18 August 1982 Marxism Today Witch-hunts are the last thing the Labour Party needs: yet the politics of Militant are a blind alley for the Left. John Callaghan The Politics of the Militant Tendency The recent decision by the Labour Party open debate. If the ideology and political Socialist Fight was replaced by The Militant National Executive Committee to establish practice of the Militant Tendency are char­ in 1963; but, more fundamentally, from a register of organised groups within the acterised by major shortcomings they will being an integrated group of entrists in ranks of the party is generally acknowledged not be any less significant merely because 1955, the Revolutionary Socialist League to be a move against the Militant Tendency. the Labour Right draws attention to them gradually gave way to the much looser form It is possible that this decision may, by Sep­ while the Left remains silent. which is today's Militant Tendency. This tember, result in the expulsion of leading consists of a small centralised leadership figures from the group. The Labour Party Origins and nature echelon around Ted Grant, who control and has on many previous occasions taken such of the Militant Tendency1 own The Militant, supported by the bulk of repressive action against dissident — espe­ The Militant Tendency originated with a the Labour Party Young Socialist organ- cially Marxist — factions within the party tiny group of Trotskyists led by Ted Grant. istion and those who are prepared to sell the and its youth section. But the extraordinary From the mid-50s this group — known as newspaper in the parent organisation. The hysteria that has been generated in this most the Revolutionary Socialist League — oper­ stability of this leadership echelon over 25 recent case is to be understood not in terms ated within the Labour Party in accordance years suggests little rank-and-file control; of the actual size and influence of the Mili­ with the tactical prescriptions which indeed the very fact of its 'unofficial' and tant Tendency but in connection with the Trotsky outlined for his followers in the elusive status militates against an open, extraordinary crisis of Labourism. 1930s. Where these groups were too small to democratic internal regime. The protracted economic recession has constitute themselves as independent par­ exposed major weaknesses in the ideology, ties, it was reasoned, better prospects for Growth of the Tendency fashioned by Gaitskell and Crosland, which political activity lay within the mass parties By the 1970s the Militant Tendency had in has dominated the party's parliamentary of social democracy. Since, however, parties many ways successfully adapted to its cho­ wing. The advances of the Left since 1979 such as the Labour Party would not permit sen milieu, to the rhythms and priorities of have put the Right on the defensive. At the the affiliation of Marxist groups, such activ­ political life within the Labour Party. One same time, the relative success of Thatcher- ity was perforce clandestine from the outset. feature of this which is worth noting is its ism and the rise of the SDP has seriously Entrism — as the tactic came to be known — refusal to participate in campaigns initiated weakened Labour's electoral position. The was conceived of as a short term foray which outside the Labour Party — especially when real possibility of a massive defeat in the would enable the entrists quickly to recruit the latter refuses to endorse them. Thus the next general election is now held by the sufficient members to permit the resump­ Tendency shunned the Campaign Against Right to be the responsibility of the party's tion of independent party building. Or it Youth Unemployment initiated by the Left and, in particular, its 'hard' Left of was timed to coincide with the development Young Communist League. It has played no which the Militant Tendency is seen as part. of a crisis within the mass party: under these part in the Anti-Nazi League. It completely Labour's Right now seems intent on pur­ circumstances the entrists would consitute ignored the National Abortion Campaign ging the party of its 'extremist' image in themselves as a pole of attraction on the far until after it received official TUC backing. order to restore its electoral credibility. To left of the party and emerge as leaders in the More recently its adaptation to Labourism this extent they regard the campaign against event of the Right splitting from the wider revealed itself in The Militant's (otherwise the Tendency as part of a wider offensive organisation. Since 1955 the perspective of inexplicable) silence on the Falklands war designed to reverse the organisational and Ted Grant's co-thinkers has been the latter. which, given the context, was tantamount to policy gains of the Labour Left and steer the In 1959 his essay, Problems of Entrism support for the Task Force. The Tendency's party back to the 'middle ground' of British argued that for the smaller group of his chameleon-like qualities emerge too in its politics. followers, preoccupation with the internal life of the 'The task is to convert this handful into an To the extent that the Labour Right's Labour Party, its hours being spent in com­ integrated group with roots in the mass move­ campaign against the Militant Tendency mittees, and in passing resolutions rather ment and then, from a cadre organisation into a has any credibility it is partly owing to the than in taking political initiatives. wider grouping leading to the development of a air of mystery which surrounds that organ­ Many accounts attest to the preponde­ mass organisation.'2 isation which permits widely inaccurate rance of purely business items on the CLP claims to be made about it. The purpose of In the event this 'handful' grew only very agendas and to the generally low levels of this article is to analyse the politics of the slowly such that a document which it circu­ political activity and attendances at branch Tendency on the assumption that, while lated to members in 1975 claimed just 600 meetings. In the 50s and 60s in particular, completely opposing any repressive moves members.3 By this time the character of the this was not a congenial ethos for Marxists, against it, the Left's cause is best served by organisation had changed. Its newspaper, yet it was precisely during this period of Marxism Today August 1982 19 Labour decline that the Militant Ten­ dency's political style was formed. While the group was stagnant numerically it learned to knuckle down to the routinism and procedu- ralism of party life. It began to see itself as engaged in a battle with the party's 'Nean­ derthal' wing which had been entrenched for decades in the worst 'rotten boroughs' — the de-populated, de-industrialised inner- city constituencies in particular. By the 1970s the party's 'official' ideology had become exceedingly threadbare and social­ ists were more likely to turn to organisations to the left of Labour for inspiration and political activity. Militant alone of the main Marxist groups remained within the Labour Party. The upswing in the Militant Tendency's fortunes ran parallel with those of the wider Labour Left. These advances began in the early 70s culminating in the adoption of Labour's Programme 73. The great explo­ sion of industrial militancy between 1970 and 1974 may have lent credibility to the Tendency's pronounced 'workerism'.* Even when this militancy died down, the Militant Tendency fared better than those groups such as the WRP and the SWP which largely failed to establish independ­ ent parties in the 70s. The enormous debacle of the Callaghan government and the subsequent campaign extended to the Labour Left too: it is a for constitutional changes in the Labour Politics not witch hunts must corollary of the Group's exaggerated sense Party led by Tony Benn are, however, far be the order of the day of its own significance. Thus, more significant in accounting for Militant's 'What guarantees the superiority of our ten­ growth than any references to its own dis­ cal leadership has particularly preoccupied dency — the tendency of marxism — from all tinctive style of politics. For twenty years the Trotskyist tradition since the pub­ others inside and outside the labour movement is the group tried to gain a foothold within the lication of Trotsky's Transitional Pro­ our understanding of all the myriad factors Labour Party and achieved a mere 600 mem­ gramme For Socialist Revolution, which which determine the attitudes and moods of the bers: yet since 1975 it has by its own account characterised 'the world situation as a swollen to 4,000, claiming over 60 full- whole' in terms of a crisis in working class * By workerism I refer to the tendency to dispa­ timers. Indeed, throughout the long period leadership. But is has been given an added rage purely political action, to mistrust intellec­ of its entrist activity the Militant Ten­ twist by the Miltant Tendency which tuals in the workers movement and to look with dency's politics have remained essentially regards itself as uniquely fitted to resolve the suspicion on all ideologies that do not serve the static: only circumstances have changed. problem. immediate material interests of the organised Thus it regards all other political currents working class. The leadership? in the working class movement with con­ ' For a fuller discussion of this see J Callaghan and P Wintour, New Statesman, 5 March 1982. To appreciate the fundamentalist character tempt. Rival Marxist groups — of whatever 2 Problems of Entrism (March 1959) pl2. of the Militant Tendency's politics it is nec­ tradition — are repeatedly referred to as 'the 3 See Reg Underbill's report, 'Entryist Activities essary to observe its reliance on certain texts sects'.