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Censorship Among Russian Media Personalities and Reporters in the 2010S Elisabeth Schimpfossl the University of Liverpool Ilya Yablokov the University of Manchester
COERCION OR CONFORMISM? CENSORSHIP AND SELF- CENSORSHIP AMONG RUSSIAN MEDIA PERSONALITIES AND REPORTERS IN THE 2010S ELISABETH SCHIMPFOSSL THE UNIVERSITY OF LIVERPOOL ILYA YABLOKOV THE UNIVERSITY OF MANCHESTER Abstract: This article examines questions of censorship, self-censorship and conformism on Russia’s federal television networks during Putin’s third presidential term. It challenges the idea that the political views and images broadcast by federal television are imposed coercively upon reporters, presenters and anchors. Based on an analysis of interviews with famous media personalities as well as rank-and-file reporters, this article argues that media governance in contemporary Russia does not need to resort to coercive methods, or the exertion of self-censorship among its staff, to support government views. Quite the contrary: reporters enjoy relatively large leeway to develop their creativity, which is crucial for state-aligned television networks to keep audience ratings up. Those pundits, anchors and reporters who are involved in the direct promotion of Kremlin positions usually have consciously and deliberately chosen to do so. The more famous they are, the more they partake in the production of political discourses. Elisabeth Schimpfossl, Ph.D., teaches history at The University of Liverpool, 12 Abercromby Square, Liverpool, L69 7WZ, UK, email: [email protected]; Ilya Yablokov is a Ph.D. candidate in Russian and East European Studies, School of Arts, Languages and Cultures, The University of Manchester, Oxford Road, Manchester, -
M. Korostikov / Russian State and Economy
’Ifri ’Ifri _____________________________________________________________________ Leaving to Come Back: Russian Senior Officials and the State-Owned Companies _____________________________________________________________________ Mikhail Korostikov August 2015 . Russia/NIS Center Ifri is a research center and a forum for debate on major international political and economic issues. Headed by Thierry de Montbrial since its founding in 1979, Ifri is a non-governmental and a non-profit organization. As an independent think tank, Ifri sets its own research agenda, publishing its findings regularly for a global audience. With offices in Paris and Brussels, Ifri stands out as one of the rare French think tanks to have positioned itself at the very heart of European debate. Using an interdisciplinary approach, Ifri brings together political and economic decision-makers, researchers and internationally renowned experts to animate its debates and research activities. The opinions expressed in this article are the authors’ alone and do not reflect the official views of their institutions. ISBN: 978-2-36567-435-5 © All rights reserved, Ifri, 2015 Ifri Ifri-Bruxelles 27, rue de la Procession Rue Marie-Thérèse, 21 75740 Paris Cedex 15 – FRANCE 1000 – Bruxelles – BELGIQUE Tél. : +33 (0)1 40 61 60 00 Tél. : +32 (0)2 238 51 10 Fax : +33 (0)1 40 61 60 60 Fax : +32 (0)2 238 51 15 Email : [email protected] Email : [email protected] Website : Ifri.org Russie.Nei.Visions Russie.Nei.Visions is an online collection dedicated to Russia and the other new independent states (Belarus, Ukraine, Moldova, Armenia, Georgia, Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan). Written by leading experts, these policy- oriented papers deal with strategic, political and economic issues. -
Transcultural Express: American and Russian Arts Today Presents a Night of Contemporary Russian Arts at BAM on June 5
TransCultural Express: American and Russian Arts Today presents a night of contemporary Russian arts at BAM on June 5 Visual artist Irina Korina to unveil her first art installation in the US; Authors/journalists Masha Gessen and Keith Gessen to discuss their work at Eat, Drink & Be Literary Brooklyn, NY/May 28, 2013—A site-specific installation by Moscow-based artist Irina Korina and a literary program featuring Masha Gessen and Keith Gessen will bring contemporary Russian culture to Brooklyn Academy of Music (BAM) on June 5, as part of the initial programming of TransCultural Express: American and Russian Arts Today—a collaborative venture between BAM and the Mikhail Prokhorov Fund. Acclaimed Russian literary siblings Masha Gessen (The Unlikely Rise of Vladimir Putin) and Keith Gessen (contributor to The New Yorker, The Atlantic, The New York Review of Books) will discuss their work and lives within two cultures with famed author Phillip Lopate on June 5. This is part of BAM’s popular Eat, Drink & Be Literary series, where audiences wine and dine while hearing leading authors read from their work. Tickets for this program can be purchased by calling BAM Ticket Services at 718.636.4100 or by visiting BAM.org. Tickets also may be purchased in person at the BAM Box Office, Peter Jay Sharp Building, 30 Lafayette Avenue from 10am to 6pm Monday—Friday and 12pm—6pm on Saturday. The evening begins with the work of Russian visual artist Irina Korina, who was selected to represent Russia at the Venice Biennale in 2009. BAM will unveil Korina’s original sculptural installation, created for the lobby of the Peter Jay Sharp Building, and hold a public reception for the artist. -
Oleg Deripaska Has Struggled for Legitimacy in the United States, Where He Has Been Dogged by Civil Lawsuits Questioning the Methods He Used to Build That Empire
The Globe and Mail (Canada) May 11, 2007 Friday Preferred by the Kremlin, shunned by the States BYLINE: SINCLAIR STEWART, With a report from Greg Keenan in Toronto SECTION: NEWS BUSINESS; STRONACH'S NEW PARTNER: 'ONE OF PUTIN'S FAVOURITE OLIGARCHS'; Pg. A1 LENGTH: 957 words DATELINE: NEW YORK He is perhaps the most powerful of Russia's oligarchs, a precocious - some would say ruthless - billionaire, who built his fortune against the bloody backdrop of that country's "aluminum wars" in the 1990s. He has nurtured close ties to the Kremlin, married the daughter of former president Boris Yeltsin's son-in-law, amassed an estimated $8-billion in personal wealth and built a corporate empire that stretches from metals and automobiles to aircraft and construction. Yet for all his success at home, 39-year-old Oleg Deripaska has struggled for legitimacy in the United States, where he has been dogged by civil lawsuits questioning the methods he used to build that empire. Mr. Deripaska has repeatedly denied allegations levelled against him, and he has not been specifically accused by American authorities of any crime. However, these whispers about shady business dealings may raise concerns about his $1.5-billion investment in Canada's Magna International, not to mention Magna's attempts to win control of DaimlerChrysler, an iconic American company. The United States has recently shown protectionist proclivities, citing national security concerns to quash both a Chinese state-owned oil company's bid for Unocal Ltd. and a planned acquisition of U.S. port service contracts by Dubai Ports World. -
Medvedev Succession
BR POLIC IEF MEETING MEDVEDEV: Y THE POLITICS OF THE PUTIN SUCCESSION Andrew Wilson SU On 2 March, Russians will in all probability elect Dmitry Dmitry Medvedev’s election on 2 March 2008 offers EU leaders a new chance to overcome their disunity and Medvedev as their new president. A 42 year-old, English- put their uncertain Russia policy on a better foundation. speaking, economically literate lawyer, often described as a Whatever his personal inclinations, Medvedev will be “liberal”, the ex-chairman of Gazprom cuts a different figure unable to behave like a democrat in his first years in office. MMARY from Putin and his political mentor’s KGB acolytes. Will his EU leaders should cautiously welcome the new president’s election bring a new start for EU-Russian relations? Or will election, but must wait and see whether Medvedev proves a willing interlocutor who can deliver. They should refrain it be more of the same - “Putinism without Putin”? Does from the foolish enthusiasm they displayed when the Medvedev represent a new opportunity, or false hope? sober and coherent Putin succeeded the ailing Yeltsin in 2000. Instead they should test Medvedev with specific This policy brief addresses four questions, each prompted demands over energy policy, Kosovo, and Iran. by one of the salient features of the system developed Medvedev, a lawyer by training, has often been depicted by Putin in Russia: Will Medvedev act like a democrat? as a “liberal”. Considering the alternatives and his own How will the proposed cohabitation with Putin work? record, he may well be one of the better options to succeed Will Medvedev eventually be his own man? And will Vladimir Putin, the outgoing autocratic president. -
Youtube Report Draft V4
MONDAY, JULY 16 YouTube & News A new kind of visual journalism FOR FUTHER INFORMATION: Tom Rosenstiel, Director, Pew Research Center’s Project for Excellence in Journalism Amy Mitchell, Deputy Director, Pew Research Center’s Project for Excellence in Journalism (202) 419-3650 1515 L St, N.W., Suite 700 Washington, D.C. 20036 www.journalism.org YouTube & News: A New Kind of Visual Journalism Introduction On March 11, 2011, an earthquake registering 9.0 on the Richter scale struck the coast of northeastern Japan, triggering a tsunami that would kill more than 18,000 people and leave an estimated $180 billion in damage. The news media worldwide provided extensive coverage of the disaster and its aftermath, but millions of people also turned to the web to learn about the event on the video sharing website YouTube. 1 In the seven days following the disaster (March 11-18), the 20 most viewed news-related videos on YouTube all focused on the tragedy—and were viewed more than 96 million times. What people saw in these videos also represented a new kind of visual journalism. Most of that footage was recorded by citizen eyewitnesses who found themselves caught in the tragedy. Some of that video was posted by the citizens themselves. Most of this citizen-footage, however, was posted by news organizations incorporating user-generated content into their news offerings. The most watched video of all was shot by what appeared to be fixed closed-circuit surveillance camera at the Sendai airport. Link: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-DSSssHxm4Y The disaster in Japan was hardly a unique case. -
The End of the Putin Consensus Ben Judah and Andrew Wilson
M P o e L M i CY The end of The o PuTin Consensus Ben Judah and Andrew Wilson Since December, Russia has been rocked by mass protests SU The “Putin consensus” of the 2000s is over. demanding clean elections and an end to the culture of Although Prime Minister Vladimir Putin is immunity on corruption. After a decade of over-control, certain to win a hollow victory in the Russian Russia is undergoing a process of re-politicisation. After presidential elections in March, the current the financial crisis exposed Russia’s chronic governance MMARY electoral cycle has weakened his authority and crisis and its dashed dreams of being a rising economic shown the fragility of his regime. Russia is undergoing a process of re-politicisation and is power, as ECFR argued in Dealing with a Post-BRIC entering a phase of “late Putinism” that is likely Russia, the “Putin consensus” has broken down and to be characterised by elite divisions, continued the “Putin majority” in society has decayed.1 However, protests and a gradual ebbing away of popular although Russia is restless, it is not yet revolutionary. support. The protest movement that erupted There is still a passive Putin plurality, largely drawn from after the falsified vote in the parliamentary the older, poorer and more provincial parts of society election in December has not yet challenged that are frightened of change and see no alternative to Putin’s grip on power but is nevertheless a symptom of an increasingly unstable Russia. Putin. The protest movement remains a minority, but it is concentrated in the country’s most dynamic demographics The European Union should see the current – particularly among Muscovites the new middle classes, crisis as a clear signal that the Putin system will the young and the cultural elites. -
Ingushetia: Building Identity, Overcoming Conflict
INGUSHETIA: BUILDING IDENTITY, OVERCOMING CONFLICT Anna Matveeva and Igor Savin Introduction The Republic of Ingushetia is the smallest in terms of territory of Russia’s republics, and numbers 412,997 inhabitants. 1 It was established on 4 June 1992 as a result of the separation from the dual-nationality Checheno-Ingushetia. A large part of the republic is taken by high mountains, the highest peak is 4451m, and the remaining part has a high population density. Birth rates are high and having six or seven children is common in rural areas. All Ingushetia’s leaders came from a security background. General Ruslan Aushev became the first president, but in 2001 was removed by Moscow and replaced with Murat Zyazikov, who was elected to the presidency in controversial circumstances in May 2002. In October 2008 Zyazikov was dismissed. General Yunus-Bek Yevkurov was nominated by President Medvedev and approved as president by the People’s Assembly of Ingushetia. Ethnic Ingush oligarch in Moscow Mikhail Gutseriyev, co- owner of Russneft, and his relatives are among the richest people in Russia. There is no major industry or budget revenue source in the republic, and it is subsidised by the federal centre. Local opinions perceive the republic’s facilities and infrastructure as backward, although field observation did not confirm this. Roads and public buildings have been constructed, communication systems work and housing is of good standard. Consumer goods are on sale and people appear able to buy them. However, there are fewer municipal buildings, such as social clubs and libraries, and overwhelming dissatisfaction with medical facilities. -
Russian Advocacy Coalitions
Russian Advocacy Coalitions A study in Power Resources This study examines the advocacy coalitions in Russia. Using the Advocacy Coalition Framework, it looks at the power resource distribution amongst the coalitions, and how this distribution affects Russian foreign policy. The power resources examined are: Formal Legal Authority; Public Opinion; Information; Mobilizable Troops; and Financial Resources. In addition to this, the study used quantitative and qualitative methods to identify these resources. There are a couple of conclusions we may draw from this study. The method is useful in identifying power resources. It is not enough to use only the distribution of resources amongst coalitions in order to explain policy changes. It is found that the distribution of resources, coupled with coalition interaction, is enough to explain changes in Russian foreign policy. KEYWORDS: Advocacy Coalition Framework, Russia, Power Resources, Natural Gas WORDS: 24,368 Author: Robert Granlund Supervisor: Fredrik Bynander Contents 1. INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................................... 1 1.1 PURPOSE .................................................................................................................................. 1 1.2 RESEARCH QUESTIONS ............................................................................................................ 2 1.3 OUTLINE.................................................................................................................................. -
Company News SECURITIES MARKET NEWS LETTER Weekly
SSEECCUURRIIITTIIIEESS MMAARRKKEETT NNEEWWSSLLEETTTTEERR weekly Presented by: VTB Bank, Custody June 28, 2018 Issue No. 2018/23 Company News Safmar says no plans to further cut stake in M.Video On June 22, 2018 Said Gutseriyev, chairman of M.Video’s board of directors and a member of Safmar’s board of directors, stated that Russian financial group Safmar did not plan to further reduce its stake in electronics retailer M.Video. Media-Saturn-Holding (MediaMarktSaturn), controlled by German retailer Ceconomy, said on June 20 it agreed to acquire a 15% stake in M.Video from Safmar of businessman Mikhail Gutseriyev and transfer its Russian business, Media Markt stores, to Safmar. The value of the deal is estimated at EUR 258 mln. As a result of the deal, Safmar’s stake in M.Video fell to 42.7%. Safmar does not plan a further expansion in the retail sector and is not considering any additional acquisitions. The group does not expect any problems with the Federal Antimonopoly Service over M.Video’s acquisition of the Media Markt chain, as believes that the purchase will not significantly raise its market share. He also said that M.Video could resume paying dividends after 2019. In late May, M.Video’s board of directors recommended paying no dividends for 2017. The planned increase of value-added tax (VAT) to 20% from 18% will not significantly impact prices for household appliances and electronics. MGTS holders elect new board of directors, now only MTS executives On June 22, 2018 shareholders of Moscow City Telephone Company (MGTS), a fixed line unit of mobile operator MTS, elected at an annual general meeting a new board of directors, which now comprises only MTS representatives. -
RUSSIA INTELLIGENCE Politics & Government
N°75 - April 10 2008 Published every two weeks / International Edition CONTENTS DIPLOMACY P. 1-3 Politics & Government c Some grist for the mill between Moscow and Washington DIPLOMACY c Some grist for the mill The farewell meeting between George Bush and Vladimir Putin in Sochi, just after the NATO sum- between Moscow and mit in Bucharest, confirmed what we had already noticed on several occasions in the past : the two men Washington never really understood each other. Although they deny it, they are both “products” of the cold war.Their BEHIND THE SCENE two Foreign ministers, Condi Rice and Sergey Lavrov, are also both derived products and the very sub- c Toward a Pax russica in jects raised in Sochi – NATO, anti-missile systems – would not have been out of place in one of the good Transnistria old US-Soviet summits from the 1970s or 1980s. “It was a remarkable relationship” George Bush felt ap- FOCUS propriate to conclude, remarkable in fact since it leaves the United States and Russia at a sort of “square c Putin puts a marker on Medvedev one” after the feverish hugs of the 1990s and the aborted grand designs of the 2001-2003 period. ENERGY c TNK-BP : Moscow blows In a few days, Dmitry Medvedev will establish himself in the Kremlin and will become the new inter- hot and cold locutor for George Bush until next January. There is little chance that significant changes will take place ALERT by then. Then in January, it will be the unknown for Russian diplomacy, with the only certainty being at c Suez /Gaz de France this stage : that none of the three candidates for the presidency of the United States has been seen as being particularly amicable toward Russia, with Senator McCain appearing the most outspoken since he P. -
Russian Energy Policy Toward Neighboring Countries
Order Code RL34261 Russian Energy Policy Toward Neighboring Countries Updated March 27, 2008 Steven Woehrel Specialist in European Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Russian Energy Policy Toward Neighboring Countries Summary Russian oil and natural gas industries are increasingly important players in the global energy market, particularly in Europe and Eurasia. Another trend has been the increasing concentration of these industries in the hands of the Russian government. This latter phenomenon has been accompanied by an increasingly authoritarian political system, in which former intelligence officers play key roles. Russian firms have tried to purchase a controlling stake in pipelines, ports, storage facilities, and other key energy assets of the countries of central and eastern Europe. They need these assets to transport energy supplies to lucrative western European markets, as well as to secure greater control over the domestic markets of the countries of the region. In several cases where assets were sold to non-Russian firms, Russian firms cut off energy supplies to the facilities. Russia has also tried to build new pipelines to circumvent infrastructure that it does not control. Another objective Russia has pursued has been to eliminate the energy subsidies former Soviet republics have received since the fall of the Soviet Union, including by raising the price these countries pay for natural gas to world market prices. It is not completely clear whether the pursuit of Russian foreign policy objectives is the primary explanation for the actions of its energy firms. Few would disagree in principle that the elimination of subsidies to post-Soviet countries is a sound business decision, even if questions have been raised about the timing of such moves.