CHAPTER II Independent in name only Suriname is a small country – at least when measured with an economic yardstick – and it occupies a fairly isolated position with regard to both the Caribbean region and its neighbouring countries. Precisely due to that position of being small and poor, one may assume that also as a politically independent country, Suriname will, economically speaking, remain strongly dependent on foreign countries. (Ooft 1976:28.) The offi cial announcement of independence on 25 November 1975 opened a new chapter in Suriname’s history. The transfer of sovereignty enabled the new Republic to interact with other states and international organizations in line with its own national interests and without interference from the former mother country. However, after over three hundred years of colonial rule the socially fragmented, economically underdeveloped and politically volatile country experienced diffi culties in adopting a stable position in what – for Suriname – was an entirely new international environment. As an outpost on the South American mainland surrounded by Latin societies yet distant from the Caribbean islands with which more features were shared, the young Republic made very little progress in integrating into its geopolitical domain. Instead, right from the start, Suriname’s foreign policy focused almost exclusively on the Netherlands. After all, strong socio-cultural relations existed between the two countries; not only were the Dutch language and values widely accepted within Surinamese society, the Netherlands also continued to be perceived as a stable and wealthy guide, an alluring image that among many Surinamese actually fuelled the desire to migrate to the former mother country. In addition, the ‘golden handshake’ as agreed upon during Dutch- Surinamese independence negotiations only stimulated long-term dependency on the Netherlands while colonial structures, primarily serving vested business interests in Europe and the United States, were maintained – an undesirable situation that would eventually culminate in a military coup by Surinamese nationalists on 25 February 1980. In the wake of the subsequent shift towards a ‘revolutionary’ policy, the Dutch hold on Suriname began to wane until bilateral relations deteriorated to such an extent, following the December Murders of 1982, that the Netherlands suspended the 1975 Aid Treaty and Roger Janssen - 9789004253674 Downloaded from Brill.com09/27/2021 03:11:54PM via free access 26 In search of a path stopped its payments. For the fi rst time in the country’s history, Suriname had not only gained de jure but – involuntarily – also de facto independence. Creation of the Surinamese Ministry of Foreign Affairs A short outline of Suriname’s political structures, including an analysis of the establishment of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, is necessary for an understanding of the Republic’s international activities following the transfer of sovereignty. The Grondwet (Constitution) adopted on 24 November 1975 delineated Suriname’s parliamentary system, with legislative power vested in a Parlement (Parliament), the former Staten, whose representatives were elected by universal suffrage. Parliament, in turn, chose the cabinet members (upon recommendation of the Prime Minister), who in their turn were responsible to the Staten. Parliament also elected the President, a largely symbolic fi gurehead representing the country from a position above party lines, leaving executive matters to the government (Fernandes Mendes 1989:299-303). Although these arrangements were generally upheld as a sound constitu- tional foundation (due to the separation of executive, legislative and judicial powers), the weak point was, as Chin and Buddingh’ (1987:90) have empha- sized, that Suriname’s Constitution ‘adopted almost word-for-word [...] that of the Netherlands, with a ceremonial president substituted for the monarch’. While Hugo Fernandes Mendes (2001:117) appreciated Paramaribo’s decision to implement a parliamentary-based democracy – rather than, for example, a presidential-based system – he similarly concluded that Suriname’s politi- cal structures had evolved from those of the Netherlands: ‘The choice for a system of parliamentary democracy resulted from the desire for continuity. It ensured that the gradual constitutional development of the country was not disrupted.’ Since this constitutional development had been founded and introduced by a distant colonial power, it must be noted that Suriname was embracing and advancing the Constitution of a foreign nation whose politi- cal traditions, economic framework and socio-cultural characteristics differed sharply from its own. The upshot of emulating the Dutch Constitution was that the transition from a colony to a sovereign state involved remarkably few constitutional modifi cations – these seemed to consist solely of expanding the Arron administration’s responsibilities, including the right to conduct an independent foreign and defence policy, two aspects previously under the auspices of the Netherlands as outlined in the Charter. Moreover, the title of Governor Ferrier was simply changed to that of President, a rare occasion in modern history whereby a Governor, representing the interests of a distant European power, Roger Janssen - 9789004253674 Downloaded from Brill.com09/27/2021 03:11:54PM via free access II Independent in name only 27 overnight became the former colony’s new head of state – now representing the aspirations and hopes of a new nation. Cynically, it may even be argued that the most visible change during the night of 24 to 25 November 1975 was the hoisting of the new Surinamese national fl ag. A similar ‘invisible’ process was recognizable in the manner in which the Ministry of Foreign Affairs was founded. Again, a strong orientation towards the Netherlands can be noted. In fact, Suriname’s fi rst and only ‘international’ post during the pre-independence period had been established in The Hague, in November 1947. The reason for forming this ‘embassy’ had been the notion in the Staten that the colony’s interests were inadequately represented among Dutch politicians and civil servants. In the words of then Staten member Emile de la Fuente: Suriname can no longer let itself be spoon-fed by The Hague, which without knowledge of the factual local situation makes arrangements that are contrary to our interests. Now we are placing a representative in the Netherlands who will stand up for our interests […] making known the many opportunities this rich country has to offer. (Alihusain 2005:1.) The fi rst Surinamese ‘diplomat’ Raymond Pos held the position of (General) Representative of Suriname in the Netherlands from 1947 until 29 December 1954, after which he would continue as Suriname’s ‘Minister Plenipotentiary’ in The Hague – a new post, created under the Charter of the Kingdom of the Netherlands – until August 1963. Pos primarily represented his country’s constitutional and political interests in his dealings with the Dutch government. Broader institutional assistance to the Representative came about with the formation, in December 1949, of a Commissioner’s Offi ce for Surinamese Affairs in The Hague, for promoting the material, economic and social interests of Suriname in the Netherlands. The fi rst Commissioner to be appointed was Henry de Vries.1 While the Representative was a political fi gure, the responsi- bilities of the Commissioner and his Offi ce were of a more practical nature and may be compared to those of a consulate. The Commissioner’s Offi ce played, for example, a vital role in attracting Dutch professionals such as engineers and doctors, needed for the socio-economic development of Suriname. Not only was it responsible for selecting and recruiting these experts, but also for organizing their emigration to the colony. And when, following the transfer of sovereignty, the Surinamese population was granted the freedom to move 1 Interestingly, with the backing of the Dutch government, De Vries became Governor of Suri- name on 25-2-1965. This position had originally been reserved for Pos, who had enjoyed strong support of the Surinamese authorities. However, following the sudden death of Pos in late 1964, De Vries was able to assume the position of representing the Crown in Suriname, see Alihusain 2005:6-7. Roger Janssen - 9789004253674 Downloaded from Brill.com09/27/2021 03:11:54PM via free access 28 In search of a path to the Netherlands until November 1980, the Commissioner’s Offi ce assisted Surinamese students (with education, housing and scholarships), and work- ers (with pensions, health-care benefi ts and offi cial documents) while sup- porting civil servants when visiting the Netherlands. In February 1961 the Offi ce was dissolved; its responsibilities were taken over by the Minister Plenipotentiary’s cabinet (Alihusain 2005:1-6). Besides this The Hague-based cabinet, in 1961 a subsidiary offi ce was opened in Amsterdam, to serve the sizable Surinamese community in the capital. The total number of staff employed at the Minister Plenipotentiary’s cabinet and at the Amsterdam offi ce would expand from 23 in 1961 to 40 in 1974. Table 1. Suriname’s Ministers Plenipotentiary in The Hague, 1954-1975 Raymond Pos 1954-1963 Severinus Emanuels 1963-1964 Johan Einaar 1964-1967 Walter Lim A Po 1967-1970 Daisy Polanen 1970-1973 Wim van Eer 1973-1975 Of the six Ministers Plenipotentiary taking offi ce between 1954 and 1975 (see Table 1), Pos, Emanuels and Lim A Po would continue their careers within the