Jean-Bertrand Aristide
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Voting for Hope Elections in Haiti
COMMENTARY Voting for hope Elections in Haiti Peter Hallward ate in the night of 29 February 2004, after weeks of confusion and uncertainty, the enemies of Haitiʼs president Jean-Bertrand Aristide forced him into exile Lfor the second time. There was plenty of ground for confusion. Although twice elected with landslide majorities, by 2004 Aristide was routinely identified as an enemy of democracy. Although political violence declined dramatically during his years in office, he was just as regularly condemned as an enemy of human rights. Although he was prepared to make far-reaching compromises with his opponents, he was attacked as intolerant of dissent. Although still immensely popular among the poor, he was derided as aloof and corrupt. And although his enemies presented themselves as the friends of democracy, pluralism and civil society, the only way they could get rid of their nemesis was through foreign intervention and military force. Four times postponed, the election of Aristideʼs successor finally took place a few months ago, in February 2006. These elections were supposed to clear up the confusion of 2004 once and for all. With Aristide safely out of the picture, they were supposed to show how his violent and illegal expulsion had actually been a victory for democracy. With his Fanmi Lavalas party broken and divided, they were intended to give the true friends of pluralism and civil society that democratic mandate they had so long been denied. Haitiʼs career politicians, confined to the margins since Aristideʼs first election back in 1990, were finally to be given a chance to inherit their rightful place. -
Haiti: Developments and U.S. Policy Since 1991 and Current Congressional Concerns
Order Code RL32294 Haiti: Developments and U.S. Policy Since 1991 and Current Congressional Concerns Updated January 25, 2008 Maureen Taft-Morales Specialist in Latin American Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Clare Ribando Seelke Analyst in Latin American Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Haiti: Developments and U.S. Policy Since 1991 and Current Congressional Concerns Summary Following the first free and fair elections in Haiti’s history, Jean-Bertrand Aristide first became Haitian President in February 1991. He was overthrown by a military coup in September 1991. For over three years, the military regime resisted international demands that Aristide be restored to office. In September 1994, after a U.S. military intervention had been launched, the military regime agreed to Aristide’s return, the immediate, unopposed entry of U.S. troops, and the resignation of its leadership. President Aristide returned to Haiti in October 1994 under the protection of some 20,000 U.S. troops, and disbanded the Haitian army. U.S. aid helped train a civilian police force. Subsequently, critics charged Aristide with politicizing that force and engaging in corrupt practices. Elections held under Aristide and his successor, René Préval (1996-2000), including the one in which Aristide was reelected in 2000, were marred by alleged irregularities, low voter turnout, and opposition boycotts. Efforts to negotiate a resolution to the electoral dispute frustrated the international community for years. Tension and violence continued throughout Aristide’s second term, culminating in his departure from office in February 2004, after the opposition repeatedly refused to negotiate a political solution and armed groups took control of half the country. -
Facilitator's ORIENTATION MANUAL for Pilgrimages (Trips) to HAITI
1 of 79 Facilitator’s ORIENTATION MANUAL FOR Pilgrimages (Trips) TO HAITI 2 of 79 Opening Prayer Call to Prayer: I have called you, you are mine…. (pause) We each have been called here, to this place and time. We come from many places and varying life journey’s but here our journey’s meet to embark on a new path together. When paths cross and pilgrims gather there is much to celebrate. Leader: Let us begin by worshiping God, the ground of our being, the source of our life and the Spirit who sets us free. Let us celebrate, with joyful hearts, knowing that God is present with us and within this gathered community. Let us pray, and in the silence of our hearts, hear God speaking to us in love, as we prepare to hear and respond to God’s word. Moment of silence Reader: Jeremiah 1: 4 – 10 Leader: The harvest is ready. Whom shall I send? All: Send me, God. I am ready to serve you all the days of my life. Leader: The world is hungry. Whom shall I send? All: Send me, God. I am ready to nourish all the days of my life. Leader: The vineyard is ready. Whom shall I send? All: Send me, God. I am ready to work for you all the days of my life. Prayer intentions: Offer any prayer intentions. Response: God, hear our prayer. All: Holy breathing of God, you call our names and we hear your voice. Stirred by your breath, we are ready for journey. -
Haiti at a Turning Point
Update Briefing Latin America/Caribbean Briefing N°8 Port-au-Prince/Brussels, 3 August 2005 Can Haiti Hold Elections in 2005? I. OVERVIEW elections in a way that still permits the new government to take office, as planned on 7 February 2006. However, even that date should not be considered absolute if Massive technical, political and security obstacles must be conditions are so poor that elections would be forced overcome very quickly or Haiti's elections -- municipal and badly flawed. and local in October, parliamentary and presidential in Security. Sufficient security must exist to permit the November -- will have to be postponed. In particular the political process to unfold in relative safety throughout UN mission (MINUSTAH), other international actors the country. Criminal but also political kidnappings by and the transitional government need to move faster at urban armed gangs have reached historic highs. There registering voters, persuading the failed state's citizens have been almost 800 killings, including the victims that the exercise is meaningful, and disarming both urban of political, drug-inspired, and turf-related battles, gangs and former military. Otherwise, turnout is likely since September 2004. Citizens do not feel safe in to be unsatisfactory, credibility of the outcome will suffer, most neighbourhoods of Port-au-Prince, which contains and the government's legitimacy will be in question. almost a third of all voters. Eighteen months after former President Aristide was MINUSTAH should continue its recent more active forced out of the country, Haiti remains insecure and tactics to counter and confront -- but in a more targeted volatile. -
002B.- Histoire Immediate Et Innachevee Temoignage D Ex-Premiers Ministres . (...) (
TÉMOIGNAGES D’EX-PREMIERS MINISTRES Une main pour arrêter le glas Robert MALVAL La Constitution de 1987 fut votée dans l’enthousiasme par une majorité uand un pays passe, sans tran- de citoyens haïtiens, dont l’auteur fut du nombre. Après 30 ans de totali- Qsition , de 1’inculture politique à tarisme fasciste, elle fut accueillie comme un rempart contre le retour au la politisation extrême de tous les pouvoir absolu. Par la suite, certains de ses articles apparaitront com- courants d’opinion; du système de me une aberration. L’instauration du Primo-ministère, institution iné- parti unique à la multiplication de dite, si opposée à nos traditions politiques, demeure une création ab- groupuscules porteurs de reven- surde tant que ce qui devait lui conférer légitimité et cohérence, à sa- dications multiples et cultivant voir de grands partis politiques assez forts pour donner corps au princi- 1’esprit de rivalité et de division; pe de cohabitation en cas de majorité parlementaire, ne devienne une d’un ordre politique homogène à l’affirmation de sensibilités diver- réalité durable sur 1’échiquier politique. ses, il eut fallu une charte fon- damentale assurant 1’équilibre des pouvoirs. Or, les constituants de 1987, en consacrant 1’hégémonie du Parlement dans une société sans traditions parlementaires et en affaiblissant 1’Exécutif en le scin- dant, ont malgré eux, ouvert la voie aux imposteurs et aux opportunistes de tous bords. Calquée dans ses grandes lignes sur la Constitution de la Vème République française, la nôtre ne pouvait répondre aux exigences de 1’heure Deux tendances ont caractérisé la Constituante de 1987 : une s’inspi- rant ostensiblement du libéralisme des années 1870, seule période de 1’histoire d’Haïti qui vit le triom- phe du parlementarisme et qui dura peu; 1’autre, dont les principaux re- présentants avaient connu 1’arbi- Louisiane SAINT-FLEURANT, Flore à l’arbre de vie, 2001 traire de 1’incarcération ou de 50 Rencontre no 28-29 / Mars 2013 1’exil, puisait sa source dans la vo- Jouissant d’une grande popularité, il symbolisme. -
Desigualdad Y Participación Política De Las Mujeres En Haití
Desigualdad y participación política de las mujeres en Haití: entre luchas, obstáculos Titulo y logros Dantil, Louis - Autor/a; Autor(es) Buenos Aires Lugar CLACSO Editorial/Editor 2016 Fecha Colección Participación política; Igualdad de oportunidades; Género; Educación; Derechos Temas políticos; Doc. de trabajo / Informes Tipo de documento "http://biblioteca.clacso.edu.ar/clacso/becas/20160401070905/Louis_Dantil_Clacso_informefinal.pdf" URL Reconocimiento-No Comercial-Sin Derivadas CC BY-NC-ND Licencia http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/2.0/deed.es Segui buscando en la Red de Bibliotecas Virtuales de CLACSO http://biblioteca.clacso.edu.ar Consejo Latinoamericano de Ciencias Sociales (CLACSO) Conselho Latino-americano de Ciências Sociais (CLACSO) Latin American Council of Social Sciences (CLACSO) www.clacso.edu.ar Louis DANTIL* Desigualdad y participación política de las mujeres en Haití: entre luchas, obstáculos y logros Tabla de contenido Resumen…………………………………………………………………………...……………...1 Abstract………………………………………………………………………………………...…1 1. Introducción……………….…………………………………………………………...…2 1.1. Conocimientos actuales sobre el tema / Contexto actual…………….............……....4 1.2. Objetivo General..........................................................................................................5 1.2.1. Objetivos Específicos……………………………………………...……..……….5 1.3. Metodología……………………...………………………………...…………………6 1.4. Marco de referencia…………………………..……………………….………….......6 2. Factores de desigualdad y participación política de las haitianas………………………….…7 -
Haiti on the Brink: Assessing US Policy Toward a Country in Crisis
“Haiti on the Brink: Assessing U.S. Policy Toward a Country in Crisis” Prepared Testimony Before the U.S. House of Representatives’ Committee on Foreign Affairs, Subcommittee on the Western Hemisphere, Civilian Security, and Trade Daniel P. Erikson Managing Director, Blue Star Strategies Senior Fellow, Penn Biden Center for Diplomacy and Global Engagement December 10, 2019 I begin my testimony by thanking Chairman Sires, Ranking Member Rooney, and the members of this distinguished committee for the opportunity to testify before you today about the current situation in Haiti – and to offer some ideas on what needs to be done to address the pressing challenges there. It is an honor for me to be here. I look forward to hearing from the committee and my fellow panelists and the subsequent discussion. The testimony that I provide you today is in my personal capacity. The views and opinions are my own, informed by my more than two decades of experience working on Latin American and Caribbean issues, including a longstanding engagement with Haiti that has included more than a dozen trips to the country, most recently in November 2019. However, among the other institutions with which I am affiliated, I would like to also acknowledge the Inter- American Dialogue think-tank, where I worked on Haiti for many years and whose leadership has encouraged my renewed inquiry on the political and economic situation in Haiti. My testimony today will focus on two areas: (1) a review of the current situation in Haiti; and (2) what a forward-leaning and constructive response by the United States and the broader international community should look like in 2020. -
Haitian Historical and Cultural Legacy
Haitian Historical and Cultural Legacy A Journey Through Time A Resource Guide for Teachers HABETAC The Haitian Bilingual/ESL Technical Assistance Center HABETAC The Haitian Bilingual/ESL Technical Assistance Center @ Brooklyn College 2900 Bedford Avenue James Hall, Room 3103J Brooklyn, NY 11210 Copyright © 2005 Teachers and educators, please feel free to make copies as needed to use with your students in class. Please contact HABETAC at 718-951-4668 to obtain copies of this publication. Funded by the New York State Education Department Acknowledgments Haitian Historical and Cultural Legacy: A Journey Through Time is for teachers of grades K through 12. The idea of this book was initiated by the Haitian Bilingual/ESL Technical Assistance Center (HABETAC) at City College under the direction of Myriam C. Augustin, the former director of HABETAC. This is the realization of the following team of committed, knowledgeable, and creative writers, researchers, activity developers, artists, and editors: Marie José Bernard, Resource Specialist, HABETAC at City College, New York, NY Menes Dejoie, School Psychologist, CSD 17, Brooklyn, NY Yves Raymond, Bilingual Coordinator, Erasmus Hall High School for Science and Math, Brooklyn, NY Marie Lily Cerat, Writing Specialist, P.S. 181, CSD 17, Brooklyn, NY Christine Etienne, Bilingual Staff Developer, CSD 17, Brooklyn, NY Amidor Almonord, Bilingual Teacher, P.S. 189, CSD 17, Brooklyn, NY Peter Kondrat, Educational Consultant and Freelance Writer, Brooklyn, NY Alix Ambroise, Jr., Social Studies Teacher, P.S. 138, CSD 17, Brooklyn, NY Professor Jean Y. Plaisir, Assistant Professor, Department of Childhood Education, City College of New York, New York, NY Claudette Laurent, Administrative Assistant, HABETAC at City College, New York, NY Christian Lemoine, Graphic Artist, HLH Panoramic, New York, NY. -
The Executive Survey General Information and Guidelines
The Executive Survey General Information and Guidelines Dear Country Expert, In this section, we distinguish between the head of state (HOS) and the head of government (HOG). • The Head of State (HOS) is an individual or collective body that serves as the chief public representative of the country; his or her function could be purely ceremonial. • The Head of Government (HOG) is the chief officer(s) of the executive branch of government; the HOG may also be HOS, in which case the executive survey only pertains to the HOS. • The executive survey applies to the person who effectively holds these positions in practice. • The HOS/HOG pair will always include the effective ruler of the country, even if for a period this is the commander of foreign occupying forces. • The HOS and/or HOG must rule over a significant part of the country’s territory. • The HOS and/or HOG must be a resident of the country — governments in exile are not listed. • By implication, if you are considering a semi-sovereign territory, such as a colony or an annexed territory, the HOS and/or HOG will be a person located in the territory in question, not in the capital of the colonizing/annexing country. • Only HOSs and/or HOGs who stay in power for 100 consecutive days or more will be included in the surveys. • A country may go without a HOG but there will be no period listed with only a HOG and no HOS. • If a HOG also becomes HOS (interim or full), s/he is moved to the HOS list and removed from the HOG list for the duration of their tenure. -
Haití » Gérard Latortue
» Biografías Líderes Políticos » América Central y Caribe » Haití » Gérard Latortue Gérard Latortue © Secretaría General de la OEA/Juan Manuel Herrera Haití Acttualliizaciión:: 29 ffebrrerro 2016 Primer ministro (2004-2006) Mandatto:: 12 marrzo 2004 -- 9 jjuniio 2006 Naciimiientto:: Gonaïïves,, Deparrttamentto Arrttiiboniitte,, 19 jjuniio 1934 Parttiido pollííttiico:: siin ffiilliiaciión Proffesiión:: Jurriistta,, consullttorr y ffunciionarriio iintterrnaciionall Editado por: Roberto Ortiz de Zárate Presentación Gérard Latortue, un jurista y economista sin partido con una amplia experiencia como funcionario de la ONU, fue la personalidad escogida, por consenso no parlamentario, para encabezar el Gobierno de transición de Haití tras el derrocamiento del presidente Jean-Bertrand Aristide en la revuelta de febrero de 2004. En sus dos años de ejercicio, Latortue encajó una ola de violencia que se cobró cientos de víctimas e hizo gala de una clara tendencia política por la que reprimió a los aristidianos y coqueteó con los cabecillas facciosos de la citada insurrección, antes de verse obligado, con la ayuda de los cascos azules de la ONU, a combatir a quienes de entre aquellos rehusaban desarmarse. Unas elecciones presidenciales golpeadas por la inseguridad y el desorden, y de las que salió victorioso René Préval, pusieron el turbio colofón al mandato interino de Préval, concluido en junio de 2006. Biografía 1. Un bagaje de funcionario y consultor internacional 2. Reclamado para encabezar el Gobierno haitiano en circunstancias de naufragio -
[ 2005 ] Part 1 Chapter 3 Americas
Americas 373 Chapter III Political and security questions Americas During 2005, the United Nations continued to ceedings against Nicaragua in a dispute concern- advance the cause of lasting peace, human rights, ing navigational and related rights on the San sustainable development and the rule of law in Juan River. The General Assembly again called the Americas. With the ending of the mandate of on States to refrain from promulgating laws and the United Nations Verification Mission in Gua- measures, such as the ongoing embargo against temala at the end of 2004, the Guatemalan peace Cuba by the United States. The Assembly process had matured into a new phase in which granted observer status to the Ibero-American national actors had assumed fuller responsibility community of nations and the Latin American for monitoring and promoting the accords. A Integration Association. joint agreement in May between the Government of Guatemala and the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights resulted in the establishment of an office for Central America monitoring and reporting on human rights in that country. Despite efforts by the United Nations Stabili- The situation in Central America zation Mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH) and the Hai- Report of Secretary-General. As requested tian National Police to ensure a secure and stable by the General Assembly in resolution 58/239 environment in Haiti, the security situation re- [YUN 2003, p. 276], the Secretary-General submitted mained precarious. Outbreaks of violence and an August report on the situation in Central illegal activities of armed groups continued to be America [A/60/218], which summarized progress a serious concern. -
Political Will for Decentralization in Haiti
Political Will for Decentralization in Haiti by Glenn R. Smucker with Marc-Antoine Noël Craig Olson Pharès Pierre Yves-François Pierre May 2000 Prepared for USAID Haiti Mission Office of Justice, Democracy, and Governance Delivery Order No. 806, Contract OUT-AEP-I-806-96-00008-0 Development Alternatives, Inc. 7250 Woodmont Avenue, Suite 200, Bethesda, Maryland 20814 i Some Comments on Political Will Relations between central and local government “The central government is a festering sore for the mayor’s office.” - Mayor of a secondary city “Relations between central government and communes are a calamity.” - Mayor of a rural commune Governance “Currently, no institution operates according to the constitution.” - Senator Wesner Emmanuel (Independent, Ouest) “We are living a virtual democracy in a backward society.” - Leslie Manigat, ex-President of Haiti (RDNP) “We’re in transition to correct governance; Haiti has been in transition since 1804.” - Coordinator of a communal sectional council (CASEC) Political Parties “We don’t want to be at the tail end, never seeing face to face with party leaders.” - A CASEC coordinator “They want to decide in the name of the people rather than with the people.” - Municipal Delegate, Jacmel Decentralization “The biggest thing that could happen in this country.” - A CASEC coordinator “Civil society is an indispensable instrument of decentralization.” - Gérard Pierre-Charles, General Coordinator, OPL “Decentralization is a necessity for the development of the country, via participation.” - Yvon Neptune, Spokesperson, Fanmi Lavalas ii Preface The five-member team generated this report primarily from open-ended interviews, documents, the team’s synthesis and joint reflections between January 17 and February 19, 2000, and some additional input and feedback on earlier drafts, received in April and May.