Politik Indonesia: Indonesian Political Science Review, 5 (3), December 2020, pp. 437-454 ISSN 2477-8060 (print), ISSN 2503-4456 (online) DOI: https://doi.org/10.15294/ipsr.v5i3.21963 © 2020 Politik Indonesia: Indonesian Political Science Review Candidacy Transformation as Electability Factor of the Legislative Candidate from Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) in Legislative Election 2004-2019 Siti Muslikhatul Ummah Universitas Indonesia, Indonesia Ardian Bakhtiar Rivai Sun Yat Sen University, Taiwan Abstract This article discusses candidacy transformation which is previously characterized as inclusive- exclusive to inclusive-pragmatic of Prosperous Justice Party (Partai Keadilan Sejahtera/PKS) in the legislative election. The argument is based on the woman candidacy processes of PKS legislative candidates within different legislative election periods namely 2004, 2009, 2014, and 2019. Based on the collected data, the 2009 General Election is the momentum where the most significant legislative seats are acquired by female candidates compared to the other three legislative elections. That phenomenon is this study’s starting point in this article that explores the factors of PKS woman candidate electability, which are each candidate’s social and political capital. This article's conceptual framework is the narration of male power relation as the effort to win seats for PKS woman legislative candidates, which is obtained from the relation with local elites in their respective areas in the 2019 General Election. In contrast to the three previous general elections, the PKS woman legislative candidate electability was sourced from their political and organizational experience and social network in the society. Through a qualitative case study, this article uses interviews as the primary data source, while related documentation and publication as secondary data. Keywords Candidacy; Woman’s Electability; Male Power Relation; Political Capital; Social Capital INTRODUCTION list. This provides an opportunity for the One of the proportional electoral emergence of nepotism and cronyism, system's weaknesses is that it gives one of which is the male power relations party leaders a strong position to that women have. This weakness can be determine the final legislative candidate overcome with the awareness of the political party administrators of the Siti Muslikhatul Ummah is a student at the legislative candidate lists compiled Department of Political Science, Universitas Indonesia, Indonesia. Email: ummahmuslikhatul21 ahead of the election. In compiling a list @gmail.com. of candidates or a candidacy, it must Ardian Bakhtiar Rivai is a Ph.D. student at the Sun contain people who are familiar with the Yat-Sen University, Taiwan. His research focuses on political parties and electoral system. problems faced in the regions they The authors are grateful to the anonymous represented to then fight for the region's reviewers for their valuable comments on this paper's interests in the legislature (Prahara, early draft. 2013). Received November 19, 2019; Accepted December 19, 2020; Published December 28, 2020. 438 Politik Indonesia: Indonesian Political Science Review, 5 (3), December 2020, pp. 437-454 In implementing the affirmative These fluctuations can also not be action policy, there are rules related to avoided in acquiring women's seats the list of numbers called a zipper experienced by Islamic parties, namely system. This regulation calls for at least PPP, PAN, and PKS, but not including one woman in every three candidate for PKB. Numbers since the 2009 elections. Based on the number of women's Affirmative action is one of the efforts to seats in parliament, women's increase women in parliament. representation in Islamic parties since From the 2004 to 2014 elections, the the implementation of affirmative action affirmative action policy has undergone in the 2004 to 2019 elections has several changes1. To increase women's fluctuated except PKB which has always representation in parliament. However, increased. PKB experienced an increase based on election results from the 2004 in women's seats in every election, to 2019 period, only one party could namely in 2004 by seven seats, in 2009 by obtain women's expression of 30%, eight seats, in 2014 by ten seats, and in namely the Nasdem Party in the 2019 2019 by 12 seats. The acquisition of elections. women's seats in parliament for PAN Although all political parties have tends to stagnate in 2004 by seven seats, not fulfilled the 30% quota for women, 2009 by seven seats, increasing in 2014 there has been a significant increase in by nine seats and decreasing in 2019 by women's representation after the seven seats. The acquisition of women's affirmative action policy was seats in parliament for PKS has tended implemented. In the 1999 election, to be stagnant and reduced, in the 2004 women's representation was at 9% and election, in 2009 by three seats, in 2014 experienced a rise in 2004 elections by by one seat, and experiencing a 11.3%. In the 2009 elections by 18.4%. significant increase in the 2019 election However, in the 2014 election, this by eight seats. The acquisition of percentage decreased to 17% and women's seats in parliament for PPP has increased again in the 2019 election, increased in the 2004 election by three amounting to 20.52%. These data seats, in 2009 by six seats, in 2014 by ten indicate a fluctuation in women's seats and is down in the 2019 election by representation during the five seats. implementation of affirmative action. 1 Law Number 12 of 2003 concerning Elections 2014 election, through the General Election considers and takes into account 30% of women's Commission Regulation (Peraturan Komisi representation in the legislative candidate list. This Pemilihan Umum/PKPU) Number 7 of 2013 the regulation was later amended again in Law Number affirmative action policy was strengthened by the 10 of 2008 concerning Elections which states that 30% existence of administrative selection abortion of women's representation in the legislative sanctions for political parties that are unable to meet candidate list must be fulfilled. The Law also states the 30% quota for women's representation in the list that there is the use of a zipper system which requires of candidates in a region. election. at least one woman among the three serial numbers of the legislative candidate list. Furthermore, in the Ummah & Rivai | Candidacy Transformation as Electability Factor of the Legislative… 439 From the four parties above, PKB is an educator; 4) Ledia Hanifah Amaliah, a party that tends to increase the who is an activist. acquisition of women's seats slowly. Matland (2005) and Tremblay (2007) Meanwhile, the other three parties state that women must go through three experienced fluctuations. Looking at the selection stages in the political process. fluctuation in the acquisition of There are women must select women's seats, PKS is the party that has themselves to decide to participate in experienced a sharp increase in the 2019 political contestation. Women must pass elections, while other parties have the supporting party's selection, and the experienced a decline (PAN and PPP). final selection is that women must win There are several factors related to the votes. Selection from political parties growth and decrease in women's and voters requires women to have a representation. PPP experienced a large capital, especially in an open-list significant increase in the 2014 election proportional system that impacts due to party policies contained in the stronger selection pragmatism. party's statutes and bylaws which Political pragmatism such as placed women as number 1 in 30% of the networks of relations and popularity is electoral districts. essential in the free list competition and In the 2019 elections, women's majority vote. This is as stated by representation in PKS has a sharp Hillman (2017) that the electability of increase. This identifies a change in the women who have social capital in the pattern of candidacy in the recruitment form of networks or male power of candidates within the PKS. One of the relations has shifted women who have strong arguments is the emergence of the political capital or what he calls a the names of elected PKS female political dynasty. Open competition candidates who are the region's leaders' among candidates has an impact on wives. Such as Netty Prasetyani (wife of pragmatic competition right since the the former Governor of West Java), Nur nomination process from political Azizah Tamhid (wife of the former parties. Political parties tend to recruit Mayor of Depok), and Nelvi Zuairina women with extensive economic (wife of the Governor of West Sumatra). resources, high popularity, and women In the previous elections, PKS tended to with male power relations, while avoid candidacy that led to a political political capital and individual capital dynasty formation. Even the PKS are sidelined. women elected during the last elections Thompson (2002) analyzes senior did not have strong relations and is not female politicians' political history in in political dynasties. The female PKS Asia using the term political dynasty to candidates elected in the previous polls describe vital kinship elements with include: 1) Yoyoh Yusroh, a preacher influential male politicians such as who is one of the women made as an husbands or fathers as key factors in icon in PKS; 2) Nursanita Nasution, who which women political leaders gain is an academic; 3) Aan Rohanah, who is power. In local politics, 440 Politik Indonesia: Indonesian Political Science Review, 5 (3), December 2020, pp. 437-454 Kusumaningtyas et al. (2017) explained sources. Primary data sources were that the kinship factor is closely related obtained from interviews with elected to the oligarchic network. This is said by and not-elected PKS women candidates, Hadiz and Robinson (2014) in that while secondary data sources were oligarchy is a system of power relations obtained from documentation and that allows the concentration of wealth observation.