DOCSLIB.ORG

Election Update 2004 South Africa

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Election Update 2004 South Africa ELECTION UPDATE 2004 SOUTH AFRICA number 6 · 12 April 2004 editorial undecided voters. On the other Party Liaison Committees (c) hand, the sword was aimed at Conflict Management Panels, Party campaigning for the April disorganising other opposition (d) The Electoral Court and (e) election has been both parties, especially the new the Constitutional Court. In interesting and intriguing. Independent Democrats (ID), as dealing with conflict these Interesting from the standpoint it seemed to pose a potential structures rely on the Electoral that political parties, especially threat to the DA’s opposition Act and the Code of Conduct. the ruling party, spiced the status. In both cases, the DA’s campaign with face-to-face grand strategy has been to drive Khabele Matlosa contact of leaders with the South Africa’s political system ordinary voters through road away from a dominant party shows and impromptu visits to system towards a duopoly or communities by President two party system. Thabo Mbeki. contents So, in a nutshell, there have The process has also been fairly generally been two types of Editorial 1 intriguing in that not only do electioneering - namely a National Perspectives the manifestos of the parties delivery-based campaign by the Campaign 2004 2 look pretty much the same as ruling ANC and combative Debates and Viewpoints they raise similar kinds of politicking by the official Management of Election-Related issues, but a vilification opposition. The other parties in Conflict: A Case Study of South campaign seemed to be the the election race have tended to Africa 5 order of the day. Opposition use strategies in between these Provincial Roundup parties seemed devoid of two polar opposites. Gauteng 9 NorthWest Province 11 credible or justifiable campaign Irrespective of whatever Limpopo 13 issues in their challenge of the campaign strategy parties have adopted, the stark reality is that KZN 15 ANC’s ten-year dominance. Free State 20 the electioneering has been marked more by identity Western Cape 23 On the contrary, the ANC Eastern Cape 26 avoided the combative politics and less by issue Northern Cape 29 campaign strategy adopted by politics. Be that as it may, it is Mpumalanga 32 the official opposition DA. encouraging however that the Previous Issue Contents 35 Instead, the ANC’s focus was electioneering has not been Chronology 4 36 on its achievements over the marked by violent conflict with the exception of fairly isolated past ten years and its programme of action for the cases in Kwazulu-Natal. next ten years through what the EISA Editorial Team party termed “a people’s As we have indicated in one of the previous issues of this Jackie Kalley, Khabele contract”. It is worth noting that Matlosa, Denis Kadima the DA’s combative strategy Update, there are various structures in South Africa that was double edged sword. On published with the assistance the one hand, the sword aimed deal specifically with election- of OSF-SA and NORAD to disorganise the ruling party related conflicts and these with a view to catching possible include (a) the IEC, (b) the Election update 2004 south africa number 6 NATIONAL PERSPECTIVES CAMPAIGN 2004 sad thing is that this hostility of polarisation and undue did not seek to bolster nation tension in our society. Sadly Chris Landsberg building; it was done more to therefore, the much Centre for Policy Studies woo votes at any cost. celebrated 10 year mark of our democracy will be a While many parties have rather short cause for Ours is still a young and gone on the charming celebration, because, after fragile democracy; race offensive by taking to the the party on 27 April, we all relations are still tenderly streets, villages, townships, come down to earth and have delicate, coming as we do and suburban South Africa, to confront the realities of from centuries of racism and the messages to voters was this society, including the white minority domination. that ‘the other bunch’ should newly caused polarisations. Indeed, outright racism has not be trusted. Even though The key point is that race been replaced by lots of in the main, the messages relations remain an open sore racism of the subtle type, from the soap-boxes and in this country, and the which plays itself out around Imbizos tried to be sensitive current elections campaign the braaivleis fire and liquid to the explosive issue of race does little to heal the wound. dinner tables. The point is, in our country, we should even though by law, we are remember that racial After the party we will have now an inclusive nation, it identities play a role more to make sense of the will take many decades, even than any other factor in this continuous call for centuries, to address the election. The majority of ‘transformation’, the anger national question, and build citizens are likely to cast and embitterment of some; a truly united South Africa. their votes on the basis of the need for clean and One way to lay the racial, ethnic and other incorrupt politics, the need groundwork and deal with identities, and racial and for taxation, the crime, and this fragile, divided nation ethnic divisions thus play a so forth. will be to tackle the national crucial role. Unfortunately, question with due sensitivity we may discover in the post- Some have been so obsessed and understanding. One of election environment that, with the ruling party’s the questions needed to be because of the irresponsible dominance that they have asked about the 2004 campaign pursued by many complicated the prospects election campaign concerns politicians, the images and for the politics of what its impact will be on perceptions of `white’ fear, reconciliation and nation- the national question. Put ‘white superiority’ and building. Many have even differently, did the 2004 baaskap’, `swart gevaar’, forgotten to concern campaign help to reinforce ‘Xhosa hegemony’, themselves with the or to undermine nation `coloured’ uncertainty, electorate and got stuck with building in South Africa? `Zulu-assertiveness’, ‘Indian the governing party’s power This year’s campaign, unlike marginalisation’, and and developed a view that the previous two have been certainly fear of the tyranny such power should be characterised by such of the majority, or tyranny of curtailed. There has been so acrimony, bitter attacks and the black majority will be much animosity built up rivalry that we will only start reinforced. The election between the ruling party and to feel the negative campaign, and the manner in the official opposition, that it implications long after the which certain political elites has become almost dust of 2004 has settled. The behaved and scorned one impossible for them to have another, will have the result a constructive working 2 Election update 2004 south africa number 6 relationship in the short to populism, it should expect its Welkom in the Free State, a medium, maybe even the constituencies to hold it second visit to this region. long-term. firmly to the pledge of a Braving the intense heat, the people’s contract. While President was confronted Some others have even parties and actors such as the with grievances on his resorted to the politics of Congress of South African arrival. He acknowledged the desperation as they made the Trade Union (COSATU), government’s shortcomings prospect of a third term by and SACP have been but he also pointed a finger Mbeki a key election plank vociferous in calling for the at councillors who were not yet he had not even started people to go out in their doing their work. his second term. This, at millions and vote for the times, came across as `swart ANC, they are similarly The official opposition - the gevaar’ politics. Then there sending a message to the DA - does itself no good was the scare, not of a weak ANC that ‘we intend holding with its Fight-Back and fragmented opposition, you faithful to your pledges’. philosophy. To most blacks but of a dominant party state, They will also be some of this approach means even a one party state. The the harshest critics of ANC reversing the gains of point is that instead of policies, as they were during freedom including gains as a examining their own the first five years. The ANC result of affirmative action weaknesses, many will have to be careful about and black economic opposition parties deflected the kinds of tensions with empowerment. To workers, attention to the ruling party. social movements. In the the fight-back philosophy of The one important message past, tension between the the DA means flexible sent out here was that of fear ANC and social movements labour market policy and – fear about the future of has been marked by a lot of more privatisation and democracy; fear that Mbeki mutual recrimination and commercialisation of public may be a power monger of dubbing each other `neo- enterprises and social sorts. Again, there are almost liberals’ and `ultra-leftists’. services. Any party that certainly to be unintended There will almost certainly advocates a minimalist state consequences of such have to be the need for the and reliance on market as the messages, not only to the ANC to develop a thick skin most efficient medium of voters but also because it against criticism, as well as allocating resources which could undermine both becoming more tolerant to will entrench existing national and international dissenting voices. The ruling income and wealth confidence in the country. party will have to start to inequalities along racial and One of the scariest messages appreciate that critical debate gender lines, will not endear sent out by some was that the and discourse is healthy for a itself to majority of the ANC intends to suppress society such as ours.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • South·Africa in Transition
    POLITICS OF HOPE AND TERROR: South ·Africa in Transition Report on Violence in South Africa by an American Friends Service Committee Study Team November 1992 The American Friends Service Committee's concern over Southern Africa has grown out of over 60 years of relationships since the first visit by a representative of the organization. In 1982 the AFSC Board of Directors approved the release of a full length book, Challenge and Hope, as a statement of its views on South Africa. Since 1977 the AFSC has had a national Southern Africa educational program in its Peace Education Division. AMERICAN FRIENDS SERVICE COMMITTEE 1501 Cherry Street Philadelphia, PA 19102 (215) 241-7000 AFSC REGIONAL OFFICES: Southeastern Region, Atlanta, Georgia 30303, 92 Piedmont Avenue, NE; Middle Atlantic Region, Baltimore, Maryland 21212, 4806 York Road; New England Region, Cambridge, Massachusetts 02140, 2161 Massachusetts Avenue; Great Lakes Region, Chicago, Illinois 60605, 59 E. Van Buren Street, Suite 1400; North Central Region, Des Moines, Iowa 50312, 4211 Grand Avenue; New York Metropolitan Region, New York, New York 10003, 15 Rutherford Place; Pacific Southwest Region, Pasadena, California 91103, 980 N. Fair Oaks Avenue; Pacific Mountain Region, San Francisco, California 94121,2160 Lake Street; Pacific Northwest Region, Seattle, Washington 98105, 814 N.E. 40th Street. CONTENTS II THE AFSC DELEGATION 1 PREFACE III POLITICS OF HOPE AND TERROR: South Africa in Transition 1 THE BASIC VIOLENCE 2 ANALYZING THE VIOLENCE 5 THE HIDDEN HAND 7 RETALIATION 9 POLICE INVESTIGATIONS 11 LESSONS FROM THE BOIPATONG MASSACRE 12 HOMELAND VIOLENCE IN CISKEI AND KWAZULU 13 HOMELAND LEADERS BUTHELEZI AND GQOZO 16 CONCLUSION 19 RECOMMENDATIONS 20 ACRONYMS 21 TEAM INTERVIEWS AND MEETINGS 22 THE AFSC DELEGATION TO SOUTH AFRICA The American Friends Service Committee's Board of Directors approved a proposal in June 1992 for a delegation to visit South Africa to study the escalating violence there.
    [Show full text]
  • Statement by the City's Executive Mayor, Patricia De Lille
    Statement by the City’s Executive Mayor, Patricia de Lille Announcement of new Mayoral Committee The recent general elections have precipitated a change to the City of Cape Town’s Mayoral Committee (Mayco), with two previous members having taken up seats in the National Parliament. This has given me an opportunity to consider the best needs of the City and the kind of diverse leadership required to move our agenda forward across all platforms. As such, I have used the two vacancies to promote new councillors. I have also decided to strengthen our commitment to and work with South African Local Government Association (SALGA) by giving Alderman Demetri Qually more time to dedicate to his strategic chairmanship of SALGA Western Cape. I am confident that this newly constituted Mayco team is the right blend of youth and experience, knowledge and expertise, and that it will help us to continue to deliver world-class standards of City governance. The new Mayoral Committee is as follows: 1. Transport for Cape Town: Councillor Brett Herron 2. Community Services and Special Projects: Alderman Belinda Walker 3. Economic, Environment and Spatial Planning: Councillor Johan van der Merwe (new member of Mayco) Cllr van der Merwe has been promoted to Mayco for the first time. He has served the City Council for many years and has occupied leadership positions within and outside of the caucus. He has served on numerous boards and was instrumental in devising a new spatial approach to the greater Tygerberg region’s urban regeneration in the formation of the Greater Tygerberg Partnership.
    [Show full text]
  • Opposition Parties Sustaining Multiparty Democracy?
    Briefing Paper 292 June 2012 Opposition Parties Sustaining Multiparty Democracy? 1. Introduction whole faces an existential crisis.4 As a result, concerns have been raised about whether South Africa’s electoral system is designed to opposition parties will survive, and equally, sustain a multiparty democracy.1 The about the quality of multiparty democracy in proportional representation (PR) system South Africa. facilitates the proliferation of political parties and, in turn, encourages electoral competition. The number of registered parties has increased 2. Background from around 157 in September 20082 to just over 190 in early 2011. Some 42 parties contested the A multiparty system is characterised by 2009 elections compared to the 26 parties in competition between more than two political 1999 and 27 parties in 1994; this number grew parties. Democratic theorists explain that under to 37 in 2004. In addition, there has been a this system many parties exist with equal significant increase in parties contesting at the chances of becoming governing parties, either local level. Last year, the Independent Electoral individually or through coalitions.5 Thus, in an Commission (IEC) announced that 121 parties ideal multiparty democracy, prospects for a one‐ contested the 2011 municipal elections, party state or a dominant party emerging are compared to 97 parties in 2006 and 79 in 2000. relatively small. A classic example is Germany: This growth in the number of parties is, some two major parties, the Social Democratic Party would argue, good for the sustainability of (SDP) and the Christian Democratic Union (CDU), multiparty democracy; it certainly indicates that have ruled the country for over 60 years through people are free to form parties, to register them political coalitions which have also involved and to campaign for votes.
    [Show full text]
  • 01A — Page 1-21 — the SA Pink Vote (13.08.2021)
    August 2021 Published by the South African Institute of Race Relations (IRR) P O Box 291722, Melville, Johannesburg, 2109 South Africa Telephone: (011) 482–7221 © South African Institute of Race Relations ISSN: 2311-7591 Members of the Media are free to reprint or report information, either in whole or in part, contained in this publication on the strict understanding that the South African Institute of Race Relations is acknowledged. Otherwise no part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronical, mechanical, photocopy, recording, or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. While the IRR makes all reasonable efforts to publish accurate information and bona fi de expression of opinion, it does not give any warranties as to the accuracy and completeness of the information provided. The use of such information by any party shall be entirely at such party’s own risk and the IRR accepts no liability arising out of such use. Editor-in-chief: Frans Cronje Authors: Gerbrandt van Heerden Typesetter: Martin Matsokotere Cover design by Alex Weiss TABLE OF CONTENTS THE SA PINK VOTE . .4 Introduction . 4 Purpose of the study . 5 Why is it important to monitor the Pink Vote? . 5 Th e track record of South Africa’s political parties in terms of LGBTQ rights . 7 African National Congress (ANC). 7 Democratic Alliance (DA) . 10 Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) . 12 Opinion poll results . 14 Key Findings . 15 South African LGBTQ voters are highly likely to turn out at the ballot box .
    [Show full text]
  • Coloured’ Schools in Cape Town, South Africa
    Constructing Ambiguous Identities: Negotiating Race, Respect, and Social Change in ‘Coloured’ Schools in Cape Town, South Africa Daniel Patrick Hammett Ph.D. The University of Edinburgh 2007 1 Declaration This thesis has been composed by myself from the results of my own work, except where otherwise acknowledged. It has not been submitted in any previous application for a degree. i Abstract South African social relations in the second decade of democracy remain framed by race. Spatial and social lived realities, the continued importance of belonging – to feel part of a community, mean that identifying as ‘coloured’ in South Africa continues to be contested, fluid and often ambiguous. This thesis considers the changing social location of ‘coloured’ teachers through the narratives of former and current teachers and students. Education is used as a site through which to explore the wider social impacts of social and spatial engineering during and subsequent to apartheid. Two key themes are examined in the space of education, those of racial identity and of respect. These are brought together in an interwoven narrative to consider whether or not ‘coloured’ teachers in the post-apartheid period are respected and the historical trajectories leading to the contemporary situation. Two main concerns are addressed. The first considers the question of racial identification to constructions of self-identity. Working with post-colonial theory and notions of mimicry and ambivalence, the relationship between teachers and the identifier ‘coloured’ is shown to be problematic and contested. Second, and connected to teachers’ engagement with racialised identities, is the notion of respect. As with claims to identity and racial categorisation, the concept of respect is considered as mutable and dynamic and rendered with contextually subjective meanings that are often contested and ambivalent.
    [Show full text]
  • Opposition Party Mobilization in South Africa's Dominant
    UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Los Angeles Eroding Dominance from Below: Opposition Party Mobilization in South Africa’s Dominant Party System A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science by Safia Abukar Farole 2019 © Copyright by Safia Abukar Farole 2019 ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION Eroding Dominance from Below: Opposition Party Mobilization in South Africa’s Dominant Party System by Safia Abukar Farole Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science University of California, Los Angeles, 2019 Professor Kathleen Bawn, Chair In countries ruled by a single party for a long period of time, how does political opposition to the ruling party grow? In this dissertation, I study the growth in support for the Democratic Alliance (DA) party, which is the largest opposition party in South Africa. South Africa is a case of democratic dominant party rule, a party system in which fair but uncompetitive elections are held. I argue that opposition party growth in dominant party systems is explained by the strategies that opposition parties adopt in local government and the factors that shape political competition in local politics. I argue that opposition parties can use time spent in local government to expand beyond their base by delivering services effectively and outperforming the ruling party. I also argue that performance in subnational political office helps opposition parties build a reputation for good governance, which is appealing to ruling party ii. supporters who are looking for an alternative. Finally, I argue that opposition parties use candidate nominations for local elections as a means to appeal to constituents that are vital to the ruling party’s coalition.
    [Show full text]
  • Winkie Direko-A Political Leader in Her Own Right?
    JOERNAAL/JOURNAL TWALA/BARNARD WINKIE DIREKO-A POLITICAL LEADER IN HER OWN RIGHT? Chitja Twala* and Leo Barnard** 1. INTRODUCTION To record merely that Winkie Direko, present premier of the Free State Province, was born on 27 November 1929 in Bochabela (Mangaung) and to an average family, will be an inadequate prelude to assessing her community and political life, which had an impact on her political career. Her entry into full-time party politics after the April 1994 first non-racial democratic election in South Africa caused a great stir in the Free State Province, and no one ever expected that she would rise to the premiership position after June 1999. This article attempts to provide an accurate, scientific and historical assessment of Direko as a political leader in her own right amid serious criticisms levelled against her before and after her appointment as the province's premier. The article, however, does not tend to adopt a defensive stance for Direko, but rather to answer a repeatedly asked question in the political circles of the Free State Province on whether Direko is a political leader or not. The article extends beyond narrowly held views that Direko emerged to promi- nence after she had been inaugurated as the province's second woman premier in 1999. In the political arena, some critics within the ruling African National Congress (ANC) in the Free State Province claim that there is no testimonial that can more aptly describe her political leadership role. The fact that she occupied the premiership position for almost five years unlike her predecessors is testimony enough that she is a political leader in her own right.
    [Show full text]
  • Truth and Reconciliation Commission of South Africa Report: Volume 2
    VOLUME TWO Truth and Reconciliation Commission of South Africa Report The report of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission was presented to President Nelson Mandela on 29 October 1998. Archbishop Desmond Tutu Ms Hlengiwe Mkhize Chairperson Dr Alex Boraine Mr Dumisa Ntsebeza Vice-Chairperson Ms Mary Burton Dr Wendy Orr Revd Bongani Finca Adv Denzil Potgieter Ms Sisi Khampepe Dr Fazel Randera Mr Richard Lyster Ms Yasmin Sooka Mr Wynand Malan* Ms Glenda Wildschut Dr Khoza Mgojo * Subject to minority position. See volume 5. Chief Executive Officer: Dr Biki Minyuku I CONTENTS Chapter 1 Chapter 6 National Overview .......................................... 1 Special Investigation The Death of President Samora Machel ................................................ 488 Chapter 2 The State outside Special Investigation South Africa (1960-1990).......................... 42 Helderberg Crash ........................................... 497 Special Investigation Chemical and Biological Warfare........ 504 Chapter 3 The State inside South Africa (1960-1990).......................... 165 Special Investigation Appendix: State Security Forces: Directory Secret State Funding................................... 518 of Organisations and Structures........................ 313 Special Investigation Exhumations....................................................... 537 Chapter 4 The Liberation Movements from 1960 to 1990 ..................................................... 325 Special Investigation Appendix: Organisational structures and The Mandela United
    [Show full text]
  • General Observations About the Free State Provincial Government
    A Better Life for All? Fifteen Year Review of the Free State Provincial Government Prepared for the Free State Provincial Government by the Democracy and Governance Programme (D&G) of the Human Sciences Research Council. Ivor Chipkin Joseph M Kivilu Peliwe Mnguni Geoffrey Modisha Vino Naidoo Mcebisi Ndletyana Susan Sedumedi Table of Contents General Observations about the Free State Provincial Government........................................4 Methodological Approach..........................................................................................................9 Research Limitations..........................................................................................................10 Generic Methodological Observations...............................................................................10 Understanding of the Mandate...........................................................................................10 Social attitudes survey............................................................................................................12 Sampling............................................................................................................................12 Development of Questionnaire...........................................................................................12 Data collection....................................................................................................................12 Description of the realised sample.....................................................................................12
    [Show full text]
  • Who Is Governing the ''New'' South Africa?
    Who is Governing the ”New” South Africa? Marianne Séverin, Pierre Aycard To cite this version: Marianne Séverin, Pierre Aycard. Who is Governing the ”New” South Africa?: Elites, Networks and Governing Styles (1985-2003). IFAS Working Paper Series / Les Cahiers de l’ IFAS, 2006, 8, p. 13-37. hal-00799193 HAL Id: hal-00799193 https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-00799193 Submitted on 11 Mar 2013 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. Ten Years of Democratic South Africa transition Accomplished? by Aurelia WA KABWE-SEGATTI, Nicolas PEJOUT and Philippe GUILLAUME Les Nouveaux Cahiers de l’IFAS / IFAS Working Paper Series is a series of occasional working papers, dedicated to disseminating research in the social and human sciences on Southern Africa. Under the supervision of appointed editors, each issue covers a specifi c theme; papers originate from researchers, experts or post-graduate students from France, Europe or Southern Africa with an interest in the region. The views and opinions expressed here remain the sole responsibility of the authors. Any query regarding this publication should be directed to the chief editor. Chief editor: Aurelia WA KABWE – SEGATTI, IFAS-Research director.
    [Show full text]
  • 2001 Lecture
    THE JAMES BACKHOUSE LECTURE 2001 RECONCILING OPPOSITES: REFLECTIONS ON PEACEMAKING IN SOUTH AFRICA Hendrik W van der Merwe The James Backhouse Lectures The lectures were instituted by Australia Yearly Meeting of the Religious Society of Friends (Quakers) on the its establishment of that Yearly Meeting in 1964. James Backhouse and his companion, George Washington Walker were English Friends who visited Australia from 1832 to 1838. They travelled widely, but spent most of their time in Tasmania. It was through their visit that Quaker Meetings were first established in Australia. Coming to Australia under a concern for the conditions of convicts, the two men had access to people with authority in the young colonies, and with influence in Britain, both in Parliament and in the social reform movement. In meticulous reports and personal letters, they made practical suggestions and urged legislative action on penal reform, on the rum trade, and on land rights and the treatment of Aborigines. James Backhouse was a general naturalist and a botanist. He made careful observations and published full accounts of what he saw, in addition to encouraging Friends in the colonies and following the deep concern that had brought him to Australia. Australian Friends hope that this series of Lectures will bring fresh insights into the Truth, and speak to the needs and aspirations of Australian Quakerism. This particular lecture was delivered in Melbourne on 8 January 2001, during the annual meeting of the Society. Colin Wendell-Smith Presiding Clerk Australia Yearly Meeting © Copyright 2001 by the Religious Society of Friends (Quakers) in Australia Incorporated.
    [Show full text]
  • 28 April 2020 Ms. Patricia De Lille Minister of Public Works and Infrastructure Per Email: [email protected] C /O Meli
    28 April 2020 Ms. Patricia de Lille Minister of Public works and Infrastructure Per email: [email protected] C /o Melissa Whitehead Per email: [email protected] Honourable Minister de Lille DEVELOPMENT AND CONSTRUCTION SECTOR MEDIUM TERM PLANS FOR ACTIVATION OF THE INDUSTRY POST COVID-19 LOCKDOWN Our previous correspondence and the above matter have reference. The Construction Covid-19 Rapid Response Task Team has engaged extensively and prepared a submission on the medium-term plans for the development and construction industry post COVID-19. Please find attached the submission for your consideration. Should you require any further information or engagement herein, we will be ready to assist. Yours sincerely John Matthews Chairperson Construction COVID-19 Rapid Response Task Team [email protected] 40 Essex Terrace, Westville, 3629 031 266 7070 082 853 9644 [email protected] 40 Essex Terrace, Westville, 3629 031 266 7070 082 853 9644 DEVELOPMENT AND CONSTRUCTION SECTOR MEDIUM TERM PLANS FOR ACTIVATION OF THE INDUSTRY POST COVID-19 LOCKDOWN Prepared by: Construction Covid-19 Rapid Response Task Team (29 APRIL 2020) [email protected] 40 Essex Terrace, Westville, 3629 031 266 7070 082 853 9644 2 Contents 1. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY .................................................................................................... 3 2. CONSTRUCTION COVID-19 RAPID RESPONSE TASK TEAM ........................................ 6 3. CONSTRUCTION SECTOR CHALLENGES ......................................................................
    [Show full text]