................................................................80 -
Foreign Students Yesterday, World Leaders Today
Foreign Students Yesterday, World Leaders Today Mikhail Saakashvili, Gloria Arroyo, Kofi Annan, Wangari Maathai, King Abdullah, President of Georgia President of Former UN Nobel Peace Prize King of Jordan Philippines Secretary General Winner from Kenya Millions of prospective students learn about U.S. study opportunities through State Department-supported EducationUSA advising centers abroad. TOMORROW'S LEADERS ARE BEING EDUCATED IN THE U.S. TODAY. COUNTRY NAME TITLE UNIVERSITY/COLLEGE AFGHANISTAN Hedayat Amin-Arsala Vice-President Southern Illinois University AFGHANISTAN Amir Shah Hasanyar Minister of Higher Education Colorado State University AFGHANISTAN Mohummad Sharif Faez Minister of Higher Education University of Arizona (former) AFGHANISTAN Enayatullah Qasemi Minister of Transport Baltimore University AFGHANISTAN Amin Fatemi Minister of Health Boston University AFGHANISTAN H. E. Ishaq Shahryar Ambassador to the United University of California at States Santa Barbara AFGHANISTAN Abdul Zahir (former) Prime Minister Columbia University ANTIGUA & BARBUDA Lester Bird Prime Minister University of Michigan ARGENTINA Raul Ricardo Alfonsin President (former) University of New Mexico ARGENTINA Guido Di Tella Minister of Foreign Affairs MIT (former) ARGENTINA Jorge Alberto Rodriguez Minister (former) University of Nebraska ARMENIA Vartan Oskanian Foreign Minister Harvard University Tufts University AUSTRALIA David Kemp Federal Minister for Yale University Environment (former) AUSTRALIA Zelman Cowen Governor General (former) Harvard University -
Indo 71 0 1106942062 135
C urrent Data on the Indonesian M ilitary Elite: January 1, 1999 - January 31, 2001 The Editors The present listing shows the holders of key positions at TNI Headquarters as well as in the army central and regional command structure between January 1, 1999 and January 31, 2001. The military underwent a deep institutional crisis in the 25 months covered by this listing. It continued to suffer as it did in the previous period from a loss of legitimacy and popular trust because of its human rights abuses and its inability to maintain law and order.1 Its officers were under investigation for human rights abuses in Aceh and East Timor, and some middle- and low-ranking officers and soldiers were court- martialed, though no one of high rank was actually punished.2 It lost the war in East Timor and its troops had to be withdrawn while multinational forces took over 1 For instance, Defense Minister Juwono Sudarsono said on July 12,2000 that 150 police and army posts were attacked by local people in one month. Unfortunately, he did not say where these attacks occurred, though it is clear from the context that they took place all over the country. Suara Pembarmn, July 13,2000. 2 In the period under discussion, officers were under investigation for, inter alia, human rights abuses in Aceh and East Timor and the July 27,1996 Affair. For the kidnapping of pro-democracy activists in 1997 and early 1998, eleven Kopassus officers and non-commissioned officers were court-martialed and sentenced to 12-20 months imprisonment, while their commanding officers—Lt. -
The London School of Economics and Political Science Berantas
The London School of Economics and Political Science Berantas Korupsi: A Political History of Governance Reform and Anti-Corruption Initiatives in Indonesia 1945-2014 Vishnu Juwono A Thesis Submitted to the Department of International History of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, London, May 2016 1 Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of words <98,911> words. Statement of use of third party for editorial help I can confirm that my thesis was copy edited for conventions of language, spelling and grammar by Mrs. Demetra Frini 2 Abstract This thesis examines the efforts to introduce governance reform and anti-corruption measures from Indonesia‘s independence in 1945 until the end of the Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono‘s (SBY‘s) presidency in 2014. It is divided into three main parts covering Sukarno‘s ‗Old Order‘, Suharto's ‗New Order‘, and the reform period.