18 August 1982 Today

Witch-hunts are the last thing the Labour Party needs: yet the politics of Militant are a blind alley for the Left.

John Callaghan The Politics of the

The recent decision by the Labour Party open debate. If the ideology and political Socialist Fight was replaced by The Militant National Executive Committee to establish practice of the Militant Tendency are char­ in 1963; but, more fundamentally, from a register of organised groups within the acterised by major shortcomings they will being an integrated group of entrists in ranks of the party is generally acknowledged not be any less significant merely because 1955, the Revolutionary Socialist League to be a move against the Militant Tendency. the Labour Right draws attention to them gradually gave way to the much looser form It is possible that this decision may, by Sep­ while the Left remains silent. which is today's Militant Tendency. This tember, result in the expulsion of leading consists of a small centralised leadership figures from the group. The Labour Party Origins and nature echelon around , who control and has on many previous occasions taken such of the Militant Tendency1 own The Militant, supported by the bulk of repressive action against dissident — espe­ The Militant Tendency originated with a the Labour Party Young Socialist organ- cially Marxist — factions within the party tiny group of Trotskyists led by Ted Grant. istion and those who are prepared to sell the and its youth section. But the extraordinary From the mid-50s this group — known as newspaper in the parent organisation. The hysteria that has been generated in this most the Revolutionary Socialist League — oper­ stability of this leadership echelon over 25 recent case is to be understood not in terms ated within the Labour Party in accordance years suggests little rank-and-file control; of the actual size and influence of the Mili­ with the tactical prescriptions which indeed the very fact of its 'unofficial' and tant Tendency but in connection with the Trotsky outlined for his followers in the elusive status militates against an open, extraordinary crisis of Labourism. 1930s. Where these groups were too small to democratic internal regime. The protracted economic recession has constitute themselves as independent par­ exposed major weaknesses in the ideology, ties, it was reasoned, better prospects for Growth of the Tendency fashioned by Gaitskell and Crosland, which political activity lay within the mass parties By the 1970s the Militant Tendency had in has dominated the party's parliamentary of social democracy. Since, however, parties many ways successfully adapted to its cho­ wing. The advances of the Left since 1979 such as the Labour Party would not permit sen milieu, to the rhythms and priorities of have put the Right on the defensive. At the the affiliation of Marxist groups, such activ­ political life within the Labour Party. One same time, the relative success of Thatcher- ity was perforce clandestine from the outset. feature of this which is worth noting is its ism and the rise of the SDP has seriously Entrism — as the tactic came to be known — refusal to participate in campaigns initiated weakened Labour's electoral position. The was conceived of as a short term foray which outside the Labour Party — especially when real possibility of a massive defeat in the would enable the entrists quickly to recruit the latter refuses to endorse them. Thus the next general election is now held by the sufficient members to permit the resump­ Tendency shunned the Campaign Against Right to be the responsibility of the party's tion of independent party building. Or it Youth Unemployment initiated by the Left and, in particular, its 'hard' Left of was timed to coincide with the development Young . It has played no which the Militant Tendency is seen as part. of a crisis within the mass party: under these part in the Anti-Nazi League. It completely Labour's Right now seems intent on pur­ circumstances the entrists would consitute ignored the National Abortion Campaign ging the party of its 'extremist' image in themselves as a pole of attraction on the far until after it received official TUC backing. order to restore its electoral credibility. To left of the party and emerge as leaders in the More recently its adaptation to Labourism this extent they regard the campaign against event of the Right splitting from the wider revealed itself in The Militant's (otherwise the Tendency as part of a wider offensive organisation. Since 1955 the perspective of inexplicable) silence on the Falklands war designed to reverse the organisational and Ted Grant's co-thinkers has been the latter. which, given the context, was tantamount to policy gains of the Labour Left and steer the In 1959 his essay, Problems of Entrism support for the Task Force. The Tendency's party back to the 'middle ground' of British argued that for the smaller group of his chameleon-like qualities emerge too in its politics. followers, preoccupation with the internal life of the 'The task is to convert this handful into an To the extent that the Labour Right's Labour Party, its hours being spent in com­ integrated group with roots in the mass move­ campaign against the Militant Tendency mittees, and in passing resolutions rather ment and then, from a cadre organisation into a has any credibility it is partly owing to the than in taking political initiatives. wider grouping leading to the development of a air of mystery which surrounds that organ­ Many accounts attest to the preponde­ mass organisation.'2 isation which permits widely inaccurate rance of purely business items on the CLP claims to be made about it. The purpose of In the event this 'handful' grew only very agendas and to the generally low levels of this article is to analyse the politics of the slowly such that a document which it circu­ political activity and attendances at branch Tendency on the assumption that, while lated to members in 1975 claimed just 600 meetings. In the 50s and 60s in particular, completely opposing any repressive moves members.3 By this time the character of the this was not a congenial ethos for Marxists, against it, the Left's cause is best served by organisation had changed. Its newspaper, yet it was precisely during this period of Marxism Today August 1982 19

Labour decline that the Militant Ten­ dency's political style was formed. While the group was stagnant numerically it learned to knuckle down to the routinism and procedu- ralism of party life. It began to see itself as engaged in a battle with the party's 'Nean­ derthal' wing which had been entrenched for decades in the worst 'rotten boroughs' — the de-populated, de-industrialised inner- city constituencies in particular. By the 1970s the party's 'official' ideology had become exceedingly threadbare and social­ ists were more likely to turn to organisations to the left of Labour for inspiration and political activity. Militant alone of the main Marxist groups remained within the Labour Party. The upswing in the Militant Tendency's fortunes ran parallel with those of the wider Labour Left. These advances began in the early 70s culminating in the adoption of Labour's Programme 73. The great explo­ sion of industrial militancy between 1970 and 1974 may have lent credibility to the Tendency's pronounced 'workerism'.* Even when this militancy died down, the Militant Tendency fared better than those groups such as the WRP and the SWP which largely failed to establish independ­ ent parties in the 70s. The enormous debacle of the Callaghan government and the subsequent campaign extended to the Labour Left too: it is a for constitutional changes in the Labour Politics not witch hunts must corollary of the Group's exaggerated sense Party led by are, however, far be the order of the day of its own significance. Thus, more significant in accounting for Militant's 'What guarantees the superiority of our ten­ growth than any references to its own dis­ cal leadership has particularly preoccupied dency — the tendency of marxism — from all tinctive style of politics. For twenty years the Trotskyist tradition since the pub­ others inside and outside the labour movement is the group tried to gain a foothold within the lication of Trotsky's Transitional Pro­ our understanding of all the myriad factors Labour Party and achieved a mere 600 mem­ gramme For Socialist Revolution, which which determine the attitudes and moods of the bers: yet since 1975 it has by its own account characterised 'the world situation as a swollen to 4,000, claiming over 60 full- whole' in terms of a crisis in working class * By workerism I refer to the tendency to dispa­ timers. Indeed, throughout the long period leadership. But is has been given an added rage purely political action, to mistrust intellec­ of its entrist activity the Militant Ten­ twist by the Miltant Tendency which tuals in the workers movement and to look with dency's politics have remained essentially regards itself as uniquely fitted to resolve the suspicion on all ideologies that do not serve the static: only circumstances have changed. problem. immediate material interests of the organised Thus it regards all other political currents working class. The leadership? in the working class movement with con­ ' For a fuller discussion of this see J Callaghan and P Wintour, New Statesman, 5 March 1982. To appreciate the fundamentalist character tempt. Rival Marxist groups — of whatever 2 Problems of Entrism (March 1959) pl2. of the Militant Tendency's politics it is nec­ tradition — are repeatedly referred to as 'the 3 See Reg Underbill's report, 'Entryist Activities essary to observe its reliance on certain texts sects'. Indeed these diverse parties and of the Militant Tendency' (March 1980). from the Leninist and Trotskyist theoretical groups — Communist, Trotskyist, Maoist 4 See 'History of the Labour Party: articles heritage. Chief among these texts is Lenin's — are described as the 'anti-Marxist sects'.5 reprinted from The Militant (West Mili­ Imperialism. On the basis of arguments cul­ The Trotskyist , for tant Supporters nd) plO and pi8. led direct from this pamphlet the Tendency instance, is alleged to be 'organically inca­ 5 'British Persectives 1977' (internal document, account for the prolonged dominance of pable of transformation organisationally and September 1977) p29. 6 reformism in Britain in terms of a politically politically in the direction of Marxism'.6 All Programme of the International (publication of corrupt leadership which arose on the back of Militant's rivals are dismissed as sharing the International Bureau for the Fourth Inter­ national London May 1970) p20 of a labour aristocracy — itself the result of the same 'middle class' characteristics: 7 4 'BP 1977' op cit p 30. colonial super profits. From this it is 'They are not educated in the essential ideas of 8 Ibid p 30. deduced that the main problem for revolu­ Marxism partly because of the ingrained con­ 9 British Perspectives and Tasks 1975' (Internal tionaries is to remove the reformist lead­ tempt of their leaders for the working class. All Document) p25. ership and replace it with one drawn from the sects have this in common." 10 T Forester 'The Labour Party's Militant the . This emphasis on politi- Militant's disdain for the rest of the Left is Moles'. New Society 10 Jan 1980. 20 August 1982 Marxism Today

workers at each stage. Not only the objective factors to underlying economic forces — in Lenin's position of 1914 which argued that but the subjective ones too. . ." (my emphasis) this case class forces. Thus a political trend the capitalist system was 'moribund'. The It is noteworthy that Militant's elitism is which Militant disapproves of can be dis­ group also invoke Trotsky's pre-war progno­ accompanied by a thoroughgoing insularity missed, using this procedure, as an expres­ ses of arguing that these which abjures contact with 'outside' sion 'of alien class interests' (ie, those of the are even more pertinent today." Britain's influences even to the extent of renouncing middle class). Militant's disparagement of 'irreversible decline' 12 ensures, according to recruitment from 'the sects': the women's movement and of campaigns Militant, that lasting reforms cannot be '. . . experience has shown that the task of the such as CND and the Anti-Nazi League extracted from the system and that any re-education especially of their middle class takes this form: each is regarded as a 'middle demands less than those for the complete elements takes so long and is such an exhaust­ class' distraction from the main issue. The transformation of society are futile.13 The ing process that it is not worth the effort." main issue, for Militant, is the creation of a basic thrust of Militant's argument is that It would seem that the ordinary supporter powerful Left within the Labour Party and 'the whole of British society is heading for a of the Tendency is taught to dislike and the trade unions which is to be achieved by gigantic explosion'.14 Indeed the 'perspec­ suspect other socialists to the extent of focusing all energies on work within those tives' document of 1977 specified a period of shunning them. Tom Forester has observed organisations. 10-15 years in which the capitalist crisis that Militant has failed to make any organ­ These beliefs are supported by the group's would result 'either in a workers democracy 15 isational advances in areas with a strong analyses of British and, indeed, of world or a military police dictatorship'. organised socialist tradition while register­ capitalism, which anticipate that the current Thus Militant's dismissal of campaigns ing greater in areas, like Liverpool, economic crisis will give rise to an explosion such as the ANL and those of the women's with a weaker tradition of Labour activ­ of political consciousness favourable to the 10 movement, to take just two examples, is ism. The suggestion is that the group has Left. It is further assumed that any upturn partly justified by these key assumptions: failed to impress where active alternative in political activity by the working class will 1 Activity around anti-racist issues is futile socialist currents exist. Perhaps this is one first find expression within the mass organ­ unless linked to 'an overall socialist pro­ reason why Militant avoid contact with isations of the trade unions. By virtue of gramme; 2 Activity outside the Labour other socialist groups and preach intoler­ their structural link to the Labour Party, Party distracts from the main job of building ance of them. Militant expect this to result in a major a Marxist wing inside the Labour Party strengthening of the Labour Left. which is where the coming explosion of Economic reductionism The Tendency's conviction that a catas­ political consciousness will be channelled. Militant's propensity to anathematise other trophic collapse of capitalism is at hand is If, according to Militant, the women's socialists as 'middle class' is merely one not merely the result of a conjectural analy­ movement and ANL are pointless distrac­ expression of its tendency to reduce political sis but stems, too, from a strict adherence to tions unless tied to 'an overall socialist pro- Marxism Today August 1982 21 gramme' within the confines of the labour power on a socialist platform'. The key lives an essentially sectarian existence. At movement, it is virtually saying that any points in this programme are the demands the same time, the Militant Tendency is activity other than than of building the Ten­ for the nationalisation of 'the 250 monopo­ more inclined to anathematise opponents dency is irrelevant: for, after all, the Militant lies', a 35-hour week without loss of pay, a than to enter into serious dialogue with Tendency thinks it is the only group with a socialist plan of production, a minimum them. One aspect of this is the propensity to socialist programme and working within the wage of £70 and an end to wage restraint. reject alternative arguments to those of its Labour framework. The Tendency seems uncertain about the own as expressions of'middle class' or 'petty The group's actual attention to the nature of these demands. On the one hand, bourgeois' class interests. Combined with demands of women has been revealed by the 35-hour week alone would allegedly this is the complementary tendency to proj­ Pete Duncan who noted that the first 267 require 'the socialist reorganisation of ect itself as the sole fount of political wis­ issues of The Militant, up to 1975, contained society' for its implementation but, on the dom. In this context, its political behaviour just 4 articles on women.16 The women's other hand, the same author thinks that 'in is conditioned by a belief that all the conclu­ movement itself is dismissed as 'petty- spite of all the propaganda of the bosses, if sive and definitive insights in Marxist bourgeois dominated' and given to 'hys­ the pressure is sufficient they will be forced theory have already been made — by either 23 teria'.17 For Militant, women are a politi­ to make concessions'. cal issue only in so far as they are working A similar confusion reigns over the it regards all other political class women and, even then, only when they group's analysis of the state which is of are concerned with economic issues such as course crucial for any organisation propos­ currents in the working class 'low pay, prices, rents, nursery facilities and ing to change the whole of society. On this movement with contempt the like'. Thus Militant argues: question the group oscillates between adhe­ 'The liberation and emancipation of women, rence to the view (taken from Lenin's theory Lenin or Trotsky — and that one has only to and the main sector with which we are con­ of imperialism) which talks of the fusion of 'apply them'. This of course, is a character­ 24 cerned, working class women, lies in struggle the state and monopoly capital and the istic it shares with other sections of the ultra- . . . within the framework of the organised approach (traditionally associated with left. 18 trade union and labour movement.' reformists like ) which pro­ From this analysis, it is clear that the poli­ The group's workerist outlook prevents poses that a single Enabling Act legislated tics of the Militant Tendency is a blind alley any conception of the political specificity of by a parliamentary majority will suffice for for the Left. Unfortunately, so far the women. Similarly, its approach to students the introduction of . Yet while the Labour Left has, by and large, failed to con­ has 'the main purpose of educating them to Leninist analysis calls for the 'smashing' of duct a serious dialogue and argument with understand the need to turn towards the the state machine, the Tendency clearly con­ 19 this kind of politics. This is itself a reflection labour movement.' Militant's eschewal of siders that this is unnecessary: 'With a of the weakness of much of the Labour student politics, in fact, is taken to the Marxist leadership, the trade unions could Left's political culture. Indeed, the future extreme of exhorting its student supporters assume power peacefully, as was possible in prospects of the Labour Left are in no small to 'move out of college accommodation and France in 1968.'25 20 measure bound up with its ability to tran­ find housing in town.' While the group's leading theorist regu­ scend this weakness and engage with such Militant's concern with exclusively 'work­ larly refers to the state as 'the tool of the fundamentalist currents as that represented ing class' economic issues is nowhere better banks and the trusts', nonetheless it is not by the Militant Tendency. Such a debate illustrated than in its attitude to CND. The difficult to see how this instrumentalist anal­ cedes nothing to the Right's witch hunt. group's lack of enthusiasm for the latter is ysis is compatible with the group's faith in Politics not witch hunts must be the order of justified by arguments which reveal its blind parliamentary majorities. For Ted Grant the day. • faith in economic determinism: establishes the class nature of the state by 'The capitalists do not wage war for the sake of reference to the backgrounds of its leading 11 See, for example, Lynn Walsh 'Forty Years waging war but in order to extend their power, personnel: by implication a change of per­ since 's Assassination. Militant income and profit ... To destroy the working sonnel will change the class character of the International Review Summer 1980 No 20 pi 1. class which nuclear war would mean, would be state.26 12 T Grant 'After the Elections' in MIR August to destroy the goose that lays the golden eggs 1979 p8 13 . . . Consequently it is only totalitarian fascist Conclusion P Hadden Northern Ireland (pamphlet March 1980) p9. regimes completely desperate and unbalanced In reality even the most sensational, scare- 14 which would take that road.'21 T Grant MIR No 12 Feb 1977 pl8. mongering accounts of the Militant Ten­ 15 'British Perspectives 1977' op cit pl2. The inability to conceive of political factors dency cannot name a single cause or issue 16 P Duncan The Politics of Militant (Clause 4 playing a determining role (even obvious championed by Labour's Left which origi­ pamphlet London 1980) p25. ones such as a Middle Eastern war, brink­ nated with the group or which depended on 17 'BP 1977' p29. manship, a mistake, etc) in precipitating its presence for advance. While I do not wish 18Ibid p24. such a war, conditions this kind of analysis. to imply that the Militant Tendency has 19Programme of the International op cit pi6. It enables the editor of Militant to assure his nothing at all to offer, its chief significance 20 Student Bulletin June 1978 p4. readers that 'a war between Russia and the 21 Programme of the International op cit pp 15-16. overwhelmingly lies in what the Left can 22 capitalist West... is completely ruled out in learn from the negative characteristics out­ P TaafTe MIR No 15 Autumn 1978 p24. 22 23 the foreseeable future'. lined here. B Ingram The 35-Hour Week (Militant Pamph­ let nd) p28 and p21 respectively. Its politics consist of a combination of 24 See T Grant Will there be a slump? (Militant Militant's fundamentalist dogma and a practice tai­ pamphlet 1961, 1978) p7. strategy for socialism lored narrowly to Labour Party conditions 25 'BP 1977'pi 1. Militant's strategy for socialism would seem and priorities. As a consequence, it shuns 26 See T Grant The Marxist Theory of the State to be encapsulated in its slogan 'Labour to any involvement with broad movements and (pamphlet Aug 1980) p39.