Social Psychology Quarterly 76(1) 25–51 A Refinement of Ó American Sociological Association 2013 DOI: 10.1177/0190272512470147 Collaborative Circles http://spq.sagepub.com Theory: Resource Mobilization and Innovation in an Emerging Sport

Ugo Corte1

Abstract Farrell’s (2001) theory of collaborative circles provides a useful frame for analyzing the inter- personal dynamics that enable creative collaboration in small groups, but it leaves contextual factors of collaboration undertheorized. Using ethnographic data on freestyle BMXers in Greenville, North Carolina, this article demonstrates how resource mobilization theory’s con- ception of resources can specify the enabling and constraining aspects of a circle’s environ- ment in a theoretically satisfying way. Specifically, I find that the enabling interpersonal dynamics found by Farrell rely on distinct arrangements of material, moral, and what I term locational resources. During the formation stage, a welcoming skatepark and moral sup- port from the local community afforded the group the space and time it needed to unite, artic- ulate a common vision, and produce dramatic innovations in their sport. During the separa- tion stage, increased resources from the commercialization of freestyle BMX influenced both the separation of the circle and the production of the scene that followed.

Keywords collaborative circles, creativity, resource mobilization theory, small groups, social movements

Circles often play a part in the devel- anti-regulations, high risk, personal free- opment of artists and writers, but dom, and artistic expression differs from these are not the only professionals traditional mainstream sports. Many who form them (Farrell 2001:2) practitioners of lifestyle sports consider their pursuit art and not merely sport, The quickest way to describe freestyle emphasizing creative invention and BMX (bicycle MotoCross) is by saying that it is ‘‘like skateboarding, but on 1Uppsala University, Uppsala, Sweden bicycles’’ (Nelson 2010:1154). Along with many other activities such as surfing, Corresponding Author: Ugo Corte, Department of Sociology, Uppsala skateboarding, and snowboarding, BMX University, Box 624, SE-751 26 Uppsala, has been labeled a ‘‘lifestyle sport’’ Thunbergsva¨ gen 3 H, Sweden because its ethos of anti-competitiveness, Email: [email protected]

Downloaded from spq.sagepub.com at ASA - American Sociological Association on March 15, 2013 26 Social Psychology Quarterly 76(1) personal expression characterized by sty- the women’s rights movement circle of listic nuances that they argue cannot be the ‘‘Ultras’’ that included Susan B. measured or ranked (Wheaton 2004). Anthony and Elizabeth Cady Stanton), While not new, these activities have he is able to extract and articulate the reg- experienced a massive and unprecedented ularities that seemingly enable successful growth in popularity over the past two creative collaboration. Farrell notes that decades, leading to their commercializa- the figure of the lone genius is not always tion and partial professionalization accurate. Instead, he recognizes that (Thorpe and Wheaton 2011). Within the extraordinary creativity is often the result world of freestyle BMX, a small group of of successful collaboration among peers BMXers who relocated to a peripheral who develop an intense friendship and town in North Carolina from different work together on similar projects for an parts of the world were at the center of extended period of time. He argues that these changes and to a large degree pio- this work is spurred by a specific set of neered them. By and large, it was the out- enabling social dynamics that work to sup- standing skill and charisma of these riders port, encourage, and spur creativity that corporations sold to the public in their among members of the circle. These successful attempts to commercialize the groups typically evolve through a series sport through nationally televised compet- of relatively well-defined stages, each itions. This small community of riders with its own characteristic dynamics formed what has come to be known as (Farrell 2001). a collaborative circle—a group of friends Although the theory has been regarded who engage in close collaboration over as an important advancement in the soci- time to produce noteworthy innovations ology of creativity (Collins 2004; DeNora in their field. 2003; Fine 2003), it retains significant Among previous studies of creative col- shortcomings. First, it is based on histori- laboration, Farrell’s theory of collaborative cal data that, while rich in certain circles is one of the most promising.1 Much respects, hold the obvious limitation of research devoted to small-group creativity preventing the researcher from live obser- has been conducted in laboratory or thera- vation or an opportunity to interview peutic settings, leaving questions unan- members of the group (DeNora 2003; swered concerning the applicability of Farrell 2001). Perhaps because of this, it their findings to real-world situations focuses too narrowly on the interpersonal (Farrell 1976, 2001). In Collaborative dynamics among group members while Circles: Friendship Dynamics and Creative paying less attention to the context within Work, Farrell (2001) inductively develops which they operate (McLaughlin 2008). a theory of creativity in small groups Furthermore, as Farrell (2001:289) him- through historical case studies. By exam- self concedes, it is largely descriptive and ining detailed accounts of the formation, does not attend to the ‘‘underlying causal growth, and eventual dissolution of dynamics that push the whole process for- a diverse set of successful collaborative ward’’ (see also Farrell 2008). circles (the Impressionists, the founders This article builds on Farrell’s research of psychoanalysis, Nashville’s Fugitive through an ethnographic investigation of poets, Joseph Conrad’s Rye Circle, and a group of freestyle BMX cycling riders in Greenville, North Carolina. The mem- bers of this circle remain among the most 1Alternatives include theories by Mullins (1973), Collins (1998, 2004), and Parker and successful riders in the history of freestyle Hackett (2012). BMX and, through their ambition and

Downloaded from spq.sagepub.com at ASA - American Sociological Association on March 15, 2013 Collaborative Circles Theory and Resource Mobilization 27 technical advancement, ushered this sub- rituals, and individually find distinct cultural activity into its era of commercial- social roles within the group. ization and partial professionalization. In terms of reciprocal social influence, Currently, collaborative circles theory circle members ‘‘set the pace for working, (CCT) does not adequately account for and they escalate the level of risky play the contextual factors that enable or con- on the edges of acceptability’’ (Farrell strain collective endeavour of the kind 2001:16), thereby expanding the bound- that collaborative circles are pursuing. aries they and others originally thought On the other hand, research on social was possible. As Farrell (2001:17) elabo- movements has developed analytical tools rates, circle members feel ‘‘more free to to investigate the ecological context of explore untried or even objectionable collective action, with particular emphasis ideas, less distracted by guilt, self-doubt, on the resources that individuals need resentment, or jealousy.’’ Farrell employs to mobilize toward their goals two concepts to explain this kind of pivotal (Edwards and McCarthy 2004; McAdam, influence that circle members have on McCarthy, and Zald 1996; McCarthy and each other: ‘‘instrumental intimacy’’ and Zald 1977). Thus, in order to address the ‘‘norm of escalating reciprocity.’’ some of the shortcomings of Farrell’s the- Instrumental intimacy is a type of ory, I borrow the nuanced conception of exchange between dyads of the group resources developed by scholars of denoted by trust, mutual support, and resource mobilization theory (RMT) free transfer of ideas, resulting from deep (Edwards and McCarthy 2004; McCarthy knowledge of one another acquired and Zald 1977) and integrate it into CCT through long and persistent interaction. through a theoretical extension (Snow, The norm of escalating reciprocity is the Morrill, and Anderson 2003). dynamic that pushes members to both match and exceed each other’s work, ulti- mately increasing the quality of the work COLLABORATIVE CIRCLES: SOCIAL done by the group as a whole. DYNAMICS AND STAGES OF Collaborative circles typically develop DEVELOPMENT through seven stages: formation, rebellion, Farrell (2001:13) defines a collaborative quest, creative work stage, collective action, circle as ‘‘a primary group consisting of separation, and reunion. Formation occurs peers who share similar occupational when individuals belonging to the same dis- goals and who, through long periods of cipline meet through a social network of dialogue and collaboration, negotiate acquaintances. The joiners often feel mar- a common vision that guides their ginalized in their field or blocked from work.’’ The individuals in the circle advancement. A gatekeeper plays the cru- are roughly of equal status; they differ cial role of either attracting or explicitly from mentor-prote´ge´ relationships, which recruiting other members into the circle. entail more rigid hierarchical dynamics. Because of this filtering, members tend to Members are often close in age (early or alreadyhavemuchincommonwhenthey late twenties) and enter the circle with start working together, which facilitates similar amounts of capital (Bourdieu successful cooperation early on (Farrell 1993; Farrell 2001), resulting in an egali- 2001). After evolving through the various tarian group. As the group evolves, they stages, separation occurs when the group develop a common vision (e.g., artistic, disintegrates, as tensions that emerged scientific, or political), develop their own among members in the previous stages idiosyncratic communication styles and reach their apex.

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For Farrell, each stage is distinguished By adapting geographers’ language of primarily by group culture (including ‘‘grounding truth’’ (Gieryn 2002), this articulation of vision and development of research takes an important step beyond group style), and by the characteristic Farrell’s application of insights derived relationships that become dominant in from laboratory research to historical that stage (including the evolution of roles case studies. In doing so he missed the and interpersonal dynamics). While his influences of the material and cultural ele- descriptions of these dynamics are insight- ments of locational space on human ful, Farrell does not account equally well behavior. By contrast, the findings here for the contextual factors that make these are ‘‘grounded’’ through field research to developments possible. a ‘‘truth spot’’: a distinct geographical loca- Felmlee and Sprecher (2000:369–70) tion that adds credibility to claims. have argued that research in social psy- Similarly, Fine (2010, 2012) argues for chology generally, and of close relation- a ‘‘sociology of the local’’ in which theory ships in particular, has the tendency to is both derived and anchored to physical ignore ‘‘the social and/or environmental and cultural spaces. Thus, Greenville is context of relationship behavior’’ (see my truth spot (Gieryn 2002): a place also Ancona and Bresman 2007; whose idiosyncratic details are both essen- Wittenbaumand and Moreland 2008). To tial for the functioning of my specific be fair, CCT identifies a number of proper- group, but should at the same time tran- ties of what Farrell calls the ‘‘magnet scend location in the form of general place,’’2 but as a concept this is more insights that could be true anywhere. descriptive than analytical, and difficult Since its publication in 2001, Farrell’s to coherently fold into his theory. book has deservedly received considerable Throughout the work, for example, attention. Students of scientific or other Farrell broadly refers to various resources scholarly collaborations have taken a par- without specifying how they can be analyt- ticularly keen interest (Collins 2004; Levine ically differentiated. Moreover, for Farrell, and Moreland 2004; McLaughlin 2008; the ‘‘magnet place’’ does not evolve with Parker and Hackett 2012). The most direct the group and thus plays only a limited engagement comes from McLaughlin role in the progression of stages. A plausible (2008) who, taking the critical theorists of reason why he did not fully develop his con- the Frankfurt school as a case study, dem- cept of magnet places lies in not having onstrates the importance of external been there to directly observe them. context to the group’s development. Here, Consequently, any potentially relevant ‘‘context’’ is understood in two overlapping information that was not recorded by par- ways: first, in terms of access to resources ticipants was inaccessible; in essence, the (e.g., income and academic appointments) influences that his diarists and letter writ- and second, in terms of the larger intellec- ers took for granted were ‘‘invisible’’ to tual fields in which the school worked (in him. This limitation suggests that the study this case Marxism and psychoanalysis). of contemporary circles by participant He calls for a ‘‘more structural analysis’’ of observers has much to offer in this regard. collaborative circles that can ‘‘theorize sys- tematically the ways in which resources shape the formation of budding network of 2 This can refer to ‘‘an art studio, a laboratory, creative thinkers, cultural workers, or an artist community, a hospital, or some other scholars’’ (McLaughlin 2008:24–5). place where people value the expertise and prac- tice the skills the prospective members hope to Parker and Hackett’s (2012) case study acquire’’ (Farrell 2001:19). of a contemporary collective of research

Downloaded from spq.sagepub.com at ASA - American Sociological Association on March 15, 2013 Collaborative Circles Theory and Resource Mobilization 29 scientists differs from Farrell’s collabora- a social movement primarily in the minds tive circles in significant ways. Members of activists (as ‘‘deviance’’ or ‘‘strain’’ in vary notably in age and status and are earlier functionalist literature; see geographically distributed across various McAdam and Snow 1997), RMT focuses research institutions. Furthermore, the on how a social movement relates to its group has remained active for far longer environment (Jenkins 1983; McCarthy than is typical of a collaborative circle. and Zald 1977). Although members do not live and work A recent formulation of this approach together in one place, they do meet regu- includes five general types of resources: larly in ‘‘neutral’’ retreat locations to col- human, material, moral, social- laborate and set research agendas. It is organizational, and cultural (Edwards these meetings that are the focus of the and McCarthy 2004). Of these, only the study; hence, like I do, they also give first three play a major role in the pro- attention to the importance of space for ceeding analysis. collaborative circles. However, Parker Human resources include labor, experi- and Hackett do not engage directly with ence, skills, and expertise; they are highly the full theory of collaborative circles, but dependent on different activists (and instead borrow insights from Farrell to therefore not transferable), and depending illustrate the role of emotion in scientific on the kind of movement and stage of work. In particular, they observe many of development, some activists are more the same dynamics that lead to successful valuable than others. Material resources collaboration: ‘‘instrumental intimacy,’’ refer to money, equipment, supplies, and ‘‘collaborative movements,’’3 and the other tangible artifacts. Money is a key importance of gatekeeping in terms of resource that can be converted into more ‘‘good island personalities.’’ But unlike or less of any other type of resource, with Farrell, they connect these observations the partial exception of moral resour- to both the wider scientific community ces—partial in the sense that in order to and to contextual factors of the retreat be most effective, moral resources should location (hence, ‘‘hot spots and hot appear spontaneous and not bought (Lin moments’’) more systematically than CCT. 2001). Moral resources include solidarity support, sympathetic support, and celeb- RESOURCE MOBILIZATION rity (Cress and Snow 1996; Lahusen 1996; Meyer and Gamson 1995; Snow Resource mobilization theory (RMT) is 1979). a structural perspective of social move- The resources that a collectivity needs ments that takes grievances as given to accomplish its goals cannot be fully and thus seeks to explain the emergence, understood without reference to the spe- persistence, and decline of social move- cific context in which the group operates. ments by examining how social actors While every group (including collaborative create or gain access to key resources to circles) requires resources for its existence, pursue a common agenda. Unlike other the variety and quantity vary across approaches that locate the impetus of groups and stages of development (Cress and Snow 1996). 3As Parker suggested to me via email, ‘‘collab- This article argues that the nuanced orative movements’’ (Farrell 2001), ‘‘flow experi- concept of resources from RMT can ences’’ (Csikszentmihalyi 1996), and ‘‘mutual augment our understanding of collabora- entrainment’’ (Collins 2005) are essentially dif- ferent terms for the same social-psychological tive circles by shedding light on factors dynamic (personal communication 08/01/12). that would otherwise go analytically

Downloaded from spq.sagepub.com at ASA - American Sociological Association on March 15, 2013 30 Social Psychology Quarterly 76(1) undifferentiated. As opposed to a magnet ways. When in the field, I rode my skate- place in which contextual changes can board alongside the BMXers, learned a lit- only be handled in an ad hoc manner, tle bit about how to ride from them, and the concept of resources allows us to recon- taught them some skateboarding as well. ceive the magnet place in terms of a con- My proficiency on a skateboard proved to stellation of resources, providing analytic be valuable subcultural capital, allowing purchase on variations in the context of me to not only show competency in a related action. This article also advances the the- lifestyle sport, but also appear relatable in ory by showing how specific resources demeanor and speech as well. This served (human, material, moral, and what I to make my interest in their activity trans- term locational) influence group develop- parent—not ‘‘put-on’’ for their benefit—and ment at formation and separation. allowedmetobeinthefieldwithout Specifically, I argue that the ‘‘incubation looking out of place (Hammersely and period’’ characteristic of collaborative cir- Atkinson 2003; Junker 1960). In addition cle formation depends crucially on a dis- to riding, I shot photographs and occasion- tinct arrangement of resources that ally assisted in filming stunts. affords the group privacy and tolerance The 26 semi-structured interviews were from the local community. I further argue audio-recorded, selectively transcribed, that the availability of resources is influ- coded, and analyzed in Microsoft Word, ential both in precipitating the separation applying a coding scheme that arose of the group and in shaping what remains inductively as the research progressed. of the circle’s project after dissolution. One focus group was conducted with four participants, while two interviews utilized DATA AND METHODS photo elicitation (Harper 2002). One final interview was conducted with professional The majority of the data was gathered in BMXer Ryan Nyquist in Santa Cruz, Greenville, North Carolina, between California, in the summer of 2009. September 2004 and July 2007 through The sample comprised nearly the total- participant observation and 26 semi- ity of Greenville pros, plus a number of structured interviews with BMX riders visiting riders and other members of the living in or visiting town during that community. Interviewees were selected period. Observations and interviews took by theoretical sampling (Glaser and place in a variety of settings: the subjects’ Strauss 1967), meaning that interviewees homes, at my home, at private ramp facil- were included to cover each category in ities, at the public skatepark, in a number the typology of actors that I developed of restaurants, and in trucks while driv- over the course of my fieldwork, and with ing to skateparks in other towns or states. the help of two key informants (Whyte I spent about three years in the field 1943). and observed about two riding sessions Subjects viewed me as a ‘‘buddy per week, averaging three hours per ses- researcher’’ (Snow, Benford, and sion, over nine months each year, record- Anderson 1986), which is a type of ing my observations in fieldnotes. This ‘‘researcher-participant’’ (Gans 1982) par- amounted to over 200 sessions (or 600 ticularly helpful in generating trust hours) in the field, excluding observations (Whyte 1943) and entailing a complemen- that took place in other contexts. tary combination of the responsibilities of Gaining access. I had been riding researcher and friend. a skateboard for more than 20 years, and Acceptance and trust from the BMX this helped me in the field in several community enabled me to effectively

Downloaded from spq.sagepub.com at ASA - American Sociological Association on March 15, 2013 Collaborative Circles Theory and Resource Mobilization 31 employ a variety of techniques to gather a way of inducing extensive and sincere information in the field and in interviews. answers. I used this technique to elicit In addition to the more structured inter- reactions from one rider about the circum- views that asked respondents to reflect stances leading to the separation of the on and explain their experiences, I also circle by reading him another rider’s often asked questions in situ as informal account of that separation and was interviewing (Lofland et al. 2005), obtain- pleased with the result. In retrospect ing ‘‘perspectives in action’’ (Gould et al. (and at the time), I feel other methods 1974) to complement and triangulate would have been less successful in elicit- (Denzin 1989) with the ‘‘perspectives of ing such an honest and detailed response action’’ gathered in interviews. to such a sensitive topic. When engaging respondents, I asked direct questions and also interviewed ‘‘by A BRIEF HISTORY OF FREESTYLE BMX comment’’ (Snow, Zurcher, and Sjoberg AND INTRODUCTION TO THE CASE 1982). Simply put, interviewing by com- STUDY ment means trying to obtain information from a respondent ‘‘by making a statement Freestyle BMX is an activity (and subcul- rather than by asking a question’’ (Snow ture) that originated in the 1980s, et al. 1982:287). It is a type of probe that branching out from BMX racing (Nelson aims at exploiting reactivity in order to 2010). BMX racing became a popular phe- elicit rich responses to complement infor- nomenon in the United States during the mation gained in other ways. It is a partic- 1960s, partially due to the mass produc- ularly useful strategy when conducting tion of the Schwinn ‘‘Sting Ray’’ bike. interviews in the field, and according to Notably, aspects of this bicycle resembled Snow et al. (1982:287–88), it also maxi- a motorcycle, with ‘‘ape-hanger’’ handle mizes the chances to learn unexpected bars, a banana seat, and smaller tires findings. Eight different types of com- and frame than a road bike. ments have been identified (puzzlement, In the mid-1980s a new style of riding humorous comments, the replay, descrip- emerged from BMX riders who began per- tive comments, motivational comments, forming tricks on their bicycles to kill time outrageous comments, altercasting com- between races (Nelson 2007). Eventually, ments, and evaluative comments) (Snow freestyle BMX supplanted racing in popu- et al. 1982; Snow and Anderson 1993). larity among riders. Among its many I made use of all of them except for the advantages, it could be practiced individu- last three, but I also employed another ally (without the need for other people to type, which I label quotation; I believe race against) and virtually anywhere this category should be added to the liter- (instead of on a maintained track)—from ature and further developed. This tech- flat ground to city lots, and eventually to nique entails reading selected excerpts constructed ramps (Nelson 2008). from other interviews (while keeping the Freestyle BMX evolved in close relation speaker anonymous). This practice can to skateboarding, and while exact num- be used to achieve three outcomes: bers are hard to gauge, it is safe to say first, to trigger longer accounts and reac- that its popularity and visibility, along tions to what it is described in the excerpt; with other lifestyle sports, has been grow- second, to triangulate the validity of ing (though not steadily) over the past few their contents; and third, to learn about decades (Thorpe and Wheaton 2011). sensitive matters by giving a pretext to ap- Since its origins, freestyle BMX has proach the topic and ultimately providing gone through two major peaks of mass

Downloaded from spq.sagepub.com at ASA - American Sociological Association on March 15, 2013 32 Social Psychology Quarterly 76(1) popularity: first during the late 1980s and 1995 and was quickly followed by a small second beginning in 1995 with the launch number of other notable professional riders by ESPN of a large series of televised com- including Mike Laird, Ryan Nyquist, Mike petitions named Extreme Games (X Mancuso, Allan Cooke, Scott Wirch, Rob Games), which, along with BMX, also fea- Darden, Colin Winkleman, and Jeremy tured a number of other then-marginalized Fanberg. Together, they formed a tightly activities like skateboarding and in-line knit circle of friends whose perfor- skating (Nelson 2010; Rinehart 1998). mance dominated the major BMX competi- Throughout this second peak of popularity, tions and whose innovations technically a group of transplant BMX riders known advanced their sport. as the ‘‘Greenville riders’’ consistently The work and lifestyle of these dominated these competitions and ushered Greenville riders differed from what they the sport to new technical heights. Dave had been doing in their respective local Mirra, a founding member of the group, scenes—defined as instances of a wider became the most recognizable name in subculture (Bennett and Peterson 2004; BMX,andasofthiswritinghaswon Irwin 1973; O’Connor 2002)—in several more X Games medals than any other com- ways. Their riding sessions were more fre- petitor in any event (Edwards and Corte quent and more intense, the town was 2010). Ryan Nyquist, another well-known more accommodating to their activity member of the group, is also recognized and lifestyle, and their work was initially as one of the best competition riders in pursued almost exclusively with a stable the world. As an indication of their domi- group of new friends who happened to be nance, Mirra and Nyquist were probably some of the best riders in the world (and the two highest paid athletes in their sport who, like them, had relocated with the each year for a stretch of ten years (Nelson goal of pushing the limits of their activity). 2007) and were among the first to hire These riders were motivated by similar pro- agents to represent their commercial inter- fessional goals, possessed similar amounts ests. From the late 1990s until around of capital, and were familiar with each 2002, as many as a dozen riders (many of other from having met at various competi- them living in Greenville) had annual tions over the years. Collectively, their incomes in the six-figure range, with top accomplishments attracted national atten- earners (Dave Mirra and Ryan Nyquist) tion, and in March 2001, Ride BMX bringing in as much as $1,000,000 in Magazine, a niche publication dedicated to peak earning years (field notes 10/03/05; BMX riding, dubbed Greenville ‘‘Pro Town Nelson email 10/24/12). USA’’ (Nowak 2001). Inspired by the success of the Greenville pros, a large number of profes- PRO TOWN USA AND ITS sional and amateur BMXers began relo- COLLABORATIVE CIRCLE cating to Greenville in the early 2000s. The first group of professional BMXers Many riders who did not move perma- who relocated to Greenville in the second nently still visited for extended periods of half of the 1990s can be considered a collab- time (often more than once and sometimes orative circle. This BMX circle consisted of regularly), as it became an important des- ‘‘graduates’’ of circles from various distant tination in the field of BMX. The original towns and cities who migrated to a place circle remained close until 2002 when its where they found a dense network of peo- equilibrium was destabilized by multiple ple who shared their identities and inter- factors, including the increase of riders ests. Dave Mirra moved to Greenville in moving into town and a split among its

Downloaded from spq.sagepub.com at ASA - American Sociological Association on March 15, 2013 Collaborative Circles Theory and Resource Mobilization 33 main dyad—Dave Mirra and Ryan that ‘‘Collaborative circles that develop Nyquist. These factors led to the dissolu- innovative visions flourish in turbulent cul- tion of the circle and initiated the forma- tural environments, where two or more ver- tion of other groups within the local scene sions of a discipline . . . vie for centrality in (Edwards and Corte 2010). Many (but not a single place’’ (Farrell 2001:268). While the all) of the advantages of Greenville sur- situation for BMX riders was not completely vived the split, and the city retains its rep- analogous, related dynamics existed. utation among riders and fans to this day.4 Within the wider BMX subculture, par- As is typical of the collaborative circles ticipating in the major competitions, as studied by Farrell, the Greenville riders’ Greenville riders aspired to and regularly social dynamics not only pushed and did, was widely considered ‘‘selling out’’— inspired them technically, but also sus- at odds with the dominant subcultural tained them emotionally and materially as ethos of not getting involved with corporate an extended family. Moreover, Greenville sponsors. More specifically, participation in riders benefited from a mix of resources these events was seen as contributing to that included material, moral, and human making BMX a ‘‘sport,’’ thereby populariz- resources and others particular to ing a diluted, even corrupted version of Greenville that I label locational. Together, the original activity (Humphreys 2003). this combination of community and resour- Nelson (2007:105) writes: ces enabled the Greenville riders to enjoy the most productive, creative, and conse- Indeed, it is the professional BMX quential period of their respective careers. freestyler or ‘‘Pro’’ who finds himself at the intersection of the ‘‘authentic’’ GREENVILLE PRO CIRCLE: (keepin’ it real) and the ‘‘commodified’’ FORMATION AND COMPOSITION (gettin’ paid), and who must negotiate between these imperatives so that he When I said to my friends I was mov- is both compensated and compensat- ing to Greenville, they made fun of me able (that is, he must not appear to asking if I was going to train and have ‘‘sold out,’’ as this would mean wanted to become as rich as Dave that his endorsement of products Mirra. (Tooker interview, 03/20/07) would be undesirable).

Farrell (2001) provides some general com- Riders who moved to Greenville ments about the ‘‘structural’’ and ‘‘cultural’’ rebelled both against the wider societal conditions that are conducive to the forma- public perception of BMX as nothing tion of collaborative circles. First, he claims more than an adolescent hobby, and that circles tend to arise in the periphery of against the prevailing ethos of the subcul- a magnet place, where mentors with estab- ture that often did not see the work and lished visions are unavailable to ambitious successes of Greenville riders in a positive would-be innovators. Second, he argues light. As one rider said, ‘‘The word sell-out gets thrown out a lot . . . kids in other scenes talk trash about our style’’ (Laird 4Pro Town: Greenville, a 2010 documentary about the BMX scene in the city, is evidence of interview 04/19/05). this point (Losey 2010). The opening onscreen text reads ‘‘34 Pro BMX riders, 21 Gold Medals, Avenues of Formation: Informal 1 Small Town.’’ This undersells the significance Networks of these riders in the field of BMX, as it counts The first riders moved to Greenville only major competitions and neglects all noncom- petitive accomplishments (e.g., appearances in because they knew someone else who popular media or other forms of recognition). already had relocated to the scene.

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Mirra played a key role as a gatekeeper, ways of securing homogeneity identified attracting the first pros on the strength in the literature: (1) via group formation of his charismatic personality and his (Farrell 2001; Feld 1982; Fontana 1985; early recognition as one of the most Levine and Moreland 1990), (2) through prominent BMXers in the world. socialization and interaction among Subsequently, as Nyquist progressed, he group members (Farrell 2001), and (3) also functioned as a catalyst for drawing through the construction and mainte- in other riders. Nyquist, for example, nance of group boundaries (Farrell 2001; was responsible for pulling in Allan see also, Parker and Hackett 2012). The Cooke and Scott Wirch, two other fellow Greenville riders benefited from all of BMXers from Northern California. these processes. After the circle began to achieve signifi- All riders held the same level of com- cant notoriety, new transplants were mitment and occupational motivation more likely to be drawn to Greenville toward their activity, as evidenced by their by their reputation than through direct having relocated in order to pursue free- social ties. style BMX riding at a professional level. Farrell (2001:273) writes: ‘‘Because the magnet place has a reputation and sends Group Composition: Similar out similar signals to a wide network, Demographic Characteristics those who go there are likely to have The first riders were very similar in age much in common.’’ As Nyquist put it, (late teens to early twenties), gender (all ‘‘The place appealed to whoever seemed male), social class (mostly middle class), to be attracted to move there’’ (Nyquist and status (none were married at the interview 08/22/09)—meaning that the time, and only one was involved in a sta- decision to relocate functioned as a sort ble romantic relationship). Consistent of voluntary selection process. And with Farrell’s theory, they were all facing because most of the riders were connected a turning point in their lives, leaving through their social networks before they home for the first time and turning pro- relocated, less time was needed to instill fessional. It is worth emphasizing that and nurture reciprocal trust. In addition, while Mirra was already a successful being in a new place provided riders with rider at the time of the move, this did the chance to create new habits and not initially set him apart from the other escape old ones. It also freed them from riders. Mirra, in fact, was still largely the prevailing norms and obligations dependent on the support of other riders, within the respective cultures of their orig- both emotionally and materially. For inal scenes and from other individuals, example, he rented one room of his apart- riders and non-riders alike, who had ment to Ryan Nyquist and routinely exerted an influence and demanded valu- shared gas costs with other riders when able time. Significantly, a small number traveling (Edwards and Corte 2009). of riders who moved to Greenville ended up leaving because their expectations did not match reality or because they discov- Similar Psychological Characteristics: ered that they did not fit in with (or were Homogeneity not accepted by) the emerging collabora- It is widely acknowledged that some tive circle. degree of homogeneity among group Socialization and interaction among members is a crucial factor for successful group members leads to the development collaboration. There are three principal of what Fine (1979) calls idioculture, or

Downloaded from spq.sagepub.com at ASA - American Sociological Association on March 15, 2013 Collaborative Circles Theory and Resource Mobilization 35 the distinct culture that each group cre- relocate to Greenville, pioneered this idio- ates. In this case, the idioculture of culture of professionalism and excellence Greenville’s riders was the result of inter- and served as the role model for the artic- actions among the newly relocated riders ulation of the group’s vision. who valued competition. Their idioculture, unlike that of most riders in other BMX Patterns of Formation: Causes scenes at the time, placed a greater emphasis on technical progression, profes- In addition to the ‘‘pull’’ factors that drew sionalism, and participation in the major riders to Greenville, riders also experi- competitions, regardless of faults within enced ‘‘push’’ factors that led to dissatis- those systems (including, e.g., the arbi- faction with their hometown scene. trary judging systems). Consequently, Riders relocated to overcome various the group’s social climate positively influ- structural problems, including a lack of enced the performance of the riders, who human resources in the form of other did not shy away from making BMX the comparatively talented and committed center of their lives (in a lifestyle sense) riders, and lack of material resources in and their livelihood. This often meant the form of infrastructures such as facili- having to make compromises in order to ties for practice. As one rider put it, ‘‘At benefit from the relationship with the cor- home I could be the only bike rider for porate sponsorship world. three hours’’ (S. Nyquist interview 05/ One memorable incident in the field 13/07). illustrates the tension that Greenville At the end of the 1990s and early 2000s, riders felt with regard to matters of the great majority of localities across the authenticity, how sensitive they became United States lacked facilities intended toward criticisms, and how strongly and specifically for BMXers. In many places, almost reflexively they responded: skateparks restricted BMXers to only fixed days or hours of the week. Moreover, such arrangements charged an After having ridden ‘‘Jaycee’’ (the local park), and as I am leaving and entry fee and imposed a code of behavior getting ready to drive off, I talk with on its users. Neither of these conditions some riders who are also in the park- was the case with facilities in Greenville, ing lot: One is newly relocated, and where initially the local ramp park, the other one of the original pros. ‘‘Jaycee,’’ had no gate and no staff, and Surprisingly, I notice that the latter subsequently a staff that maintained is sporting a very clean look which a list of pros who could enter at no charge seems to clash with the clothes I have and where behavior was self-policed by the seen him wear before. I ask him about riders.5 his ‘‘new’’ look and he says: ‘‘You know, Thus, the collaborative circle’s innova- now I am on corporate sponsor.’’ And I tive vision of BMX riding emerged from instinctively reply: ‘‘Oh yeah, I under- stand you had to compromise’’ to which this scene in a manner largely consistent he quickly responds back appearing with the ‘‘structural’’ and ‘‘cultural’’ surprised, but mostly irritated at conditions articulated by Farrell—in what appears to be a slip off from both sides: ‘‘No, I never compromise!’’ 5Riders who were not on the list could enter (Field notes 05/10/08) for free by signing in with the name of any rider on the list who was not present that day. This is an example of the camaraderie within the group Not surprisingly, Mirra, already an estab- and of the relaxed social atmosphere maintained lished professional and the first one to at this particular park.

Downloaded from spq.sagepub.com at ASA - American Sociological Association on March 15, 2013 36 Social Psychology Quarterly 76(1) a peripheral location and against both Back then Jaycee park was the Mecca. mainstream societal dismissals of BMX This was before we got all the back- as a mere hobby and the dominant anti- yard ramps and Dave’s warehouse corporate subcultural ethos. Note, how- and all that other stuff, so everybody ever, that there is already evidence of had to ride there and there was just an intense riding scene. . . . Our ses- other factors—seemingly equally influen- sions were unlike any other session tial—that have no apparent place in of any scene I have seen before, where Farrell’s theory. Among these were the the hardest tricks were done once skatepark Jaycee, and the attendant a week, or maybe two weeks. Here norms that guided access to it, and the you got so many pros just feeding off broader corporate structure that gave each other, every day is a ‘‘hard trick’’ these riders an outlet for their ambitions. session . . . it will make your riding In the sections that follow, I will show improve to another level, and when how these and other resources played guys comes here to visit and see how a crucial role in enabling not just the for- hard we ride every day for a week, mation of the circle, but also the interper- they are like: ‘‘this is the place I need to be if I want to be anything in sonal dynamics that characterized the a Pro-class.’’ (Laird interview 04/19/05) group as well. Ryan Nyquist further elaborated: INFLUENCE AND ESCALATING RECIPROCITY The sessions we had at Jaycee park, You do it as art: You can compare it when it was just a small group of [riding] to an artist with a coloring guys, looking back they were really book and how you color the blank intense . . . they were great sessions. page. The picture is up to you. We were all pushing each other rid- (Harrington interview 05/07/05) ing-wise . . . it was not even really pushing, it was just fun to ride at that level and on a daily basis go ‘‘OK, I am goin’ to flip the spine.’’6 Influence Normally you might flip it once a week, but just the fact there were Until early 2000 there were very few pri- so many really great riders in one vate facilities available and few riders as spot and everybody was having well. The group was small and comprised a good time . . . it was just kind of mostly of transplant professionals. ‘‘This like a really great formula . . . like is a scene of pros,’’ as one rider com- on a daily basis ride to do great riding, mented (Lilly interview 05/07/05). As to ride awesome. And it happened the riders explained, the fact that there a lot. And I feel that like when you were few places to ride other than are in such circumstances, you can’t Jaycee meant that this park played an help but just be a better rider. It important role in their development. would be really hard to just not get Riders could simply go there at any better in a situation like that; like making a constant effort not to ride time of the day, any day of the week, that day, not touch the bike . . . and expect to find other talented riders whether you like or not, it’s probably without having to explicitly arrange meetings beforehand. It was tacitly 6 understood that everyone would show ‘‘Flip the spine’’ means jumping from one ramp over another one while rotating upside upthereatsomepoint.MikeLaird down. It is a dangerous maneuver requiring not explained: only skill, but also commitment and confidence.

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going to happen. (Nyquist interview 08/22/09)

At Jaycee, riders found others to ride with and to push them to new technical heights. Every day was a ‘‘hard trick’’ ses- sion, and as Nyquist explained, a rider in that environment would have to deliber- ately try to not ride and not improve. What the riders describe here is what Csikszentmihalyi, in another context, described as flow. Csikszentmihalyi (1996) defines flow as a mental state char- acterized by a total concentration that comes when we are engaged in tasks that are challenging enough not to bore us but not so difficult as to overwhelm us. At its peak, Greenville was practically devoid of less talented riders, riders at dif- ferent levels, large numbers of transient riders, and even spectators. Greenville participants had the luxury of riding almost exclusively with a small stable pop- Image 1. Marcus Tooker doing an excep- ulation of similarly talented riders in tionally extended ‘‘Superman’’ at the Unit a sort of backstage (Goffman 1959), which while Teo and Quinn Watch. Photo: Ugo was especially conducive to achieving Corte. flow.7 Top-level riders generated individ- ual and collective technical progress, as well feelings of general well-being among Freud was motivated to keep apace and the riders—an outcome of flow. to have something to present at their con- gresses in exchange for all he had received’’ (Farrell 2001:185, emphasis Escalating Reciprocity added). Farrell (2001) argues that bursts of work Similar to Becker’s (1963) classic study in collaborative circles are often moti- of jazz musicians, Greenville riders ‘‘ses- vated by the norm of escalating reciproc- sioned’’ or performed for each other rather ity. Writing about the relationship than having to put on a show for between Freud and Fliess, he writes: ‘‘squares’’—people who had unrefined ‘‘Freud felt he owed something to Fliess, tastes and could not understand the sub- who seemed to pour out work endlessly. tleties of riding. Smythe, quoted in Borden (2001:123), describes a riding ses- 7 I do not want to give the impression that the sion by skateboarders in the following scene was completely insulated; riders traveled way: extensively and gathered influences from the other riders that they met at competitions, [Sessioning] ...isthat unpredictable demos, or during filming trips. Moreover, riders from other scenes also visited Greenville and aspect of the skateboard experience were both shaped by and helped to shape the that occurs whenever the varied per- scene there. But the intimate dynamic of the sonages that comprise the contempo- Greenville scene persisted. rary vanguard assemble together.

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The action is always faster, always we also help shape the image and content more furious, and limits are always of the group to which we belong. pushed harder than ever before. In a local scene with a larger and more transient population, one could more eas- During one of my very first days in the ily refrain from pushing one’s limits, rely- field doing participant observation at ing instead on doing what comes more nat- Jaycee park I noticed that riders did not urally and what has already been learned. cheer each other as often as I had observed While this dynamic would likely lead to before in other parks. Puzzled after seeing a refinement of previously learned practi- what seemed to be difficult tricks per- ces, we can imagine that it would be less formed to no acclaim, I inquired about conducive to learning new tricks than the the matter to another rider. He explained prevailing dynamic at Jaycee. that while the tricks I was witnessing BMXers in Greenville practiced in ways were ‘‘objectively’’ difficult and dangerous, that prompted them to try tricks they they were not ‘‘subjectively’’ so for riders would not normally have tried. In addition at this level. He further elaborated that to the unique sessioning that happened at BMXers in Greenville ride together so fre- Jaycee and the constant ‘‘hard trick’’ ses- quently that each has deep knowledge of sions described previously, riders also the other riders’ skills and repertoires. played a game known as ‘‘BMX’’—a variant This leads riders to praise one another of the commonly known game of HORSE in only when one does something that it is basketball, which entailed the performance difficult for him, and not merely ‘‘objec- of a number of maneuvers by all riders tively’’ difficult, or difficult for someone who participated. In turn, each rider would else (Field notes 02/02/05). Furthermore, perform a trick that would then have to be this dynamic led to two main outcomes: repeated by all of the other players. Riders First,itallowedriderstopushtheirown would take turns choosing the trick, and limits in order to receive validation from each time a rider fell he would ‘‘get’’ a letter. other members of the group. At the same When the player acquired all of the letters time, it also provided them the freedom of the word BMX, he would be eliminated. to try only the tricks they wanted to Game norms dictated picking progressively work on without feeling pressure from out- harder tricks and not beginning with tricks siders, since their status within the group that only a few could perform. Visiting had already been established. riders from other scenes, dumbfounded by Related to the importance of group this practice (before it spread in popularity), dynamics, Fine (2003) argues that contem- thought that Greenville riders were ‘‘all porary sociologists tend to neglect the about training’’ and often criticized them tribal nature of society. Against Goffman for having lost sight of the ‘‘fun’’ of riding (1959), who theorized social actors on (Laird interview 04/19/05). On the contrary, a stage performing for an anonymous in hindsight we might argue that the audience, Fine contends that ‘‘we conform, Greenville riders were simply among the we strive to organize our impressions, first to fully appreciate the ‘‘fun’’ to be had because those with whom we belong— in consistently challenging oneself and structurally, behaviorally, and psychologi- one’s friends to technical advancement. cally—have demonstrated in a dance of Counterfactually, we may speculate threats and tricks that the importance of that what took place in Greenville could a good impression has consequences’’ (Fine have happened anywhere, that there was 2003:655). Thus, not only do we become nothing particularly special about this sin- who people in our group expect us to be, gle location. Insights from resource

Downloaded from spq.sagepub.com at ASA - American Sociological Association on March 15, 2013 Collaborative Circles Theory and Resource Mobilization 39 mobilization, however, teach us that the once, ECU has ranked among the top ten specific availability and configuration of party schools in the United States particular resources are vitally influential. (‘‘Playboy’s 2011 Top 10 Party Schools Without the ability to access and mobilize List’’ 2011). University students refer to the right resources, projects simply do not it as ‘‘G Vegas,’’ emphasizing two things: take off or endure if they do manage to get its geographical isolation and its many off the ground (McCarthy and Zald 1977; forms of entertainment. What the desert see also Fine 1989). Thus, as Farrell saw is to Las Vegas, tobacco and cornfields clearly, the unique dynamic that devel- are to Greenville. oped among the riders pushed each of Before the arrival of professional them to become better individual riders BMXers, beginning with Mirra in 1995, simultaneously advancing a novel vision Greenville, like many other cities in the for the practice of BMX. Note, that the country, already had a small but vibrant riders credit Jaycee in all of their accounts. local scene of BMXers and skateboarders. Access to material resources like the Jaycee They were the ones who collaborated to park (and, no less important, lack of access build Jaycee and other smaller ramps to alternative places to ride) played an that made Greenville a realistic destina- instrumental role in enabling those dynam- tion for Mirra and the other riders of the ics to emerge and flourish. In a different Greenville circle in the first place scenario, we might imagine a comparative (Edwards and Corte 2009). These were study of two similar groups operating in far from the only resources that the trans- distinctively different contexts. Instead, plant pros found waiting for them. for the purpose of this article, and with the benefit of hindsight, I now focus on what we already know: Greenville is a place Locational Resources that promoted new directions in the perfor- Locational resources refer to properties mance and measures of the sport. inherent to the location that can be enjoyed as a resource for virtually any PROPERTIES OF THE MAGNET PLACE group in the area without having to be actively mobilized. Typically, locational What makes Greenville unique is that resources include such things as climate, riders built the scene inside out. (Lilly local economy, demography, and cultural interview 05/07/05) history of the place. For Greenville in the late 1990s and early 2000s, these Greenville is the vortex ’cuz it’s too much fun. Once you move here, you included mild weather suitable for out- can’t leave. There’s nowhere that has door riding year-round, availability of the ramps this place has. (Tooker land to buy or rent at affordable prices, interview 05/20/07) a general low cost of living, and a univer- sity with related recreational activities Greenville is a city of about 78,000 inhab- and a young population. itants located in eastern North Carolina. Temperate weather was an influential The city is home to East Carolina factor in Mirra’s decision to move to University (ECU), which has an enroll- Greenville (as Mirra’s brother explained, ment of about 27,000 students and was ‘‘Dave was sick of the long winters in the fastest growing campus in the Upstate New York,’’ T. Mirra interview University of North Carolina system for 06/05/05). Other locational resources man- six consecutive years (2001–2007) (US ifested themselves in conjunction with Journal of Academics 2007). More than material and moral resources.

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Material Resources Material resources refer to equipment, facilities, money, or other tangible mate- rials. The most important material resource for the riders was of course the public skatepark jointly built by BMXers and skateboarders. Although the history of the park and its established norms regarding access are not literally ‘‘mate- rial,’’ these elements made Jaycee a more useful resource than skateparks in other cities. This facility was initially free for all. After being refurbished, free entrance was officially allotted only for listed professionals, but this privilege was informally extended to virtually any- one living in town. The park employed a young and complacent staff who had a laissez-faire attitude toward the rules. This stood in sharp contrast to ramp parks in most other cities, which barred access to BMXers completely or allowed access only during certain days and hours of the week. Moreover, these parks had Image 2. Josh Harrington in his yard in rules of conduct that were often quite Greenville, NC. ‘‘Cannonball over his sub- rail.’’ Photo: Jordan Vilonna. restrictive. Jaycee formally allowed both BMXers and skateboarders, but with the reconstruction of the ramps by proactive As activities like BMX are customarily BMXers who increasingly tailored them practiced in public space and not confined with higher structures more suited for to private settings, the position of partici- riding than for skateboarding, it became pants with respect to the law can be a de facto BMX park—one of the few in problematic. Furthermore, the stunts per- the United States at the time. formed by these athletes can indeed cause damage to public and private property. Moral Resources ‘‘Grinding’’ ledges or handrails or riding According to Edwards and McCarthy’s on walls and among pedestrians and cars (2004) typology, moral resources include are all examples of common activities legitimacy, solidarity support, sympa- that put riders in a position to break thetic support, and celebrity. In this laws daily. Fearing property damage and case, the moral resources I refer to consist the risk of being sued in the event of an of the support and recognition riders accident, most cities in the United States received from other inhabitants of outlaw such activities, relegating them to Greenville. This recognition came with specific, confined places (e.g., skateparks). privileges granted by authorities, employ- Constructing these confined places, of ers, and the wider population, from col- course, requires the appropriation of pub- lege students to tertiary workers such as lic space and all of the challenges that bar owners. this entails (Edwards and Corte 2009).

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The city of Greenville instead tolerated riders, the opportunity to meet women BMXers for two main reasons: first, for the played a non-negligible role in making notoriety of the riders who were increas- their life more enjoyable. A few riders ingly perceived to be professionals instead noted that if they had lived in a larger of ‘‘troubled kids,’’ and were seen as adver- city like Los Angeles, they could not have tising an appealing image for the city and enjoyed the celebrity that they did in the university (Field notes 04/05/06), and Greenville or been able to afford their second, because the most economically carefree lifestyle (S. Nyquist interview successful riders purchased properties in 05/13/07; Fanberg interview 05/23/07). town—some of them quite large and luxu- One dramatic show of local moral rious. Not only were riders initially seldom support occurred in 2005 when Mirra bothered by the police while riding, but the and Nyquist were given the keys to the most recognizable were also treated sympa- city by Greenville Mayor Don Parrott thetically by authorities when, for example, (Letchworth 2005). they were pulled over for driving over the In summary, the magnet place offered speed limit (Nyquist interview 08/22/09). riders the possibility of developing a sim- Unlike in other cities where the performan- ple, focused, and intensive lifestyle that ces of extreme sport athletes like BMXers allowed frequent, high-level riding while were, and are still to a large extent, often also providing for their financial, social, neglected, Greenville’s local newspapers and other needs. As Nyquist put it, begantocovertheexploitsof‘‘itsriders’’ regularly (Lilly interview 05/07/05). We were living almost like rock stars As Farrell (2001) points out, members in Greenville. It was really amazing, of collaborative circles develop routines just great, ’cuz Greenville is such that revolve around specific practices and a small town. We would go to Boli’s places. The daily routine established by [the local bar] . . . nightly, and Dave riders in Greenville consisted of riding knew the manager and he would be the few places available (initially only hooking us up with pizza and beers the local park Jaycee) and hanging out at for everybody. We walked into a place and we had this kind of instant a local sports bar every day for a few respect and we were like ‘‘wow, this years. The bar benefited from the is kind of crazy!’’ ...itwasaweird increased publicity brought by the BMX reality. We had friends who knew riders, who were reserved a table by the what we did, who might have seen main window (possibly as a kind of adver- us on TV . . . we were treated like tisement to attract customers) and often kings. It was really weird. We always provided free food and beer. ate out, rode until it was dark, go The town offered many other benefits home, shower up, go out, go to Boli’s, as well. The riders who could not support hang out, meet girls, do whatever . . . themselves solely through riding were no real responsibilities; it was really able to find part-time jobs with under- like surreal life. Looking back it was like super basic . . . now I have a kid, standing local businesses who gave a wife, I have a mortgage, it seems them the flexibility to periodically leave like it’s much more complicated . . . town for contests and demonstrations. all we had to do [back then] was worry Moreover, the local university also pro- about riding bikes. (Nyquist interview vided them with ‘‘a fresh supply of girls’’ 08/22/09) as one rider straightforwardly put it (anonymous interview 05/10/05). For the The town’s particular mix of resources young, single, mostly heterosexual male enabled the Greenville riders to flourish

Downloaded from spq.sagepub.com at ASA - American Sociological Association on March 15, 2013 42 Social Psychology Quarterly 76(1) and become an innovative force in their distributed among people and over time, sport. Could this have happened else- RMT predicts that movements are more where—perhaps in a different town with likely to emerge from the middle class good weather and a low cost of living? (Edwards and McCarthy 2004; Kim and Certainly not every resource described Bearman 1997; McCarthy and Wolfson previously is completely unique to 1996), in more affluent societies (Wiest, Greenville. But note that even with regard Smith, and Eterovic´ 2002), and during to material resources (the species of better economic times (McLaughlin and resources that is least location dependent), Khawaja 2000; Soule et al. 1999). When other factors such as the peculiar history mobilizations do emerge from the lower of Jaycee’s construction and renovation classes, RMT predicts that higher class and the norms that developed to manage ‘‘sponsors’’ will materially support the access to the park played a crucial role movement. (and are not so easily replicated). There is already some evidence to Properly understood, I argue that these support these hypotheses in the litera- are properties of Greenville that aug- ture on collaborative circles, including mented the value of the better-known in Farrell’s own writing. McLaughlin types of resources found there. (2008), for example, notes that Felix Weil’s windfall inheritance was a major fac- tor in establishing the Frankfurt School, INTERACTION BETWEEN DIFFERENT and the haven from Nazi Germany the TYPES OF RESOURCES AT members found at Columbia University in FORMATION AND SEPARATION the 1930s was essential to their continued I see it as one of the last sports where existence. Likewise, Farrell’s (2001) case there’s people making a lot of money, study on the Impressionist circle shows but not enough where they can’t be that they too would have been unable to friends with their competitors. I really develop without continuous material sup- try to embrace it because I know it’s port from family members and their not gonna last forever. (Cooke inter- extended network. Farrell also writes that view 04/10/05) thewiderangeofstylesacceptedin CharlesGleyre’sstudioprovidedanimpor- As people got more competitive, tant resource for Renoir’s and Bazille’s they started to lose friends. (Bland early development. Lastly, it is safe to fur- interview 05/17/05) ther infer that the Impressionists’ style, which emerged from painting outdoor Formation scenes, would not have developed in the This is the stage for which we can take same way had they been unable to enjoy best advantage of existing RMT litera- the locational resource of Paris’s relatively ture. The defining claim of RMT is that temperate weather. resources (rather than grievances) are What Paris was for the Impressionists the key variable in explaining mobiliza- and Frankfurt (later Columbia) was for tion (Jenkins 1983; McCarthy and Zald the critical theorists, Greenville was for 1977). Much of the work done from this the BMX circle. Greenville provided a fer- approach focuses on the resources that tile ground for an initially small group of facilitate movement emergence, and its talented individuals to come together at claim that a number of (then) counterin- a time when their pursuit was not well tuitive corollaries could be empirically known, widely accepted, or self-sustain- tested. Because resources are unevenly ing. During the formation stage (as well

Downloaded from spq.sagepub.com at ASA - American Sociological Association on March 15, 2013 Collaborative Circles Theory and Resource Mobilization 43 as the other early stages of development The RMT literature is again useful in like rebellion and quest), the circle needed making sense of what happened. Earlier, a geographical setting where the eco- movement emergence and circle formation nomic, climatic, and demographic charac- were seen as roughly analogous stages, teristics allowed them to indulge in a life- with findings and insights from research style built almost exclusively around on the former providing intuitive sugges- perfecting their skills. Similar to the col- tions for analysis of the latter. It is widely laborative circles studied by Farrell, the acknowledged, however, that RMT (and BMX riders needed a sort of incubation social movement literature more gener- period where working in private and ally) pays significantly less attention to being tolerated by the local community movement decline than it does to the early (and local law enforcement) were the phases of mobilization (Edwards and most valuable resources. In line with the Marullo 1995; Gillham and Edwards RMT hypotheses, access to resources was 2011; Staggenborg 2010). From the per- an essential ingredient in circle formation spective of social movements, it is not at (and, as noted earlier, the members of the all clear that ‘‘decline’’ is the appropriate circle did come from mostly middle-class analogous phase. Although the original backgrounds). One further observation collaborative circle separated, the ‘‘move- canbemadewithrespecttotheresources ment’’ of freestyle BMX certainly did not that enabled circle formation. For the die with it. In large part due to the circle BMX riders, it was not only the resources itself, the resources available to BMX that they had access to but also the resour- riders grew enormously over the lifespan ces that they lacked that were influential. of the group by every measure (including As I have shown, Jaycee became a Mecca prize money, visibility, prestige, corporate for riders in part because there were no sponsorship opportunities, etc.). RMT pre- other adequate facilities to ride. dicts that in such cases where resources become more widely available, we should expect to find a proliferation of social Separation movement organizations taking advan- tage of these resources. These organiza- Interpretation of the separation stage is tions may have similar stated goals but an analytical challenge because, unlike may compete among themselves for in the formation stage, my findings do resources. RMT also points out that not seem to align neatly with previous resource increase can allow a member to results. According to Farrell’s theory, sep- carry on alone, resulting in dissolution of aration results in the dissolution of the the coalition (Jones et al. 2001). If we group. Separation for the BMX riders, interpret BMX rider circles as roughly however, resulted in multiple overlapping akin to social movement organizations in circles, the ultimate outcome of which this analogy, then in fact this is precisely was the creation of a scene that persists what occurred. to this day. This separation was precipi- The separation of the group was caused tated by a conflict between Mirra and by a number of factors, many of them sim- Nyquist, the two main figures of the ilar to the ones identified by Farrell in group. Although some of the interper- explaining the break-up of other circles. sonal dynamics that Farrell highlights The commercialization and partial profes- help us explain the separation of the sionalization of BMX not only offered BMX circle, significant differences in out- larger material rewards for the riders come need to be accounted for. but also posed new demands, similar to

Downloaded from spq.sagepub.com at ASA - American Sociological Association on March 15, 2013 44 Social Psychology Quarterly 76(1) the ones faced by the Impressionists after Greenville, riders became increasingly their initial success (Farrell 2001). busier, richer, and, to an extent, more seri- Moreover, the individuation of Mirra and ous in their approach to competitions and Nyquist, as well as the differential recog- to training. Riders had less time to dedi- nition by both the public and the growing cate to others, were less interdependent, number of riders they inspired, parallels and some undertook individualized cross- the dynamic between Stanton and training programs to gain an advantage. Anthony that led to the separation of the Furthermore, commercialization also American Suffragettes circle of ‘‘Ultras’’ brought an influx of ambitious young (Farrell 2001). Finally, other riders attrib- riders to Greenville who bought into a dis- uted Mirra’s behavior to demands posed torted version of the competitive ethos by new non-BMXer friends and the consti- that the circle had originally pioneered. tution of his own family, which was a Their arrival was disrupting and threaten- common refrain in Farrell’s accounts of ing to the established riders because, separation as well. among other things, these newcomers did not know or respect the established spon- sorships tariffs, could then be paid less, From Play to Sport and arguably were more keen on taking As explained in detail by Edwards and risks (S. Nyquist interview 05/13/07). Corte (2010), the mass popularity and Coakley (2009), writing about the con- commercialization of BMX by large corpo- ditions under which sports become com- rations dramatically influenced the local mercialized, argues that new sports need scene, as well as BMX at large. While con- to become digestible to a number of con- tests were originally events organized by sumers who are not connoisseurs. Both riders for riders with little to no material entrepreneurs and corporations work at resources at stake, they became specta- maximizing drama, competition, and risk cles directed by people who knew nothing to make events more entertaining to about sport and were unaware of (or did a wider pool of viewers, most of whom do 8 not care about) its ethos. As many riders not practice the activities. The X Games, pointed out, contests in the early days which were the main channel for the com- were viewed as opportunities to party mercialization of lifestyle sports, did and catch up with friends from other rid- exactly this (Rinehart 1998). For BMX, ing scenes. The larger competitions the ‘‘drama’’ was created around and brought about by commercialization channelled through Mirra and Nyquist, became a sort of ‘‘circus act’’ in which the two top athletes and best friends. riders fulfilled the role of both athlete Early on, the two maintained a solid and entertainer (Mancuso interview 05/ friendship through this made-for-TV dra- 12/06). matization, but this would not last. Commercialization involved a distortion As with many mass-commercialized of BMX, but also a chance for the most competitions, the X Games were (and still famous and successful riders to earn are) organized around a ‘‘winner-take-all unprecedented sums of money, and moti- system.’’ This meant that the top five or vation for others to chase the same. In six riders made a disproportionate amount of money while the rest earned significantly less. This top-heavy distribution of prize 8This does not mean that a subcultural under- money had the effect of imposing incentives ground scene did not persist; it did and some Greenville riders continued competing there as tocompetitiononasportthathadhis- well. torically resisted overt competitiveness.

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Moreover, there was no system for open number one competitor of him qualification for these events, meaning [Mirra] whether on street or ramp, it that competitors were hand-picked by spon- is understandable that he does not sors—a practice that generated criticism want to train with him. (Anonymous interview 06/04/05) from riders who questioned its fairness and representativeness. In the early Years later, I read this excerpt to Nyquist, 2000s, many of those large events were adopting a type of interviewing ‘‘by com- dominated by Greenville riders, where ment’’ (Snow et al. 1982) that I label quo- often Mirra placed first and Nyquist sec- tation. He responded, ond. Because of this success and the rewards it brought, members of the wider BMX subculture began mimicking the I guess it was really hard for me to more competitive ethos of the Greenville understand why Dave was kind of riders. The attendant changes to the sub- shutting people out. . . . For so long everything was open and free and I culture that came with commercialization, think a lot of people in BMX kind of including the shift in emphasis toward com- saw what he was doing was weird. It petitive riding, the influx of new riders, and makes sense on paper when you read the partial professionalization of daily rou- it. You have the number one and num- tines, introduced new tensions and new ber two guy, and you have those two sources of disequilibrium into the scene guys who are really great friends. (Edwards and Corte 2009). When the competition comes they Materially, the rewards of commerciali- both want to be the best . . . so like zation allowed the most successful riders in the world of sport and competition to build smaller private riding facilities it completely makes sense. In the in their backyards. Initially, this did not world of BMX it did not make sense at all. It was like: ‘‘What the fuck? threaten the group because it was under- What is this all about?’’ I had a back- stood that all riders had access to them. yard ramp, everybody is welcome, it However, in 2002 Mirra built a 16,000- is just about riding together . . . but square-foot warehouse in a commercial Dave kind of took it to the next level area a few miles outside of the city limits, saying this is like you could say, a busi- and he along with a select group of friends ness where you had to protect your withdrew from the scene. The barrier was asset, you had to protect your invest- not only geographical, but social as well, ment, and his investment was himself as only certain riders were welcome there. and him riding in that warehouse. He The facility was designed specifically to built the warehouse to progress his rid- practice new maneuvers in private, with ing, trying to be the best that ever was forever...doIagreewiththefact, the intention to unveil them at major com- with what he was doing? Yes and no. petitions. Among the many excluded was Like I said, it completely makes sense Nyquist, who was Mirra’s best friend, but when you think of it . . . you take all also principal competitor (and thus the emotions out of it, all whatever has most important person to hide innovations been done in BMX, and you look at it from). One rider commented, . . . it makes sense. You have to do whatever it takes to get that edge. Some people call Dave up every once But the fact that we were all really in a while to ask him if they can bring tight, and like we’ve always ridden their friends and Ryan who is a friend together, done so many things of Dave cannot even go there anytime together, shared together, and all of he wants. This is because being the asudden...itthrewmeoutfor

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a loop. . . . It was shaking and hurting. (Nyquist interview 08/22/09)

In 2006, frustrated by not being able to ride Mirra’s warehouse and unchallenged by the public park, Nyquist bought land and built a warehouse, creating one of the best BMX parks in the world. Called ‘‘The Unit,’’ Nyquist’s park was open to anybody ‘‘in the know,’’ with the notable exception of Mirra (members of Mirra’s circle were welcome). The split between Mirra and Nyquist led to the division of the group into two circles centered around Mirra and Nyquist, respectively. From then on, Greenville’s reputation continued to grow and more BMX pros moved into town, resulting in multiple circles within the scene. In line with Farrell’s theory, interpersonal dynam- icsplayedamajorroleintheseparationof the original circle. However, the role of resources, and here especially the dramatic increase in (real and potential) material Figure 3. Before moving to Greenville Ryan resources available to the riders as a result Nyquist was a ‘‘dirt jumper’’; now he is of commercialization, was again decisive in known as one of the best all-around riders in the world. Here Ryan is doing an ‘‘impossi- enabling those individuating dynamics to ble tooth-pick’’ in an unusual spot. Photo: emerge and override long-established Jordan Vilonna. friendships. Moreover, the theory cannot account for the proliferation of circles that replacedtheoriginalexceptinanadhoc way—a difficulty that insights from RMT borrowed and adapted from the RMT alsohelpsusresolve. literature, is one fruitful way of gaining analytic purchase on this ecological context.9 Thus, the ‘‘magnet place,’’ CONCLUSION

The purpose of this work has been to 9McLaughlin (2008) found that both the advance Farrell’s theory of collaborative resources available to the circle and the fields in circles through an ethnographic case which the circle worked were essential considera- study of professional BMX riders. While tions for understanding the development of the Frankfurt school. While I do not provide a system- Farrell’s formulation provides an enlight- atic treatment of how the field of freestyle BMX ening account of the social dynamics that evolved here, I find in this case that circle mem- enable creative collaboration, I have bers experienced variations in the wider field of argued that its treatment of the con- BMX primarily through variations in the resour- textual factors of that collaboration ces available to them. Although the field of BMX is not explicitly integrated into my argument, I leaves important questions unanswered. believe that its effects are adequately accounted Through these findings, I have demon- for. See Edwards and Corte (2010) for a fuller dis- strated that the concept of resources, cussion of the commercialization of BMX.

Downloaded from spq.sagepub.com at ASA - American Sociological Association on March 15, 2013 Collaborative Circles Theory and Resource Mobilization 47 which Farrell utilized as an undertheor- movements, scientific intellectual move- ized generator of ad hoc causes, can be ments (Frickel and Gross 2005), scenes disentangled by reference to the mix of (Bennett and Peterson 2004; Creasap resources—human, material, moral, and 2012; Irwin 1973; O’Connor 2002), and locational—available to circle members. subcultures (Williams 2011). I have tried In making this argument, I have attemp- to take advantage of this affinity by incor- ted to move collaborative circles theory porating insights from social movement toward the ‘‘structural analysis’’ called theory to extend the theory of collabora- for by McLaughlin (2008:24). tive circles, but it seems likely that there This work also illustrates the ways that is much more to learn by bringing together resources can enable and constrain the these sometimes disparate lines of development of a collaborative circle dur- research (Corte 2012). Leach and Haunss ing the critical stages of formation and (2009) note, for example, how little we separation. During the formation stage, know about how scenes originate, grow, Farrell highlights the importance of flounder, and change. Examining scenes a ‘‘gatekeeper’’ who draws the members at the level of small groups like collabora- together and begins the work of establish- tive circles, as I have done here, may be ing friendship relations. Equally impor- a good starting point for answering these tant at this stage, however, is the need questions. More generally, we may yet dis- for privacy and tolerance while the work cover that these small groups are the link and vision of the group is being developed. connecting all of these various phenomena For the Greenville riders, these stages (see also Fine 2012). were largely dependent on the availability Finally, although it has not been the of material and moral resources. During focus of my study, a few points have been separation, I find that commercialization made that may contribute to the RMT lit- was the crucial external process that pre- erature. First, I theorize what I have cipitated the split between Mirra and termed locational resources, defined as Nyquist. Moreover, I find that the dra- enabling resources that are available pas- matic increase in resources (both at stake sively to all actors in a particular location. and at disposal) allowed the strain in their The presence of locational resources can relationship to express itself in a way that positively augment the accessibility or made continuation of the circle impossible. usefulness of other species of resources Like Parker and Hackett (2012), I also (in the way, e.g., that temperate weather find significant deviation from the typical augments the accessibility and usefulness pattern at the separation stage, and I of an outdoor skatepark). Second, I have locate the cause of this deviation in ‘‘envi- noted that more is not always better ronmental, organizational, and economic when it comes to resources, as many contingencies’’ (Parker and Hackett RMT studies implicitly assume. Whether 2012:42). Specifically, I find that separa- this is a general feature of movements or tion of the circle led to the development whether this is particularly salient in the of a still-thriving scene constituted by early phases of mobilization remain ques- multiple circles—an outcome explained tions for future study. by the increase in available resources Ultimately, it would be useful to learn from commercialization and the persis- how to identify circles in formation and tence of appealing locational resources foster their development. One first step available in Greenville. is identifying the crucial resources that The study of collaborative circles has an circles need at each developmental stage. obvious affinity with the study of social One wants to know how these groups

Downloaded from spq.sagepub.com at ASA - American Sociological Association on March 15, 2013 48 Social Psychology Quarterly 76(1) form, how they flourish, if they necessarily Change. Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press of need to separate, and how they might Harvard University Press. Collins, Randall. 2004. ‘‘Review of Collaborative reproduce themselves so that as their orig- Circles: Friendship Dynamics and Creative inal core dissolves, the project does not dis- Work by Michael P. Farrell. Chicago: solve with them. In addition to the strate- University of Chicago Press.’’ Social Forces gies suggested by Parker and Hackett 83(1):433–36. (2012:39) for staving off separation, I Collins, Randall. 2005. Interaction Ritual Chains. Princeton, NJ: Princeton Univer- believe that a fuller understanding of the sity Press. role of resources will help answer these Corte, Ugo. 2012. ‘‘Subcultures and Small questions. Groups: A Social Movement Theory Approach.’’ PhD dissertation, Department ACKNOWLEDGMENTS of Sociology, University of Uppsala, Sweden. Creasap, Kimberly. 2012. ‘‘Social Movement I am very grateful for the sharp comments I Scenes: Place-Based Politics and Everyday received from my friends Jukka Gronow, Tom Resistance.’’ Sociology Compass 6(2): R. Burns, and Bob Edwards. The quality of the 182–91. feedback from four anonymous reviewers, plus Cress, Daniel M. and David A. Snow. 1996. one of the editors, Cathryn Johnson, also ‘‘Mobilization at the Margins: Resources, strengthened and enhanced my paper. I am also Benefactors, and the Viability of Homeless indebted to Sang-hyoun Pahk who provided judi- Social Movement Organizations.’’ American cious editing and attentive comments, as well to Sociological Review 61(6):1089–1109. Wade Nelson who dispensed valuable informa- Csikszentmihalyi, Mihaly. 1996. Creativity: tion on BMX history. Lastly, I want to thank Flow and the Psychology of Discovery and participants of the Social Psychology section Invention. New York: Harper Perennial. ‘‘Group Context and Social Influence’’ at the DeNora, Tia. 2003. Review of Collaborative International Sociological Association (ISA) Circles: Friendship Dynamics and Creative Congress, July 11–17, 2010, in Gothenburg, Work by Michael P. Farrell. American Sweden, and in particular Cecilia Ridgeway, as Journal of Sociology 108(4):911–13. well as John N. Parker. Denzin, Norman K. 1989. The research act (3rd ed.) Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall. REFERENCES Edwards, Bob and Ugo Corte. 2009. ‘‘From Greenville to ‘Pro-Town, USA’: The Ancona, Deborah G. and Henrik Bresman. Mobilization and Commercialization of 2007. X-Teams: How to Build Teams That a Local Lifestyle Sport Scene.’’ Pp. 113–30 Lead, Innovate, and Succeed. Cambridge, in On the Edge: Leisure, Consumption and MA: Harvard Business Press. the Representation of Adventure Sports Becker, Howard. 1963. Outsiders: Studies in (LSA Publication No. 104), edited by J. the Sociology of Deviance. New York: Free Ormrod and B. Wheaton. Brighton, UK: Press. Leisure Studies Association. Bennett, Andy and Richard Peterson. 2004. Edwards, Bob and Ugo Corte. 2010. Music Scenes: Local, Translocal, and ‘‘Commercialization and Lifestyle Sport: Virtual. Nashville, TN: Vanderbilt Lessons from 20 Years of Freestyle BMX University Press. in ‘Pro-Town, USA.’’’ Sport in Society Borden, Iain. 2001. Skateboarding, Space and 13(7–8):1135–51. the City: Architecture and the Body. Oxford, Edwards, Bob and Sam Marullo. 1995. UK: Berg. ‘‘Organizational Mortality in a Declining Bourdieu, Pierre. 1993. The Field of Cultural Social Movement: The Demise of Peace Production, edited by R. Johnson. New Movement Organizations in the End of York: Columbia University Press. the Cold War Era.’’ American Sociological Coakley, Jay J. 2009. Sport in Society: Issues Review 60(6):908–27. and Controversies. 6th ed. New York: Edwards, Bob and John D. McCarthy. 2004. McGraw-Hill College. ‘‘Resources and Social Movement Collins, Randall. 1998. The Sociology of Philo- Mobilization.’’ Pp. 116–52 in The Black- sophies: A Global Theory of Intellectual well Companion to Social Movements,

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