Aztec Art & Architecture
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Introduction
CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION Portraying the Here it is told and put forth how the ancient ones, those called and named Teochichimeca, people of Aztlan, Mexitin, Chicomoz- Aztec Past toca, as they sought and merited the land here, arrived and came into the great altepetl, the altepetl of Mexico Tenochtitlan, the place of renown, the sign, the site of the rock tuna cactus, in the midst of the waters; the place where the eagle rests, where the eagle screeches, where the eagle stretches, where the eagle eats; where the serpent hisses, where the fish fly, where the blue and yellow waters mingle—where the waters burn; where suffering came to be known among the sedges and reeds; the place of encountering and awaiting the various peoples of the four quarters; where the thirteen Teochichimeca arrived and settled, where in misery they settled when they arrived. Behold, here begins, here is to be seen, here lies written, the most excel- lent, most edifying account—the account of [Mexico’s] renown, pride, history, roots, basis, as what is known as the great altepetl began, as it commenced: the city of Mexico Tenochtitlan in the midst of the waters, among the sedges, among the reeds, also called and known as the place where sedges whisper, where reeds whisper. It was becoming the mother, the father, the head of all, of every altepetl everywhere in New Spain, as those who were the ancient ones, men and women, our grandmothers, grandfathers, great-grandfathers, great-great-grandparents, great- grandmothers, our forefathers, told and established in their accounts -
Cobró Los Tributos Y Fungió Tan Sólo Como Un Intermediario En Los Proyectos Del Conquistador
El gobierno de Toluca en los inicios del siglo xvi cobró los tributos y fungió tan sólo como un intermediario en los proyectos del conquistador. Algunos testimonios confrman que Cortés confó “al descendiente de Chimaltecuhtli”, la administración de las tierras que Axayacatl y Moctezuma se habían adjudicado, es decir, aque- llas donde marcaron los contornos de la Villa de Toluca y de sus barrios.42 Ahora bien, Macacoyotzin reinó muy poco tiempo ya que Cortés pronto lo alejó acu- sándolo de idolatría. Al respecto, el testimonio de Francisco de Santiago destaca: “[…] por aver idolatrado y cometido delito con una hija suya lo llevaron a México y quedó en su lugar en la dicha población de Toluca don Pedro Cortés su hijo por manera que […] no fue señor ni cacique en la dicha villa y población y tierras a donde está agora fundada la dicha villa de Toluca el dicho Macacoyotzin cacique de ella sino principal como dicho tiene”. 43 En la época en que fray Juan de Zumárraga fue arzobispo de México, Macacoyotzin habría sido llevado al convento de San Francisco en la capital, donde cumplió años de con- dena. Nada indica que haya regresado a la región de Toluca. Su hijo, don Pedro Cortés indio, sucedió a su padre como gobernador. Lo cierto es que Cortés sacó provecho del alejamiento de Macacoyotzin de México para apresurar la creación de la villa de Toluca. Resumiendo, los testimonios anexados al expediente muestran cómo Cortés logró eli- minar la posible infuencia del señor matlatzinca, no sin haber utilizado sus funciones de gobernador lo mejor que pudo. -
"Comments on the Historicity of Topiltzin Quetzalcoatl, Tollan, and the Toltecs" by Michael E
31 COMMENTARY "Comments on the Historicity of Topiltzin Quetzalcoatl, Tollan, and the Toltecs" by Michael E. Smith University at Albany, State University of New York Can we believe Aztec historical accounts about Topiltzin Quetzalcoatl, Tollan, and other Toltec phenomena? The fascinating and important recent exchange in the Nahua Newsletter between H. B. Nicholson and Michel Graulich focused on this question. Stimulated partly by this debate and partly by a recent invitation to contribute an essay to an edited volume on Tula and Chichén Itzá (Smith n.d.), I have taken a new look at Aztec and Maya native historical traditions within the context of comparative oral histories from around the world. This exercise suggests that conquest-period native historical accounts are unlikely to preserve reliable information about events from the Early Postclassic period. Surviving accounts of the Toltecs, the Itzas (prior to Mayapan), Topiltzin Quetzalcoatl, Tula, and Chichén Itzá all belong more to the realm of myth than history. In the spirit of encouraging discussion and debate, I offer a summary here of my views on early Aztec native history; a more complete version of which, including discussion of the Maya Chilam Balam accounts, will be published in Smith (n.d.). I have long thought that Mesoamericanists have been far too credulous in their acceptance of native historical sources; this is an example of what historian David Fischer (1970:58-61) calls "the fallacy of misplaced literalism." Aztec native history was an oral genre that employed painted books as mnemonic devices to aid the historian or scribe in their recitation (Calnek 1978; Nicholson 1971). -
Collision of Civilizations
Collision of Civilizations Spaniards, Aztecs and Incas 1492- The clash begins Only two empires in the New World Cahokia Ecuador Aztec Empire The Aztec State in 1519 • Mexico 1325 Aztecs start to build their capital city, Tenochtitlan. • 1502 Montezuma II becomes ruler, wars against the independent city-states in the Valley of Mexico. The Aztec empire was in a fragile state, stricken with military failures, economic trouble, and social unrest. Montezuma II had attempted to centralize power and maintain the over-extended empire expanded over the Valley of Mexico, and into Central America. It was an extortionist regime, relied on force to extract prisoners, tribute, and food levies from neighboring peoples. As the Aztec state weakened, its rulers and priests continued to demand human sacrifice to feed its gods. In 1519, the Aztec Empire was not only weak within, but despised and feared from without. When hostilities with the Spanish began, the Aztecs had few allies. Cortes • 1485 –Cortes was born in in Medellin, Extremadura, Spain. His parents were of small Spanish nobility. • 1499, when Cortes was 14 he attended the University of Salamanca, at this university he studied law. • 1504 (19) he set sail for what is now the Dominican Republic to try his luck in the New World. • 1511, (26) he joined an army under the command of Spanish soldier named Diego Velázquez and played a part the conquest of Cuba. Velázquez became the governor of Cuba, and Cortes was elected Mayor-Judge of Santiago. • 1519 (34) Cortes expedition enters Mexico. • Aug. 13, 1521 15,000 Aztecs die in Cortes' final all-out attack on the city. -
Stear Dissertation COGA Submission 26 May 2015
BEYOND THE FIFTH SUN: NAHUA TELEOLOGIES IN THE SIXTEENTH AND SEVENTEENTH CENTURIES By ©Copyright 2015 Ezekiel G. Stear Submitted to the graduate degree program in the Department of Spanish and Portuguese and the Graduate Faculty of the University of Kansas in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. ________________________________ Chairperson, Santa Arias ________________________________ Verónica Garibotto ________________________________ Patricia Manning ________________________________ Rocío Cortés ________________________________ Robert C. Schwaller Date Defended: May 6, 2015! ii The Dissertation Committee for Ezekiel G. Stear certifies that this is the approved version of the following dissertation: BEYOND THE FIFTH SUN: NAHUA TELEOLOGIES IN THE SIXTEENTH AND SEVENTEENTH CENTURIES ________________________________ Chairperson, Santa Arias Date approved: May 6, 2015 iii Abstract After the surrender of Mexico-Tenochtitlan to Hernán Cortés and his native allies in 1521, the lived experiences of the Mexicas and other Nahuatl-speaking peoples in the valley of Mexico shifted radically. Indigenous elites during this new colonial period faced the disappearance of their ancestral knowledge, along with the imposition of Christianity and Spanish rule. Through appropriations of linear writing and collaborative intellectual projects, the native population, in particular the noble elite sought to understand their past, interpret their present, and shape their future. Nahua traditions emphasized balanced living. Yet how one could live out that balance in unknown times ahead became a topic of ongoing discussion in Nahua intellectual communities, and a question that resounds in the texts they produced. Writing at the intersections of Nahua studies, literary and cultural history, and critical theory, in this dissertation I investigate how indigenous intellectuals in Mexico-Tenochtitlan envisioned their future as part of their re-evaluations of the past. -
COPYRIGHTED MATERIAL NOT for DISTRIBUTION Figure 0.3
Contents Acknowledgments ix A Brief Note on Usage xiii Introduction: History and Tlaxilacalli 3 Chapter 1: The Rise of Tlaxilacalli, ca. 1272–1454 40 Chapter 2: Acolhua Imperialisms, ca. 1420s–1583 75 Chapter 3: Community and Change in Cuauhtepoztlan Tlaxilacalli, ca. 1544–1575 97 Chapter 4: Tlaxilacalli Religions, 1537–1587 123 COPYRIGHTED MATERIAL Chapter 5: TlaxilacalliNOT FOR Ascendant, DISTRIBUTION 1562–1613 151 Chapter 6: Communities Reborn, 1581–1692 174 Conclusion: Tlaxilacalli and Barrio 203 List of Acronyms Used Frequently in This Book 208 Bibliography 209 Index 247 vii introduction History and Tlaxilacalli This is the story of how poor, everyday central Mexicans built and rebuilt autono- mous communities over the course of four centuries and two empires. It is also the story of how these self-same commoners constructed the unequal bonds of compul- sion and difference that anchored these vigorous and often beloved communities. It is a story about certain face-to-face human networks, called tlaxilacalli in both singular and plural,1 and about how such networks molded the shape of both the Aztec and Spanish rule.2 Despite this influence, however, tlaxilacalli remain ignored, subordinated as they often were to wider political configurations and most often appearing unmarked—that is, noted by proper name only—in the sources. With care, however, COPYRIGHTEDthe deeper stories of tlaxilacalli canMATERIAL be uncovered. This, in turn, lays bare a root-level history of autonomy and colonialism in central Mexico, told through the powerfulNOT and transformative FOR DISTRIBUTION tlaxilacalli. The robustness of tlaxilacalli over thelongue durée casts new and surprising light on the structures of empire in central Mexico, revealing a counterpoint of weakness and fragmentation in the canonical histories of centralizing power in the region. -
A Mat of Serpents: Aztec Strategies of Control from an Empire in Decline
A Mat of Serpents: Aztec Strategies of Control from an Empire in Decline Jerónimo Reyes On my honor, Professors Andrea Lepage and Elliot King mark the only aid to this thesis. “… the ruler sits on the serpent mat, and the crown and the skull in front of him indicate… that if he maintained his place on the mat, the reward was rulership, and if he lost control, the result was death.” - Aztec rulership metaphor1 1 Emily Umberger, " The Metaphorical Underpinnings of Aztec History: The Case of the 1473 Civil War," Ancient Mesoamerica 18, 1 (2007): 18. I dedicate this thesis to my mom, my sister, and my brother for teaching me what family is, to Professor Andrea Lepage for helping me learn about my people, to Professors George Bent, and Melissa Kerin for giving me the words necessary to find my voice, and to everyone and anyone finding their identity within the self and the other. Table of Contents List of Illustrations ………………………………………………………………… page 5 Introduction: Threads Become Tapestry ………………………………………… page 6 Chapter I: The Sum of its Parts ………………………………………………… page 15 Chapter II: Commodification ………………………………………………… page 25 Commodification of History ………………………………………… page 28 Commodification of Religion ………………………………………… page 34 Commodification of the People ………………………………………… page 44 Conclusion ……………………………………………………………………... page 53 Illustrations ……………………………………………………………………... page 54 Appendices ……………………………………………………………………... page 58 Bibliography ……………………………………………………………………... page 60 …. List of Illustrations Figure 1: Statue of Coatlicue, Late Period, 1439 (disputed) Figure 2: Peasant Ritual Figurines, Date Unknown Figure 3: Tula Warrior Figure Figure 4: Mexica copy of Tula Warrior Figure, Late Aztec Period Figure 5: Coyolxauhqui Stone, Late Aztec Period, 1473 Figure 6: Male Coyolxauhqui, carving on greenstone pendant, found in cache beneath the Coyolxauhqui Stone, Date Unknown Figure 7: Vessel with Tezcatlipoca Relief, Late Aztec Period, ca. -
4.0 a Guide to Warrior Suits 4.1 the Basic Feather Costume
4.0 A GUIDE TO WARRIOR SUITS Here follows a broad outline of the various warrior suits that were known to be associated with the Aztecs. It should be noted that all of these showy feather suits were available to the noblemen only, and could never be worn by the common man. The prime source of information for the following chapter is from the tribute lists in the Codex Mendoza and the Matricula de Tributos, the suit and banner lists in the Primeros Memoriales plus some commentary in Duran's Book of the Gods, History of the Indies and some of the Florentine Codex. The first two give clear examples of many different types of war suits, as well as a defined list of warrior and priest suits with their associated rank. Unfortunately they do not show all the suit types possible, nor do they explain what several of the suit types sent in tribute were for. Trying to mesh these sources is not neat, and some interpretation is required. While Chapter 3 examined the tribute from various provinces on a province by province basis, this chapter concentrates only on the warrior suit types as individual topics. The Mendoza Noble Warrior List (Section 4.2) and Priest Warrior List (Section 4.3) are further expanded upon with information from the tribute lists and then any other primary sources with relevant information or images. These lists are then followed up by a list of suit types not covered by either of these two lists (Section 4.4.) This section of the documentation does not cover the organisational or ranking levels of the suits except as a method for listing the suits for discussion. -
The Bilimek Pulque Vessel (From in His Argument for the Tentative Date of 1 Ozomatli, Seler (1902-1923:2:923) Called Atten- Nicholson and Quiñones Keber 1983:No
CHAPTER 9 The BilimekPulqueVessel:Starlore, Calendrics,andCosmologyof LatePostclassicCentralMexico The Bilimek Vessel of the Museum für Völkerkunde in Vienna is a tour de force of Aztec lapidary art (Figure 1). Carved in dark-green phyllite, the vessel is covered with complex iconographic scenes. Eduard Seler (1902, 1902-1923:2:913-952) was the first to interpret its a function and iconographic significance, noting that the imagery concerns the beverage pulque, or octli, the fermented juice of the maguey. In his pioneering analysis, Seler discussed many of the more esoteric aspects of the cult of pulque in ancient highland Mexico. In this study, I address the significance of pulque in Aztec mythology, cosmology, and calendrics and note that the Bilimek Vessel is a powerful period-ending statement pertaining to star gods of the night sky, cosmic battle, and the completion of the Aztec 52-year cycle. The Iconography of the Bilimek Vessel The most prominent element on the Bilimek Vessel is the large head projecting from the side of the vase (Figure 2a). Noting the bone jaw and fringe of malinalli grass hair, Seler (1902-1923:2:916) suggested that the head represents the day sign Malinalli, which for the b Aztec frequently appears as a skeletal head with malinalli hair (Figure 2b). However, because the head is not accompanied by the numeral coefficient required for a completetonalpohualli Figure 2. Comparison of face date, Seler rejected the Malinalli identification. Based on the appearance of the date 8 Flint on front of Bilimek Vessel with Aztec Malinalli sign: (a) face on on the vessel rim, Seler suggested that the face is the day sign Ozomatli, with an inferred Bilimek Vessel, note malinalli tonalpohualli reference to the trecena 1 Ozomatli (1902-1923:2:922-923). -
Anales Mexicanos
A~.\LES. Ml~XICO- AZCAPOTZALCO. 49. ANALES MEXICANOS. México- Azcapotzalco. 1.426-1.589. 11?.ADUCCION de un manuscrito antiguo 1nexicano, que c01ztienza con tnedia hoja rota, y al parecer empieza su contenido desde el año de 1415. En el año de doce conejos (1426) murió Tezozomoc, soberano de Azcapotzalco. Reinó en él sesenta años. Tuvo, segun consta y se sabe positivamente, cuatro hijos. Al primero, llamado Acolnahuacatl, le dió el Señorío y el gobierno de Tlacopan (hoy Tacuba). Al segundo, Cuacuauhpz'tzalmac, el gobierno de Tlatilolco. Al tercero, Ep coatzin, el de Atlacuihuayan (hoy Tacubaya). Al cuarto, Maxtlatzin, el de Coyoacan. Cumplidos nueve años de esta distribucion de reinos y gobiernos, murió Cua wauhpitzahuac, succedíéndole inmediatamente su hijo Tlacateotzin, nieto del an ciano y Señor Tezozomoctli é igualmente de Teociteuhtli, que gobernaba á la vez en Acxotlan, Chalco. Luego que murió Tezozomoctli, en ese mismo afio .Maxtlaton se apoderó del mando y Señorío de Azcapotzalco, viniendo de Coyoacan, en donde reinó diez y seis añ.os. Al llegar á Azcapotzalco manifestó que el objeto de su venida era el de tomar parte en el profundo sentimiento por la muerte de su padre. Mas al visitar el cadáver, inmediatamente se postró á sus pies y tomó posesion del imperio de Azcapotzalco. Gobernando Maxtlaton y andando por sus terrenos las mujeres de Chilnalpopoca, repentinamente mandó recogerlas, y estando reunidas las maltrató y les dijo con voz imponente: "vuestros hombres los mexicanos se andan escondiendo dentro de nues tras sementeras, yo los escarmentaré1 y haré morir á vuestro varon Chímalpopocatl y á toda la raza mexicana.» De esta amenaza dieron cuenta las mujeres á Chimalpo poca, diciéndole: ,, gran Señor nuestro, hemos ido á oir allá en Azcapotzalco la fu nesta y terrible sentencia; dizque la sangre mexicana será exterminada; las aves desde * Este manuscrito se escribió en mexicano, y el Sr. -
Cannibalism and Aztec Human Sacrifice Stephanie Zink May, 2008 a Senior Project Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Require
CANNIBALISM AND AZTEC HUMAN SACRIFICE STEPHANIE ZINK MAY, 2008 A SENIOR PROJECT SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF BACHELOR OF SCIENCE IN ARCHAEOLOGICAL STUDIES UNIVERSITY OF WISCONSIN- LA CROSSE Abstract As the nature of Aztec cannibalism is poorly known, this paper examines the extent to which it was practiced and the motives behind it. Using the methodology of documentary research I have determined that the Aztecs did in fact engage in cannibalism, specifically ritual and gustatory cannibalism, however, the extent of it is indefinite. The analysis that I have conducted suggests that, while several hypotheses exist, there is only one that is backed by the evidence: Aztec cannibalism was practiced for religious reasons. In order to better understand this issue, other hypotheses must be examined. 2 Introduction Cannibalism is mostly considered a taboo in western culture, with the exception of sacraments in Christianity, which involve the symbolic eating of the body of Christ and the drinking of Christ’s blood. The general public, in western societies, is disgusted by the thought of humans eating each other, and yet it still seems to fascinate them. Accounts of cannibalism can be found throughout the history of the world from the United States and the Amazon Basin to New Zealand and Indonesia. A few fairly well documented instances of cannibalism include the Aztecs; the Donner Party, a group of pioneers who were trapped while trying to cross the Sierra Nevada Mountains in the winter of 1846-1847; the Uruguayan soccer team that crashed in Chile in 1972 in the Andes Mountains (Hefner, http://www.themystica.com/mystica/articles/c/cannibalism.html). -
Rethinking the Conquest : an Exploration of the Similarities Between Pre-Contact Spanish and Mexica Society, Culture, and Royalty
University of Northern Iowa UNI ScholarWorks Dissertations and Theses @ UNI Student Work 2015 Rethinking the Conquest : an exploration of the similarities between pre-contact Spanish and Mexica society, culture, and royalty Samantha Billing University of Northern Iowa Let us know how access to this document benefits ouy Copyright ©2015 Samantha Billing Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.uni.edu/etd Part of the Latin American History Commons Recommended Citation Billing, Samantha, "Rethinking the Conquest : an exploration of the similarities between pre-contact Spanish and Mexica society, culture, and royalty" (2015). Dissertations and Theses @ UNI. 155. https://scholarworks.uni.edu/etd/155 This Open Access Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Student Work at UNI ScholarWorks. It has been accepted for inclusion in Dissertations and Theses @ UNI by an authorized administrator of UNI ScholarWorks. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Copyright by SAMANTHA BILLING 2015 All Rights Reserved RETHINKING THE CONQUEST: AN EXPLORATION OF THE SIMILARITIES BETWEEN PRE‐CONTACT SPANISH AND MEXICA SOCIETY, CULTURE, AND ROYALTY An Abstract of a Thesis Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Master of Arts Samantha Billing University of Northern Iowa May 2015 ABSTRACT The Spanish Conquest has been historically marked by the year 1521 and is popularly thought of as an absolute and complete process of indigenous subjugation in the New World. Alongside this idea comes the widespread narrative that describes a barbaric, uncivilized group of indigenous people being conquered and subjugated by a more sophisticated and superior group of Europeans.