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EUPATRID ATHENS D. Morgan Pierce EUPATRID ATHENS D. Morgan Pierce BASILEUS The Egyptian and Mesopotamian monarchs appointed their nobles and administrators through a fog of religious ceremony. This nobility/priesthood was subservient to royal kinship; the members were unequivocally subordinate to the monarch. Absolute slavery, applying to every subject under the god-king, was indispensable for oriental monarchy. Why had the Greeks not adopted the idea, considering that the oriental monarchies were virtually the only cultural source from which ideas could be imported? Archaic Greece, an immediate offspring of European nomadic culture, did not have a tradition of slavery. Distinctions of wealth and prestige from livestock possession, on which tribal organization is based, preserved a relative egalitarianism because distinctions of property were vague. Only relatively immoveable distinctions of wealth such as land could enable lasting distinctions of wealth. A minor corvée tradition obligated pagani (georgoi) to labor for the anax, but there was no serfdom, and what slavery existed consisted not of agricultural labor but female domestics. Although artisans in classical Greece were slaves, in archaic Greece they had been freemen.1 1 The craftsmen were freemen, never slaves as in classical Greece. Peasants may in emergency be conscripted to labor for the King, but we do not hear of serfs bound to the soil. Slaves are not numerous, nor is their position degraded; they are mostly female domestics, and occupy a position in effect as high as that of household servants today, except that they are bought and sold for long terms instead of for precariously brief engagements. On occasion, they are brutally treated; normally they are accepted as －29－ D. Morgan Pierce In the early 8th century BC the basileus still combined in himself both government and religion, as did the pharaoh and the Mesopotamian king. Religion and government had not yet bifurcated. Symbols and rituals, by making people gather, witness, and do the same things, endow them with a sense of social unity; the person in charge of the ritual becomes the center of such a fabricated unity. At the start of the Iron Age, the Hellenic basileus partially retired from religious ritual. The agora had previously been the porch of the basileus' dwelling, where he made pronouncements, and where his personage as chief priest was indubitable. Afterwards ceremony was conducted in temples erected apart from the dwelling of the basileus,2 and the agora was removed to a separate location. How could this catastrophic demotion of the basileia (kingship) have occurred? How could the basileus have continued to preside over religious ceremony, but have abruptly surrendered the overwhelming power which the priestly function had signified? How could a distinction of secular and religious authority have become discernible, and what force inclined the Basileia to religious authority? Stationary settlement produced a surplus, an issue with which the prior nomadic tribes had been unfamiliar. Nomadic tribes did not fight for land occupation; members of the family, are cared for in illness or depression or old age, and may develop a humane relation of affection with master or mistress. Nausicaa helps her bond women to wash the family linen in the stream, plays ball with them, and altogether treats them as companions. If a slave woman bears a son to her master, the child is usually free. Any man, however, may become a slave, through capture in battle or in tyrannical raids. Cf. Durant, Will; The Life of Greece, MJF Books, New York, 1966, p. 46. 2 Archaeological evidence shows that during the Early Iron Age the house of the local ruler served certain cult purposes. Especially in the eighth century these chieftain’s dwellings were replaced by or transformed into sacred buildings, presumably when the ruler lost control of the community’s religious affairs. Particularly during the latter half of that century there was a tendency towards clearer separation and distinction of religious space. All over the Aegean shrines or temples were erected for patron deities protecting the polis; some of these represent the first examples of post-Late Bronze Age monumental architecture. Cf. Crielaard. Jan Paul; "Cities," in A Companion to Archaic Greece, Eds. Raaflaub, Kurt A., and van Wees, Hans, Wiley-Blackwell, Oxford, 2009, p. 365. －30－ EUPATRID ATHENS It was more economical to avoid confrontation than to subjugate, because tribes had no fixed assets. Tribal warfare therefore consisted of light invasive skirmishes. Stationary pastoral and arable agriculture produced fixed assets, surplus, and attracted invasion. Severe loss that would now result from non-confrontation compelled resolute belligerency; settlement necessitated militarization.3 Development of "capital-intensive" agriculture was the immediate cause of aristocracy, a class of people bearing leadership in defense.4 The basileus straddled the two periods; leadership in the nomadic era did not require distinction of priest and king, but the new warfare entailed by settlement rendered the distinction efficacious. Patrimonialism was the first organization of sedentary militarism. Patriarchy was the genetic organization of the family, in which the father governed the family; patrimonialism extended beyond the genetic order in the family. It was, like patriarchy, still natural, in that the extended family composed of all families in a village were blood relatives, and of whom presumably the oldest male would be the village leader. Such a leader would be both king and priest. The small family number was the condition for efficiency of the combination of family head and family priest in patriarchy. Such diffusion through blood relations is orderly and unambiguous in a village in which every member is a blood-relative, for so long as the population is small. Primitive Greek religion was separate from family to family; the rituals of one family were kept strictly secret from other families. Patriarchal structure 3 The greater the surplus generated, the more desirable it was predatory to preying outsiders. And the greater the fixity of investment, the greater the tendency to defend rather than to flee from attack. Cf. Mann, Michael, The Sources of Social Power, Volume I, Cambridge University Press, 1997, p. 48*. 4 Gilman, A.; "The Development of Social Stratification in Bronze Age Europe," in Current Anthropology, 1981. In Bronze Age Europe capital-intensive subsistence techniques (the plow, Mediterranean polyculture of olives and grain, irrigation, and offshore fishing) preceded and caused the emergence of a “hereditary elite class.” Their assets needed permanent defense and leadership. －31－ D. Morgan Pierce consisted of the diffusion of original authority from one patriarch through his relatives and progeny. Even if a population remains genetically unmixed, population growth dilutes genetic social cohesion because a human can maintain intimate relations with no more than 500 people. The Hellenic agricultural-aristocratic class adopted roles that might have constituted a centralized religion. When the genetic order loses strength due to expansion of village population, a village priest serves to amplify familial cohesion of the village. A plurality of priests, who are neither chosen nor organized according to immediate genetic association, can extend familial intimacy between the original priest-king and demos (people) when the king's blood-relation to the demos has become too diaphanous. A public religion developed in Greece subsequently to the primitive family religion, but its concern was the cognate unity of the families, not religion within the family, and was less virulent than private religion. The stringent dependence of oriental population on irrigation presupposed centralization, compounding all powers in one ruler. A village could not develop irrigation without cooperative irrigation development in neighboring villages. The imperative collaboration entailed a transcendent supervisor. Ubiquitous dependence on irrigation extended the oriental king’s will into the smallest local contexts.5 An Oriental king did not negotiate; the Pharaoh acted in an absence of political contention, because the blood-lineage of the King or Pharaoh was kept separate from the lineage of the priests. The authority of such a priest derives from the charisma of the patriarch. Priesthood sustains the genetic order, but when it is not 5 A supreme despot, say a monarch whose claim to divinity is generally accepted (as in Egypt or China throughout much of their imperial histories) can thus attempt virtually any action without “principled” opposition. Infrastructural power refers to the capacity to actually penetrate society and to implement logistically political decisions. What should be immediately obvious about the despots of historic empires is the weakness of their infrastructural powers and their dependence upon the class of aristocrats for such infrastructure as they possessed. Cf. Mann, Michael, The Sources of Social Power, Volume I, Cambridge University Press, 1997, p. 170. －32－ EUPATRID ATHENS formed from cognate relation to the king, it is not itself genetically ordered. The Egyptian monarchy was structured by kinship, but the retinue, i.e. the priests and nobility, were united not by kinship, but by office; kinship, pertinent only to the Pharaoh, categorically excluded the priest and noble from the position of Pharaoh. Whether priesthood remained gentilician or became political may have depended on the
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