"Resource Mobilization Theory" In
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Resource mobilization and Edwards’ (2011) analysis of SMO efforts to manage legitimacy in order to preserve key theory resource streams or exchange relationships. BOB EDWARDS and PATRICK F. GILLHAM From this perspective a social movement is a set of preferences for social change within a Resource mobilization theory (RMT) devel- population (McCarthy & Zald 1977). Individ- oped during the 1970s as a new generation uals who share those social change preferences of scholars sought to understand the emer- are called adherents, while those who contribute gence, significance, and effects of the social resources of various kinds to help the move- movements of the 1960s (see Jenkins 1983; ment mobilize are constituents. Those who McAdam, McCarthy, & Zald 1988; Edwards & watch from the sidelines are bystanders.Akey McCarthy 2004). Rejecting both the view held analytical issue for RMT is understanding how by some earlier movement scholars that social social movements turn bystanders into adher- movement actors were deviant or anomic, and ents and subsequently adherents into con- the pluralist assumption that all parties willing stituents and ultimately mobilize constituents to engage in the political process have a reason- to active participation. Such tasks of mobiliza- able chance that their grievances will be heard tion are undertaken most often by SMOs. and addressed, resource mobilization scholars In their classic formulation McCarthy and sought to understand how rational and often Zald (1973) identified a trend in US social marginalized social actors mobilized effectively movements toward the increasing significance to pursue their desired social change goals of large, formally organized SMOs deploying (Freeman 1975; Gamson 1975; McCarthy & professional staff to pursue the broad social Zald 1977; Tilly 1978; McAdam 1982; Mor- change goals of their constituents. Early RMT ris 1984; Zald & McCarthy 1987; Staggenborg was closely associated with the trend toward 1988; Tarrow 1994). professionalization and debates over its impact were a focus of much research (Staggenborg ORGANIZATIONAL-ENTREPRENEURIAL 1988; Andrews & Edwards 2004). Yet, while TRIBUTARY OF RESOURCE many SMOs are quite large with professional MOBILIZATION THEORY staffs and substantial resources, most are small, less formally organized groups operating at The organizational-entrepreneurial branch of the local level (Edwards & Foley 2003). At resource mobilization theory (RMT) reori- a minimum an SMO is a named group that ented social movement analysis by taking the undertakes actions to further the social change analytical insights of organizational sociology goals of the social movement. and extending them by analogy to social move- All SMOs pursuing the goals of the move- ments. More recent exemplars of this per- ment comprise a social movement industry spective include Minkoff’s (1995) analysis of (SMI). SMIs vary in size, and the capacity women’s and race-ethnic organizations; Smith, of a movement to engage in collective action Chattfield, and Pagnucco (1997) on transna- is influenced greatly by type, amount and tional social movement organizations (SMOs); distribution of resources within its SMI. RMT Andrews’ (2004) study of the impact of the expects that the greater the mobilization capac- civil rights movement on local communities ity of an SMI, the greater its potential for in Mississippi; a special issue on SMOs edited achieving some of its social change goals. by Caniglia and Carmin (2005); and Gillham The broader social movement sector (SMS) is The Wiley-Blackwell Encyclopedia of Social and Political Movements, Edited by David A. Snow, Donatella della Porta, Bert Klandermans, and Doug McAdam. © 2013 Blackwell Publishing Ltd. Published 2013 by Blackwell Publishing Ltd. DOI: 10.1002/9781405198431.wbespm447 2 resource mobilization theory comprised of all SMIs and their component from constituents; appropriation/co-optation; SMOs. In leaning on organizational sociology and patronage (see Edwards & McCarthy to reorient the study of social movements, 2004). RMT holds that SMIs and SMOs differ from governmental and market-sector organizations Self-production because of watershed differences in goals, their A fundamental mechanism by which social structural location in civil society, and in the movements gain access to resources is to varied resources and power they wield. Never- produce those resources themselves through theless, the SMS has grown dramatically over the agency of existing organizations, activists, the last 30 years and has contributed to the and participants. Movements produce social- increasing social change potential attributed to organizational resources when they launch “civil society” worldwide. SMOs, develop networks, and form issue coalitions. They produce human resources by RESOURCE ACCESS socializing their children into the ways and values of the movement, or by training partici- Early formulations of RMT focused on broad pants and developing leaders. Movements like patterns of resource availability and paid those for civil and human rights have produced disproportionate attention to the mobilization out of their struggle a moral authority that of material resources from external sources. is a powerful resource. Social movements By contrast, recent RMT analysts emphasize also produce items with movement symbolic more explicitly the uneven distribution of significance like T-shirts, coffee mugs, posters, resources in a society, and seek to understand art, and even cakes and cookies for bake sales, how individual and collective actors endeavor which can be sold to raise money or used to alter that distribution in order to direct directly to promote the movement. resources to social movements. In other words, RMT is becoming more explicitly Aggregation a partial theory of overcoming resource inequality. Thus, questions of general resource Resource aggregation refers to the ways a “availability” have shifted toward questions of movement or specific SMO converts resources specific means of resource access. held by dispersed individuals into collective Two long-standing debates about resource resources that can be allocated by movement access center on whether social movements actors. Social movements aggregate privately obtain their support primarily from internal or held resources from beneficiary and conscience external sources andthe closely relatedquestion constituents in order to pursue collective goals. about the extent to which external support- Monetary or human resources are aggregated ers constrain movement goals and activities. by soliciting donations from broadly dispersed Recent developments in RMT seek to reframe individuals in order to fund group activities, this debate in several ways. Research has made or recruiting volunteers to help with an activ- it clear that social movements and individual ity. Yet, SMOs also aggregate other types of SMOs generally obtain their resources from a resources as well. For example, moral resources combination of internal and external sources. held by others can be aggregated by compiling All but the very smallest SMOs gain access to and publicizing lists of respected individuals resources by multiple means. and organizations that endorse group goals and actions. MECHANISMS OF RESOURCE ACCESS Co-optation/appropriation Four mechanisms of resource access are partic- Social movements often utilize relationships ularly important: self-production; aggregation they have with existing organizations and resource mobilization theory 3 groups to access resources previously produced Moral resources or aggregated by those other organizations. Moral resources include legitimacy, integrity, Resource co-optation generally carries the tacit solidarity support, sympathetic support, and understanding that the resources will be used celebrity. Of these, legitimacy has received in mutually agreeable ways. In the US context the most theoretical attention, and celebrity churches and church-related organizations perhaps the least. Collective actors who most have probably produced resources most often closely mimic institutionally legitimated or co-opted by social movements from buildings, “mainstream” expectations gain advantages members, and staff, social networks, rituals, over groups that fit those expectations poorly. and discourses or moral authority. Similarly, celebrity endorsements of an issue campaign can increase media coverage, Patronage generate public attention, and open doors to policymakers and resource providers alike. Social movements also gain access to resources Moral resources tend to originate outside of through patronage. Patronage refers to the pro- a social movement or SMO and are generally vision of resources to an SMO by an individual bestowed by an external source known to or organization that often specializes in patron- possess them, as in a celebrity lending their age. Foundation grants, private donations, or fame, the receipt of awards like the Nobel government contracts are common in financial Peace Prize by a prominent activist, or the patronage. In monetary patronage relation- certification by an external credentialing body ships actors external to the movement or SMO like the Internal Revenue Service. Nevertheless, provide a substantial amount of financial sup- some movements succeed in the difficult task port and usually exert a degree of control over of creating moral resources, as was clearly how their money can be used. Patrons may the case with the US Southern civil rights even attempt to