No. 48: Russia and the Financial Crisis
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Censorship Among Russian Media Personalities and Reporters in the 2010S Elisabeth Schimpfossl the University of Liverpool Ilya Yablokov the University of Manchester
COERCION OR CONFORMISM? CENSORSHIP AND SELF- CENSORSHIP AMONG RUSSIAN MEDIA PERSONALITIES AND REPORTERS IN THE 2010S ELISABETH SCHIMPFOSSL THE UNIVERSITY OF LIVERPOOL ILYA YABLOKOV THE UNIVERSITY OF MANCHESTER Abstract: This article examines questions of censorship, self-censorship and conformism on Russia’s federal television networks during Putin’s third presidential term. It challenges the idea that the political views and images broadcast by federal television are imposed coercively upon reporters, presenters and anchors. Based on an analysis of interviews with famous media personalities as well as rank-and-file reporters, this article argues that media governance in contemporary Russia does not need to resort to coercive methods, or the exertion of self-censorship among its staff, to support government views. Quite the contrary: reporters enjoy relatively large leeway to develop their creativity, which is crucial for state-aligned television networks to keep audience ratings up. Those pundits, anchors and reporters who are involved in the direct promotion of Kremlin positions usually have consciously and deliberately chosen to do so. The more famous they are, the more they partake in the production of political discourses. Elisabeth Schimpfossl, Ph.D., teaches history at The University of Liverpool, 12 Abercromby Square, Liverpool, L69 7WZ, UK, email: [email protected]; Ilya Yablokov is a Ph.D. candidate in Russian and East European Studies, School of Arts, Languages and Cultures, The University of Manchester, Oxford Road, Manchester, -
M. Korostikov / Russian State and Economy
’Ifri ’Ifri _____________________________________________________________________ Leaving to Come Back: Russian Senior Officials and the State-Owned Companies _____________________________________________________________________ Mikhail Korostikov August 2015 . Russia/NIS Center Ifri is a research center and a forum for debate on major international political and economic issues. Headed by Thierry de Montbrial since its founding in 1979, Ifri is a non-governmental and a non-profit organization. As an independent think tank, Ifri sets its own research agenda, publishing its findings regularly for a global audience. With offices in Paris and Brussels, Ifri stands out as one of the rare French think tanks to have positioned itself at the very heart of European debate. Using an interdisciplinary approach, Ifri brings together political and economic decision-makers, researchers and internationally renowned experts to animate its debates and research activities. The opinions expressed in this article are the authors’ alone and do not reflect the official views of their institutions. ISBN: 978-2-36567-435-5 © All rights reserved, Ifri, 2015 Ifri Ifri-Bruxelles 27, rue de la Procession Rue Marie-Thérèse, 21 75740 Paris Cedex 15 – FRANCE 1000 – Bruxelles – BELGIQUE Tél. : +33 (0)1 40 61 60 00 Tél. : +32 (0)2 238 51 10 Fax : +33 (0)1 40 61 60 60 Fax : +32 (0)2 238 51 15 Email : [email protected] Email : [email protected] Website : Ifri.org Russie.Nei.Visions Russie.Nei.Visions is an online collection dedicated to Russia and the other new independent states (Belarus, Ukraine, Moldova, Armenia, Georgia, Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan). Written by leading experts, these policy- oriented papers deal with strategic, political and economic issues. -
Transcultural Express: American and Russian Arts Today Presents a Night of Contemporary Russian Arts at BAM on June 5
TransCultural Express: American and Russian Arts Today presents a night of contemporary Russian arts at BAM on June 5 Visual artist Irina Korina to unveil her first art installation in the US; Authors/journalists Masha Gessen and Keith Gessen to discuss their work at Eat, Drink & Be Literary Brooklyn, NY/May 28, 2013—A site-specific installation by Moscow-based artist Irina Korina and a literary program featuring Masha Gessen and Keith Gessen will bring contemporary Russian culture to Brooklyn Academy of Music (BAM) on June 5, as part of the initial programming of TransCultural Express: American and Russian Arts Today—a collaborative venture between BAM and the Mikhail Prokhorov Fund. Acclaimed Russian literary siblings Masha Gessen (The Unlikely Rise of Vladimir Putin) and Keith Gessen (contributor to The New Yorker, The Atlantic, The New York Review of Books) will discuss their work and lives within two cultures with famed author Phillip Lopate on June 5. This is part of BAM’s popular Eat, Drink & Be Literary series, where audiences wine and dine while hearing leading authors read from their work. Tickets for this program can be purchased by calling BAM Ticket Services at 718.636.4100 or by visiting BAM.org. Tickets also may be purchased in person at the BAM Box Office, Peter Jay Sharp Building, 30 Lafayette Avenue from 10am to 6pm Monday—Friday and 12pm—6pm on Saturday. The evening begins with the work of Russian visual artist Irina Korina, who was selected to represent Russia at the Venice Biennale in 2009. BAM will unveil Korina’s original sculptural installation, created for the lobby of the Peter Jay Sharp Building, and hold a public reception for the artist. -
Company News SECURITIES MARKET NEWS LETTER Weekly
SSEECCUURRIIITTIIIEESS MMAARRKKEETT NNEEWWSSLLEETTTTEERR weekly Presented by: VTB Bank, Custody March 29, 2018 Issue No. 2018/11 Company News Russian antitrust allows Onexim Group to buy 100% in IFC Bank On March 23, 2018 it was reported that Russia’s Federal Antimonopoly Service allowed Mikhail Prokhorov’s Onexim Group to acquire a 100% voting stake in International Financial Club (IFC Bank). According to the central bank, Prokhorov owns 27.74% in IFC Bank through Cyprus-based Onexim Holdings Ltd. Winterlux of Viktor Vekselberg owns 19.71%, businessman Alexander Abramov holds 39.42% and Yekaterina Ignatova 13.14%. Central bank orders Asian-Pacific Bank to change owners, up capital On March 23, 2018 it was announced that the central bank asked Asian-Pacific Bank, Russia’s 60th largest bank by assets as of February 1, to change shareholders, the largest of which is former owner of retailer Azbuka Vkusa Andrei Vdovin, and to raise its shareholder equity before April. Previously, the central bank allowed Asian-Pacific Bank to delay provision of reserves against a loan provided to defunct subsidiary M2M Private Bank to the beginning of 2018, but the bank created reserves only against 80% of the loan. Asian- Pacific Bank asked for more time, and the regulator set the deadline for March 31. The reserves will also force the bank to raise capital in line with the central bank’s orders. After the failure of M2M Private Bank, the regulator ordered owners of Asian-Pacific Bank to cut their stakes in the bank to no more than 10%. Previously, Vdovin, Alexei Maslovsky, and Peter Hambro owned 22.5% in the bank each, but in December 2017 they cut their stakes to a combined stake of 8.24% controlled through company PPFIN Region, while British Virgin Islands registered company Shelmer Holding Ltd acquired 31.8% in the bank. -
Youtube Report Draft V4
MONDAY, JULY 16 YouTube & News A new kind of visual journalism FOR FUTHER INFORMATION: Tom Rosenstiel, Director, Pew Research Center’s Project for Excellence in Journalism Amy Mitchell, Deputy Director, Pew Research Center’s Project for Excellence in Journalism (202) 419-3650 1515 L St, N.W., Suite 700 Washington, D.C. 20036 www.journalism.org YouTube & News: A New Kind of Visual Journalism Introduction On March 11, 2011, an earthquake registering 9.0 on the Richter scale struck the coast of northeastern Japan, triggering a tsunami that would kill more than 18,000 people and leave an estimated $180 billion in damage. The news media worldwide provided extensive coverage of the disaster and its aftermath, but millions of people also turned to the web to learn about the event on the video sharing website YouTube. 1 In the seven days following the disaster (March 11-18), the 20 most viewed news-related videos on YouTube all focused on the tragedy—and were viewed more than 96 million times. What people saw in these videos also represented a new kind of visual journalism. Most of that footage was recorded by citizen eyewitnesses who found themselves caught in the tragedy. Some of that video was posted by the citizens themselves. Most of this citizen-footage, however, was posted by news organizations incorporating user-generated content into their news offerings. The most watched video of all was shot by what appeared to be fixed closed-circuit surveillance camera at the Sendai airport. Link: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-DSSssHxm4Y The disaster in Japan was hardly a unique case. -
The End of the Putin Consensus Ben Judah and Andrew Wilson
M P o e L M i CY The end of The o PuTin Consensus Ben Judah and Andrew Wilson Since December, Russia has been rocked by mass protests SU The “Putin consensus” of the 2000s is over. demanding clean elections and an end to the culture of Although Prime Minister Vladimir Putin is immunity on corruption. After a decade of over-control, certain to win a hollow victory in the Russian Russia is undergoing a process of re-politicisation. After presidential elections in March, the current the financial crisis exposed Russia’s chronic governance MMARY electoral cycle has weakened his authority and crisis and its dashed dreams of being a rising economic shown the fragility of his regime. Russia is undergoing a process of re-politicisation and is power, as ECFR argued in Dealing with a Post-BRIC entering a phase of “late Putinism” that is likely Russia, the “Putin consensus” has broken down and to be characterised by elite divisions, continued the “Putin majority” in society has decayed.1 However, protests and a gradual ebbing away of popular although Russia is restless, it is not yet revolutionary. support. The protest movement that erupted There is still a passive Putin plurality, largely drawn from after the falsified vote in the parliamentary the older, poorer and more provincial parts of society election in December has not yet challenged that are frightened of change and see no alternative to Putin’s grip on power but is nevertheless a symptom of an increasingly unstable Russia. Putin. The protest movement remains a minority, but it is concentrated in the country’s most dynamic demographics The European Union should see the current – particularly among Muscovites the new middle classes, crisis as a clear signal that the Putin system will the young and the cultural elites. -
RUSSIA INTELLIGENCE Politics & Government
N°75 - April 10 2008 Published every two weeks / International Edition CONTENTS DIPLOMACY P. 1-3 Politics & Government c Some grist for the mill between Moscow and Washington DIPLOMACY c Some grist for the mill The farewell meeting between George Bush and Vladimir Putin in Sochi, just after the NATO sum- between Moscow and mit in Bucharest, confirmed what we had already noticed on several occasions in the past : the two men Washington never really understood each other. Although they deny it, they are both “products” of the cold war.Their BEHIND THE SCENE two Foreign ministers, Condi Rice and Sergey Lavrov, are also both derived products and the very sub- c Toward a Pax russica in jects raised in Sochi – NATO, anti-missile systems – would not have been out of place in one of the good Transnistria old US-Soviet summits from the 1970s or 1980s. “It was a remarkable relationship” George Bush felt ap- FOCUS propriate to conclude, remarkable in fact since it leaves the United States and Russia at a sort of “square c Putin puts a marker on Medvedev one” after the feverish hugs of the 1990s and the aborted grand designs of the 2001-2003 period. ENERGY c TNK-BP : Moscow blows In a few days, Dmitry Medvedev will establish himself in the Kremlin and will become the new inter- hot and cold locutor for George Bush until next January. There is little chance that significant changes will take place ALERT by then. Then in January, it will be the unknown for Russian diplomacy, with the only certainty being at c Suez /Gaz de France this stage : that none of the three candidates for the presidency of the United States has been seen as being particularly amicable toward Russia, with Senator McCain appearing the most outspoken since he P. -
How to Select Russian Oligarchs for New Sanctions?
HOW TO SELECT RUSSIAN OLIGARCHS FOR NEW SANCTIONS? Report by Ilya Zaslavskiy and Scott Stedman How to select Russian oligarchs for new sanctions? 1 CONTENTS Introduction 3 Background 3 CAATSA as a watershed in sanctions criteria 4 Recommendations for U.S. government on further interpretation of the CAATSA criteria 6 Additional measures 14 HOW TO SELECT RUSSIAN OLIGARCHS FOR NEW SANCTIONS? Introduction This study seeks to explore and open the encouragement and additional new framework debate on how existing criteria for sanctioning to target much wider circle of Russian officials Russian oligarchs can be used and interpreted and oligarchs. and what new criteria can be added to current and possible future sanctions by the U.S. These The watershed point was last year with deliberations will be illustrated with examples the adoption of the Countering America’s of individual oligarchs and their relevant links Adversaries Through Sanctions Act (CAATSA) to the criteria. which, as we show, widely expanded views of the Congress of who should be sanctioned. It must be noted that even before any specific This was a political, publicity and psychological sanctions against Russia, U.S. government could move for audiences both inside and outside the in theory easily and without any additional laws country, including allies and adversaries, not target basically anyone in Russia using existing just Russia. authorities (the same goes for many other authoritarian and kleptocratic countries). The In this study we will show how exactly this U.S. can block the assets, restrict debt or equity gradual encouragement proceeded and why dealings of basically anyone if it chooses to do and how the expanded criteria passed by the so. -
Russia Country Profile
Russia Country Profile Russia Country Profile Politics Economy Trade & Industries General Profile Total area 17,098,242 Km2 Population 138,082,178 (July 2012 est.) World Population (in 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 Growth Year per billions) year 6,6 6,7 6,7 6,8 6,9 1% Government type Federation Chief of state President Vladimir Vladimirovich PUTIN (since 7 May 2012) Dmitriy Anatolyevich MEDVEDEV (since 8 May 2012); First Deputy Premiers Igor Ivanovich SHUVALOV and Viktor Alekseyevich ZUBKOV (since 12 May 2008); Deputy Premiers Aleksandr Gennadiyevich Head of government KHLOPONIN (since 19 January 2010), Dmitriy Nikolayevich KOZAK (since 14 October 2008), Igor Ivanovich SECHIN (since 12 May 2008), Dmitriy Olegovich ROGOZIN (since 23 December 2011), Vladislav Yuryevich SURKOV (since 27 December 2011) Capital Moscow ranges from steppes in the south through humid continental in much of European Russia; subarctic in Siberia to tundra climate in the polar Climate north; winters vary from cool along Black Sea coast to frigid in Siberia; summers vary from warm in the steppes to cool along Arctic coast Language Russian Moscow, Saint Petersburg, Novosibirsk, Yekaterinburg, Nizhniy Major City Novgorod Economy Profile 2009 2010 2011 World GDP Growth -5% 9% - General Profile General Russia GDP Growth -7.8% 4.3% 4.3% GDP $1.791 trillion Chapter: Chapter: 1 GDP – Per capita $16,700 agriculture: 4.2% GDP – Composition by industry: 37% sector services : 58.9% Inflation 8.9% Exchanges Rates Russian rubles (RUB) per US dollar -28.35 (2011 est.) Primary Economy -
MODERNIZING RUSSIA PROJECT Part I: Society’S View of Doing Business in Russia
Center for European Policy Analysis MODERNIZING RUSSIA PROJECT Part I: Society’s View of Doing Business in Russia Denis Volkov Stepan Goncharov Maria Snegovaya 2 April 2020 CEPA BRIEF CEPA Center for European Policy Analysis All opinions are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily represent the position or views of the institutions they represent or the Center for European Policy Analysis. About CEPA The Center for European Policy Analysis (CEPA) is a 501(c)(3), non-profit, non-partisan, public policy research institute. Our mission is to promote an economically vibrant, strategically secure, and politically free Europe with close and enduring ties to the United States. Our analytical team consists of the world’s leading experts on Central-East Europe, Russia, and its neighbors. Through cutting- edge research, analysis, and programs we provide fresh insight on energy, security, and defense to government officials and agencies; we help transatlantic businesses navigate changing strategic landscapes; and we build networks of future Atlanticist leaders. © 2020 by the Center for European Policy Analysis, Washington, DC. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be used or reproduced in any manner whatsoever without permission in writing from the Center for European Policy Analysis, except in the case of brief quotations embodied in news articles, critical articles, or reviews. Center for European Policy Analysis 1275 Pennsylvania Ave NW, Suite 400 Washington, DC 20004 E-mail: [email protected] www.cepa.org Cover image: “Moscow, -
Russia Intelligence
RIA60 30/08/07 9:34 Page 1 N°60 - August 30 2007 Published every two weeks / International Edition CONTENTS KREMLIN c P. 1-2 Politics & Government A new season marked by « low blows » KREMLIN Time seems to have accelerated in Moscow since a few days and the “post Putin” manoeuvres c A new season marked by have gotten off to a flying start even before the end of the vacations. On the side of the media close « low blows » to the Kremlin, the progressive and powerful ascendancy of Sergey Ivanov is being orchestrated, FOCUS to the point that it is in fashion to now consider him as the “successor” in the face of a Dmitry c Sergey Naryshkin Medvedev who has never really been convincing or taken on the profile of a future Russian leader. reinforces his positions But on the sidelines the blows are coming in low. Such as the attempts to gain control of Russ- neft, the 10th petroleum company of the country, controlled by Mikhail Gutseriev, of which we P. 3-7 Business & Networks have often spoken in these columns (Russia Intelligence n°56 of May 31 2007).At the beginning ENERGY of the summer, Oleg Deripaska and Mikhail Gutseriev, constrained and forced, reached an accord c Gazprom’s new targets so that the group Base Element buys Russneft for a little more than 3 billion dollars (or a price BEHIND THE SCENE inferior to all the evaluations, which ranged between 6 and 8 billion), with the approval of Vladimir c Total’s Russian idyll Putin. -
REPORT Vladimir Putin's Big Government and the “Politburo 2.0”
REPORT Vladimir Putin’s Big Government and the “Politburo 2.0” Minchenko Consulting Communication Group presents the report “Vladimir Putin’s Big Government and the Politburo 2.0”, which is based on the results of an expert survey of more than 60 participants (representatives of the country’s political and business elites). Due to the specific nature of the survey, subject participation was strictly anonymous. The purpose of the survey was to build a consistent model of the informal decision-making system formed following the electoral cycle of 2011-2012, and of making staff decisions concerning the appointment of the new line-up in the Russian Government and the Presidential Executive Office. The report is intended for regional elites, Russian business and foreign investors. The formation of a new executive structure (including the government, the Presidential Executive Office, rotation in the governors’ offices) demonstrated us a new staffing style of Vladimir Putin. The traditional scheme of the “checks and balances” elite system was sophisticated: - A “control unit” that is in fact a back-up structure to the government was created within the Presidential Executive Office; it is represented by assistants to the President and specific administrations controlled by them. It should be noted that thanks to their staff these administrations can compete with ministries and governmental departments on the speed of bureaucratic procedures. There also exist recruitment centers alternative to the Presidential Executive Office [hereinafter – the PEO]. For example, Vladislav Surkov’s team that moved into the government; for now it is forced away from managing the domestic policy but, when necessary, it is ready to resume performing this function; - The President set up a number of new commissions (specifically, commissions for energy and for monitoring the execution of the President’s pre-election promises), which comprise of both ministers and representatives of the PEO.