The Entrepreneurs of Soweto Engage Identity, Technology, And

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The Entrepreneurs of Soweto Engage Identity, Technology, And Hospitality and History: The Entrepreneurs of Soweto Engage Identity, Technology, and Opportunity Andrew Carlson Copyright, 2015: All Rights Reserved Table of Contents Chapter 1: Reconciliation and Entrepreneurship ………………………………….. 3 Chapter 2: The Entrepreneurs of Soweto ………………………………………………. 30 Chapter 3: Communication Theory at Work in Soweto ………………………….. 59 Chapter 4: Entrepreneurship and ICTs in Soweto …………………………………. 95 Chapter 5: Considering Technological Capital ……………………………………….. 159 Chapter 6: Thinking Rhizomatically ……………………………………………………… 184 Chapter 7: The Creation & Maintenance of South African Identity in the Mobile Age ……………………………………………………………………………………………. 228 Chapter 8: A Few Final Thoughts about the Entrepreneurs of Soweto …… 261 Chapter 1: Reconciliation and Entrepreneurship On Saturday, December 16th, 2010, I am sitting in my car on the western bypass of the N1 highway that connects the northern Johannesburg suburbs to the former township of Soweto in the south-western part of the metro area. It has been raining all night and continues to do so, and one of the underpasses ahead of me has become flooded, as have parts of Soweto (News24, 2010). Traffic is at a standstill and I am late for a meeting with the Pimville Four, a group of women who have formed an informal cooperative around their bed and breaKfast (B & B) establishments in one subdivision of Soweto. I’ve arranged this meeting with them to discuss what happened during the 2010 FIFA World Cup, which tooK place in June and July of 2010. The Pimville Four, named after their Soweto subdivision, are a group of women who typify Soweto’s reputation for hospitality. Florence, who owns Flossie’s B & B, started her business when she left the postal service after 25 years. When discussing her decision to retire and open her own business, she said, “I decided, let me go out there, and just follow my dream. To run something liKe a guest house or hotel-like situation was always in my mind. In fact, I wanted to start when I was young.” Florence registered her business in 2005, and the retired to operate it full time in 2006. She is the youngest of the Pimville Four, and in addition to her B & B, operates a catering business. She also cares for her granddaughter, as do many grandmothers in South Africa. Florence is business oriented; as she mentioned in our first meeting she “Knows the intricacies of running a business.” 3 Ida, who owns a B & B called The Lady, was a schoolteacher prior to becoming an entrepreneur. About her decision to start her business, she said, “I felt, no, I can’t be just sitting and doing nothing.” She partnered with a chef in the community to start a cooKing school for local youth; when she tried to get classroom space from the City Council, she was turned down and she reported that the cooking school “fizzled out.” Her partner decided to run a taxi; Ida decided to register her company and operate it as a B & B. LiKe the other women in the Pimville Four, Ida operated her business from her home: guests stay upstairs while she and her family stay in another part of the house. MooKho, or Jane, was employed with the Carlton Hotel in Johannesburg from the 1970s, and later with the University of the Witwatersrand, or Wits, as it is known to South Africans. In its heyday, the Carlton Hotel was described as Johannesburg’s premier hotel (Sparks, 1995); it closed in 1997 and remains so until now. In one conversation I had with the Pimville Four, MooKho expressed interest in rejuvenating and operating the Carlton through a consortium. This ambitious idea exemplifies her attitude toward the opportunities for entrepreneurs in post- apartheid South Africa, and the Pimville Four often use their partnership to share ideas about expanding their operations, from investments in their neighborhood to grander ideas about investing in Johannesburg and beyond. Mookho registered her business in 2003, but noted that “I had to attend to the legalities, like, attending to SARS matters, and then being on the database, GTA, JTC1, you know, and getting 1 SARS is the South African Revenue Service; the GTA is the Gauteng [provincial] Tourism Authority; the JTC is the Johannesburg Tourism Council. 4 myself acquainted with other B & Bs. I would say it started being really functional in 2006.” The fourth member of the group is Lizz, who owns Chanza’s B & B. I heard about “Ma Chanza” from Robby, who owns a pub close to the Pimville Four. When I met Ma Chanza for the first time she was delighted that I called her “Ma”; a term of respect and endearment and one that is often used when addressing an older person of stature. Ma Chanza has held many jobs over the years. She has worked as a cook at the Johannesburg Stock Exchange (JSE); she was a singer in the apartheid days; she worked for the author Valerie Rosenberg2, and now she owns and operates her B & B around the corner from the other women in the Pimville Four. Despite Knowing Ma Chanza for four years, having stayed in her home, eaten her fabulous food, meeting her friends and family, and conducting, listening to and transcribing hours of interviews, I’m still not exactly sure when she started her B & B or the exact chronology of her worKing life. But that is Ma Chanza, as much as anything. Operating a business that welcomes people into her home and her life is fundamental to her character and personality, and the details of how the business operates are secondary to the experience she provides. Stories of entrepreneurs liKe the Pimville Four are the heart of this booK: how they got started in their business, the challenges and opportunities open to them, and their experiences with success and failure. The stories are framed on one side by technologies such as mobile phones and other ICTs that have enabled a new 2 Sunflower to the Sun, 1976; The Life of Herman Charles Bosman, 1991; The Von Veltheim File, 1997. 5 generation of businesses to flourish in Soweto. On the other side are issues of identity, theirs and my own; for them as they create and maintain an identity that serves them as business owners and as members of post-apartheid South African society, and mine, as I present their stories from my perspective as an American white male. I gathered these stories when I travelled to South Africa in July of 2009 to start this research in Soweto, an apartheid era township southwest of Johannesburg. For nine weeKs in 2009, a month in 2010, and again in 2011, I spent every day in Soweto, driving around, trying the food in different restaurants, staying at B & Bs, meeting business owners and having conversations about how they used ICTs. In the process, I heard stories about how they got their start, their challenges, what they saw as their opportunities, and how their business in this one very large suburb fit into the larger picture of entrepreneurship in South Africa. I also heard stories about what it was like to live in Soweto during the dark days of apartheid; I saw firsthand the statues and monuments, and heard some of the history of the anti- apartheid struggle from the perspective of people who lived through it in Soweto and elsewhere. The research I did in Soweto in 2009 led to the completion of my dissertation in 2010. I went bacK to Soweto later that year, after the World Cup had come and gone. I met with many of the people whose stories I Knew so well from hearing and writing them into my dissertation. This time, I wanted to Know about how the World Cup had gone for them. Prior to the event, expectations for the benefits of the World Cup were high, and for some business owners, capital investments in their operations bore significant fruit during the Cup. Many were disappointed by the 6 results. In addition to following up on the results of the World Cup, I wanted to get a deeper understanding of the ways in which communication networKs in Soweto functioned to create support systems for entrepreneurs, a complicated question that I was unable to fully answer in my initial research. I also wanted to understand more about the concept of identity in the new South Africa, a process and performance that is consistently influenced by the legacy of apartheid and the realities of globalization. Many of the conversations I had with people on this follow-up trip were over beers or tea rather than the more formal interviews I conducted in 2009. In addition to reconnecting with old friends, I met new people who had their own stories to share. Presenting their stories in this book continues the conversations I started in 2009, some of which are still in progress; their stories also contribute to the ongoing conversation about the role of small business in a globalized economy, particularly regarding job creation and employment. Despite South Africa’s nominally socialist economic status, with powerful unions and labor protection laws, the entrepreneurs I write about here operate in an extremely competitive neo-liberal economy that lacKs formal safety nets. They are ambitious risK-takers who acknowledge that their success rests only with themselves and their communities, not their government or agents of the international community. Many have overcome significant odds to build businesses that provide consistent income, and to a lesser extent, security for themselves and their families, jobs for the neighbors, and stability in their communities. 7 The Pimville Four are four of almost 60 small-scale entrepreneurs I have come to know over the three years since I began this research in Soweto.
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