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Paolo Sartori TASHKENT 1918 Paolo Sartori TASHKENT 1918: GIURISPERITI MUSULMANI E AUTORITÀ SOVIETICHE CONTRO I «PREDICATORI DEL BAZAR» La conoscenza del ruolo politico, socio-culturale ed economico occupato dagli ‘ulam¡’ nelle società dell’Asia Centrale del sec. XX è stata in passato e continua oggi ad essere per lo più negletta dagli studi che hanno per oggetto la storia della cultura e delle istituzioni islamiche del Novecento centrasiatico. In questo ambito, la produzione storiografica d’epoca sovietica e quella uzbeka ad essa posteriore sono evidentemente accomunate da un difetto di attenzione per la riflessione sullo spazio che i dottori della legge islamica occuparono nel complesso e dinamico intreccio di relazioni tra la popolazione musulmana locale e gli apparati governativi ed amministrativi dell’Impero russo e dell’Unione So- vietica. È chiaro che il sistematico disinteresse manifestato dalla storiografia sovietica e da quella uzbeka per l’importanza degli ‘ulam¡’ nella società centrasiatica risponde a urgenze ideologiche differenti. Nei manuali sovietici di storia gli ‘ulam¡’ vengono de- scritti come i rappresentanti par excellence della cultura islamica pretesa solo reazionaria (i cosiddetti qadim) 1 e come un gruppo sociale che gestiva istituzioni che, in cambio di una promessa di un radioso avvenire, sarebbero state radicalmente riformate dal socialismo. Crollata l’Unione Sovietica, l’attività di riscrittura della storia intrapresa nell’Uzbekistan indipendente è parte integrante 1 Sul tema si veda S.A. Dudoignon, Qadîmiya as Historiographical Cate- gory. The Question of Social and Ideological Cleavages Between ‘Reformists’ and ‘Traditionalists’ among the Muslims of Russia and Central Asia in the Early 20th Century, in Timur KocaoĞlu (ed.), Türkistan’da yenilik hareketleri ve devrimler. Osman Hoca anısına incelemeler / Reform Movements and Revolutions in Turkestan. Studies in Honour of Osman Khoja, Sota, Haarlem 2001, 160; G. Fedtke, Jadids, Young Bukharans, Communists and the Bukharan Revolution: From an Ideological Debate in the Early Soviet Union, in A. von Kügelgen, M. Kemper, A.J. Frank (eds.), Muslim Culture in Russia and Central Asia from the 18th to the Early 20th Centuries, vol. 2, Klaus Schwarz Verlag, Berlin 1998, 484-485. 3 annali di ca' foscari, xlv, 3, 2006 di un complesso processo di costruzione dell’identità culturale na- zionale 2 che prevede la riabilitazione di personalità 3 che, sembra per il bene della nazione, combatterono il governo sovietico per ottenere da esso l’indipendenza e che caddero vittime della re- pressione dei suoi organi di polizia. Sullo sfondo di tale processo di costruzione identitaria nazionale va compresa l’attenzione quasi esclusiva che, dalla perestrojka ad oggi, la storiografia uzbeka ha prestato allo studio del lascito letterario di intellettuali musulmani modernisti detti jadid. 4 Agli ‘ulam¡’ non identificati dagli storici uzbeki come jadid non spetta una collocazione nel prestigioso parnaso nazionale, ma viene garantita la rappresentanza del tradi- zionalismo islamico. In questo quadro, solo l’essere riconosciuti tra i fiancheggiatori e/o incensatori dell’attività di resistenza armata alla sovietizzazione dell’Asia Centrale, 5 o come vittime del Grande 2 T. Uyama, Research Trends in the Former Soviet Central Asian Countries, in S.A. Dudoignon, H. Komatsu (eds.), Research Trends in Modern Central Eura- sian Studies (18th-20th Centuries). A Selective and Critical Bibliography of Works Published between 1985 and 2003, The Toyo Bunko, Part 1, Tokyo 2003, 49-51. 3 S. Chatterjee, The Rehabilitation of Heroes in Central Asia, in G. Bel- lingeri, G. Pedrini (eds.), Central Asia. A Decade of Reforms, Centuries of Memories, Leo S. Olschki Editore, Firenze 2003, 31-49; H. Kara, Reclaiming National Literary Heritage: the Rehabilitation of Abdurauf Fitrat and Abdulhamid Sulaymon Cholpan in Uzbekistan, «Europe-Asia Studies», 54/1 (2002), 123-142. 4 Prima di essere adottato dal linguaggio dell’odierna storiografia, tale termi- ne fu in uso nella letteratura pubblicistica del Turkestan d’inizio Novecento per denotare intellettuali musulmani acculturati e, in generale, i mudarris favorevoli a riformare i curricula degli istituti di riproduzione del sapere islamico secondo i nuovi principi pedagogici – ußul-i @ad£d – elaborati da Ism¡‘£l Bey Gasprinskij; cfr., da ultimo, I. Baldauf, Jadidism in Central Asia Within Reformism and Modernism in the Muslim World, «Die Welt Des Islams», 41/1 (2001),72-73. Per ulteriori informazioni sulla semantica dei termini @ad£d e qad£m nella stampa dei musulmani del Turkestan e il loro utilizzo nell’attuale produzione storiografica internazionale si veda P. Sartori, Ambigue definizioni. I ‘ulam¡’ di Tashkent tra tradizionalismo e rivoluzione (1917-1918), tesi di dottorato non pubblicata, Università di Roma «La Sapienza», Roma 2005, capitolo I, paragrafi I.8-I.9. 5 M. Hajdarov, Q. RaĞabov, Turkiston tarichi [Storia del Turkestan], Uni- versitet, To∫kent 2002, 116, 129, 133, 135, 138; Q. RaĞabov, Mustaqil Turkiston uπun mu@odalalar (1917-1935 jillar) [I combattenti per l’ indipendenza del Turkestan (anni 1917-1935)], «#amijat va bo∫qaruv», 4 (1998), 61; Id., Gholib armijaning… qora i∫lari [Gli affari sporchi… dell’esercito che vinse], «µarq julduzi», 6 (1998) 172; Id., Buchoroga Qizil Armija bosqin va unga qar∫i kura∫ [L’assalto dell’Armata rossa e la resistenza], Ma”navijat, To∫kent 2002, 25-26; Id., The Ideas of Statehood Independence and State Symbols in the Movement for Indipendence (Istiklalchilik) of Turkestan, «International Journal of Central Asian Studies», 8 (2003), 167-174; Turkestan v naπale XX veka: k istorii istokov nacional’noj nezavisimosti [Il Turkestan all’inizio del sec. XX: per una storia delle origini dell’indipendenza nazionale], µarq, To∫kent 2000, 168. 4 musulmani e sovietici contro i "predicatori del bazar& terrore staliniano, 6 garantisce agli ‘ulam¡’ un salvacondotto per una menzione nella storia nazionale uzbeka. Se non fosse per l’intraprendenza di qualche studioso, 7 anche in Occidente la comprensione delle dinamiche di conservazione e trasformazione del ruolo occupato dagli ‘ulam¡’ nella società musulmana delle regioni centro-meridionali dell’Asia Centrale durante la colonizzazione zarista e la prima fase di sovietizzazione (1865-1927) resterebbe relegata nei ristretti spazi concessi dagli studi sulle manifestazioni del modernismo islamico e da quelli dedicati alle campagne lanciate dalle autorità sovietiche contro l’Isl¡m centrasiatico. 8 Eppure, al pari degli studi dedicati alla formazione di una locale intelligencija musulmana, anche un’indagine attorno agli ‘ulam¡’ può rivelarsi utile per lumeggiare il tratto iniziale percorso dall’Isl¡m in Asia Centrale verso la sua secolarizzazione e la sua integrazione nelle culture nazionali locali. 9 A questo proposito è di rilievo il fatto che, ad oggi, quasi del tutto inesplorato resta l’ambito definito dall’incrociarsi dell’azione e degli interessi politici degli autorevoli rappresentanti dell’Isl¡m – gli ‘ulam¡’ – con quelli del governo sovie- tico nella fase immediatamente successiva alla rivoluzione d’ottobre e alla costituzione del potere sovietico in Asia Centrale. Il reperimento di alcuni documenti 10 presso l’Archivio centra- 6 Si veda, ad esempio, S. Ahmad, Qajum Ramazon armonlari [Gli irrealizzati desideri di Qayum Ramazon], «µarq Julduzi», (2005-birinπi fasl), 125-139; Sh. Turdiev, La sûreté russe, les maîtres d’écoles tatars et le mouvement djadid au Turkestan, in S. Dudoignon, F. Georgeon (eds.), Le réformisme musulman en Asie centrale. Du «premier renouveau» à la soviétisation 1788-1937, «Cahiers du Monde russe», XXXVII, 1-2 (1996), 211-222, R. µamsutdinov, Istiqlol jfilida ∫ahid ketganlar [Finirono martiri sulla via dell’indipendenza], µarq, To∫kent 2001, in specie i riferimenti bibliografici di pagina 29, nota 2, agli studi compiuti in Uzbekistan fino al 2001 nello stesso ambito. 7 Da ultimi A. Khalid, Society and Politics in Bukhara, 1868-1920, «Central Asian Survey», 19/3-4 (2000), 367-396; S.A. Dudoignon, Les «tribulations» du juge „iy¡. Histoire et mémoire du clientélisme politique à Boukhara (1868-1929), «Annales. Historie, Sciences Sociales», 59/5-6 (2004), 1095-1135; E.A. Allwor- th et. al. (ed.), The Personal History of a Bukharan Intellectual. The Diary of Mu≠ammad-Shar£f-i …adr-i ≈iy¡, translated from the original manuscript by Rustam Shukurov; with an introductory study and commentaries by Muham- madjon Shakuri, Brill, Leiden, and Boston 2004. 8 S. Keller, To Moscow, not Mecca. The Soviet Campaign Against Islam in Central Asia, 1917-1941, Praeger, Westport, Connecticut 2001. 9 Per il caso uzbeko si veda A. Khalid, A Secular Islam: Nation, State, and Religion in Uzbekistan, «International Journal of Middle Eastern Studies», 35 (2003), 573-598. 10 I documenti sono citati indicando l’acronimo dell’archivio, il fondo (fond), l’inventario (opis’), il fascicolo (delo) e la pagina (list’). Questi termini 5 annali di ca' foscari, xlv, 3, 2006 le di Stato della Repubblica dell’Uzbekistan presta un’occasione particolarmente favorevole per misurarsi con tale ambito di studi. In particolare, si tratta dell’istanza (‘ar∂-≠¡l) indirizzata nel mag- gio 1918 dall’associazione dei giurisperiti musulmani di Tashkent (Fuqah¡’ @am‘iyyat£) a T¡∫=w¡@a ‘§∫∞r=w¡@a-∞«l£, Commissario per gli affari nazionali (turkomnac) della Repubblica Autonoma Socialista Sovietica del Turkestan. 11 Tale istanza è accompagnata da una riw¡yat. 12 Nella dottrina giuridica di scuola ≠anafita d’Asia Centrale, la riw¡yat è un’opinione
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