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11 an Analysis of the Internal Structure of Kazakhstan's Political
11 Dosym SATPAEV An Analysis of the Internal Structure of Kazakhstan’s Political Elite and an Assessment of Political Risk Levels∗ Without understating the distinct peculiarities of Kazakhstan’s political development, it must be noted that the republic’s political system is not unique. From the view of a typology of political regimes, Kazakhstan possesses authoritarian elements that have the same pluses and minuses as dozens of other, similar political systems throughout the world. Objectivity, it must be noted that such regimes exist in the majority of post-Soviet states, although there has lately been an attempt by some ideologues to introduce terminological substitutes for authoritarianism, such as with the term “managed democracy.” The main characteristic of most authoritarian systems is the combina- tion of limited pluralism and possibilities for political participation with the existence of a more or less free economic space and successful market reforms. This is what has been happening in Kazakhstan, but it remains ∗ Editor’s note: The chapter was written in 2005, and the information contained here has not necessarily been updated. Personnel changes in 2006 and early 2007 include the fol- lowing: Timur Kulibaev became vice president of Samruk, the new holding company that manages the state shares of KazMunayGas and other top companies; Kairat Satybaldy is now the leader of the Muslim movement “Aq Orda”; Nurtai Abykaev was appointed am- bassador to Russia; Bulat Utemuratov became presidential property manager; and Marat Tazhin was appointed minister of foreign affairs. 283 Dosym SATPAEV important to determine which of the three types of authoritarian political systems—mobilized, conservative, or modernizing (that is, capable of political reform)—exists in Kazakhstan. -
November 1-30, 2020
UZBEKISATN– NOVEMBER 1-30, 2020 UZBEKISATN– NOVEMBER 1-30, 2020 ....................................................................................................................................... 1 TOP NEWS OF THE PERIOD ................................................................................................................................................................ 2 Government intends to increase excise tax rates on petrol and diesel 2 Leading trade partners of Uzbekistan 2 POLITICS AND LAW ................................................................................................................................................................................. 3 Namangan plans to build an international business center: Alisher Usmanov to contribute to the implementation of the project 3 Uzbekistan rises in the Legatum Prosperity Index 3 Worldwide Cost of Living 2020 report: Tashkent among cheapest cities to live in 4 International Organization of Migration to open its office in Uzbekistan 4 Central Asia, EU reaffirm their commitment to build strong relations 5 Facilitating Uzbekistan's Accession to the WTO 7 Economy AND FINANCE ...................................................................................................................................................................... 8 Uzbekistan takes first place in the world in terms of gold sold in the third quarter 8 The National Venture Fund UzVC is being created 8 Diesel fuel production of Euro-4 and Euro-5 standards starts in Ferghana region 9 Food -
Censorship Among Russian Media Personalities and Reporters in the 2010S Elisabeth Schimpfossl the University of Liverpool Ilya Yablokov the University of Manchester
COERCION OR CONFORMISM? CENSORSHIP AND SELF- CENSORSHIP AMONG RUSSIAN MEDIA PERSONALITIES AND REPORTERS IN THE 2010S ELISABETH SCHIMPFOSSL THE UNIVERSITY OF LIVERPOOL ILYA YABLOKOV THE UNIVERSITY OF MANCHESTER Abstract: This article examines questions of censorship, self-censorship and conformism on Russia’s federal television networks during Putin’s third presidential term. It challenges the idea that the political views and images broadcast by federal television are imposed coercively upon reporters, presenters and anchors. Based on an analysis of interviews with famous media personalities as well as rank-and-file reporters, this article argues that media governance in contemporary Russia does not need to resort to coercive methods, or the exertion of self-censorship among its staff, to support government views. Quite the contrary: reporters enjoy relatively large leeway to develop their creativity, which is crucial for state-aligned television networks to keep audience ratings up. Those pundits, anchors and reporters who are involved in the direct promotion of Kremlin positions usually have consciously and deliberately chosen to do so. The more famous they are, the more they partake in the production of political discourses. Elisabeth Schimpfossl, Ph.D., teaches history at The University of Liverpool, 12 Abercromby Square, Liverpool, L69 7WZ, UK, email: [email protected]; Ilya Yablokov is a Ph.D. candidate in Russian and East European Studies, School of Arts, Languages and Cultures, The University of Manchester, Oxford Road, Manchester, -
Geopolitical Rivalry, Terrorism Among Threats Facing Eurasia, Nazarbayev
-2° / -3°C WEDNESDAY, NOVEMBER 21, 2018 No 22 (160) www.astanatimes.com Geopolitical rivalry, terrorism President opens AIX’s among threats facing Eurasia, first trading session Nazarbayev tells Astana Club See story on Page A4. GDP grows 4.1 percent not witnessed such a confrontation Economic contradictions, in Nazarbayev said some parts of By Assel Satubaldina in 10 months of 2018 for quite a long time. The so-called what is known as trade wars, are the Greater Eurasia may turn into post-bipolar world order becomes on the rise with an increasing the scene of large-scale military solid growth with an eight-month ASTANA – Astana Club, a a thing of the past. We witness the threat posed to global economies. confrontation and the Middle East, By Zhanna Shayakhmetova increase of 21.6 percent. Exports platform to debate public issues formation of Greater Eurasia,” “One of such wars is unfolding where instability is caused by the increased by 28.2 percent due to based on Chatham House rules, said Nazarbayev. between the U.S. and China, to- Syrian crisis, political tensions in ASTANA – Kazakhstan’s gross the increased supply of oil and kicked off its fourth annual meet- Escalating the geopolitical ri- gether accounting for the third of Iraq, civil war in Libya and inter- domestic product (GDP) grew 4.1 natural gas, agricultural products, ing Nov. 12. The meeting focused valry between China, Russia and the world’s economy, 20 percent nal challenges, is among such re- percent in a ten-month period, re- aluminium and copper ores. -
RUSSIA INTELLIGENCE Politics & Government
N°66 - November 22 2007 Published every two weeks / International Edition CONTENTS KREMLIN P. 1-4 Politics & Government c KREMLIN The highly-orchestrated launching into orbit cThe highly-orchestrated launching into orbit of of the «national leader» the «national leader» Only a few days away from the legislative elections, the political climate in Russia grew particu- STORCHAK AFFAIR larly heavy with the announcement of the arrest of the assistant to the Finance minister Alexey Ku- c Kudrin in the line of fire of drin (read page 2). Sergey Storchak is accused of attempting to divert several dozen million dol- the Patrushev-Sechin clan lars in connection with the settlement of the Algerian debt to Russia. The clan wars in the close DUMA guard of Vladimir Putin which confront the Igor Sechin/Nikolay Patrushev duo against a compet- cUnited Russia, electoral ing «Petersburg» group based around Viktor Cherkesov, overflows the limits of the «power struc- home for Russia’s big ture» where it was contained up until now to affect the entire Russian political power complex. business WAR OF THE SERVICES The electoral campaign itself is unfolding without too much tension, involving men, parties, fac- cThe KGB old guard appeals for calm tions that support President Putin. They are no longer legislative elections but a sort of plebicite campaign, to which the Russian president lends himself without excessive good humour. The objec- PROFILE cValentina Matvienko, the tive is not even to know if the presidential party United Russia will be victorious, but if the final score “czarina” of Saint Petersburg passes the 60% threshhold. -
Engaging Central Asia
ENGAGING CENTRAL ASIA ENGAGING CENTRAL ASIA THE EUROPEAN UNION’S NEW STRATEGY IN THE HEART OF EURASIA EDITED BY NEIL J. MELVIN CONTRIBUTORS BHAVNA DAVE MICHAEL DENISON MATTEO FUMAGALLI MICHAEL HALL NARGIS KASSENOVA DANIEL KIMMAGE NEIL J. MELVIN EUGHENIY ZHOVTIS CENTRE FOR EUROPEAN POLICY STUDIES BRUSSELS The Centre for European Policy Studies (CEPS) is an independent policy research institute based in Brussels. Its mission is to produce sound analytical research leading to constructive solutions to the challenges facing Europe today. The views expressed in this report are those of the authors writing in a personal capacity and do not necessarily reflect those of CEPS or any other institution with which the authors are associated. This study was carried out in the context of the broader work programme of CEPS on European Neighbourhood Policy, which is generously supported by the Compagnia di San Paolo and the Open Society Institute. ISBN-13: 978-92-9079-707-4 © Copyright 2008, Centre for European Policy Studies. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means – electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise – without the prior permission of the Centre for European Policy Studies. Centre for European Policy Studies Place du Congrès 1, B-1000 Brussels Tel: 32 (0) 2 229.39.11 Fax: 32 (0) 2 219.41.51 e-mail: [email protected] internet: http://www.ceps.eu CONTENTS 1. Introduction Neil J. Melvin ................................................................................................. 1 2. Security Challenges in Central Asia: Implications for the EU’s Engagement Strategy Daniel Kimmage............................................................................................ -
Oxumaq Üçün Dəvət Olunmuş, 1961- Ci Ildə Isə Universitetdə Dil Və Ədəbiyyat Üzrə Aparıcı Mütəxəssis Kimi Fəaliyyətini Daha Da Genişləndirmişdir
Elmi redaktor: tarix elmləri doktoru, professor Musa QASIMLI Elnur MƏMMƏDLİ. Azərbaycan-Böyük Britaniya münasibətləri (1991-2003), Bakı, Adiloğlu, 2003. Kitab Azərbaycan Respublikasının müasir xarici siyasətinin əsas istiqamətlərindən olan Böyük Britaniya və Şimali İrlandiya Birləşmiş Krallığı ilə münasibətlərə həsr edilmişdir. Əsərdə A.zərbaycan və Böyük Britaniya əlaqələri tarixinə toxunulmuş, ikitərəfli siyasi, iqtisadi və humanitar münasibətlərin mövcud durumu v-> perspektivləri tədqiq olunmuşdur. Kitab .bevnalxalq münasiOətfer' uzrə mütəxəssislərə, o cümlədən ali məktəb müəllimləri, tələbələri və eeniş, oxucu kütləsi üçün nəzərdə tutulur. ,, 4719121574 ., M ---------------- sıtanşb 121-2003 © ELNUR MƏMMƏDLİ KİTABIN IÇINDƏKILƏR GİRİŞ .......................................................................................................... 5 BİRİNCİ FƏSİL AZƏRBAYCAN-İNGİLTƏRƏ ƏLAQƏLƏRİ TARİXİNDƏN ........................... 13 İKİNCİ FƏSİL AZƏRBAYCAN-BÖYÜK BRİTANİYA SİYASİ MÜNASİBƏTLƏRİ 2.1 İkitərəfli siyasi münasibətlərin qurulması və inkişafı ............... 21 2.2 Parlamentlərarası əlaqələr ......................................................... 37 2.3 Ermənistanın Azərbaycana qarşı hərbi təcavüzünə Birləşmiş Krallığın münasibəti ................................................. 45 ÜÇÜNCÜ FƏSİL AZƏRBAYCAN VƏ BÖYÜK BRİTANİYA ARASINDA İQTİSADİ VƏ HUMANİTAR MÜNASİBƏTLƏR 3.1 Energetika sahəsində əməkdaşlıq ............................................. 62 3.2 İqtisadiyyatın digər sahələrində əməkdaşlıq ............................ -
William R. Spiegelberger the Foreign Policy Research Institute Thanks the Carnegie Corporation for Its Support of the Russia Political Economy Project
Russia Political Economy Project William R. Spiegelberger The Foreign Policy Research Institute thanks the Carnegie Corporation for its support of the Russia Political Economy Project. All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording, or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. Author: William R. Spiegelberger Eurasia Program Leadership Director: Chris Miller Deputy Director: Maia Otarashvili Edited by: Thomas J. Shattuck Designed by: Natalia Kopytnik © 2019 by the Foreign Policy Research Institute April 2019 COVER: Designed by Natalia Kopytnik. Photography: Oleg Deripaska (World Economic Forum); St. Basil’s Cathedral (Adob Stock); Ruble (Adobe Stock); Vladimir Putin (kremlin.ru); Rusal logo (rusal.ru); United States Capitol (Adobe Stock; Viktor Vekselberg (Aleshru/Wikimedia Commons); Alumnium rolls (Adobe Stock); Trade War (Adobe Stock). Our Mission The Foreign Policy Research Institute is dedicated to bringing the insights of scholarship to bear on the foreign policy and national security challenges facing the United States. It seeks to educate the public, teach teachers, train students, and offer ideas to advance U.S. national interests based on a nonpartisan, geopolitical perspective that illuminates contemporary international affairs through the lens of history, geography, and culture. Offering Ideas In an increasingly polarized world, we pride ourselves on our tradition of nonpartisan scholarship. We count among our ranks over 100 affiliated scholars located throughout the nation and the world who appear regularly in national and international media, testify on Capitol Hill, and are consulted by U.S. -
Thesis Approval Form Nazarbayev University School of Sciences and Humanities
THESIS APPROVAL FORM NAZARBAYEV UNIVERSITY SCHOOL OF SCIENCES AND HUMANITIES NATION BRANDING: AN INSTRUMENT OF SOFT POWER OR NATION-BUILDING? THE CASE OF KAZAKHSTAN ҰЛТТЫҚ БРЕНДИНГ: ЖҰМСАҚ ҚУАТ НЕ ҰЛТ-ҚҰРЫЛЫС ҚҰРЫЛҒЫСЫ? ҚАЗАҚСТАН ҮЛГІСІ НАЦИОНАЛЬНЫЙ БРЕНДИНГ: ИНСТРУМЕНТ МЯГКОЙ СИЛЫ ИЛИ НАЦИОНАЛЬНОЕ СТРОИТЕЛЬСТВО? ПРИМЕР КАЗАХСТАНА BY Leila Ramankulova APPROVED BY DR. Neil Collins ON 3rd May of 2020 _________________________________________ Signature of Principal Thesis Adviser In Agreement with Thesis Advisory Committee Second Reader: Dr. Spencer L Willardson External Reviewer: Dr. Phil Harris NATION BRANDING: AN INSTRUMENT OF SOFT POWER OR NATION-BUILDING? THE CASE OF KAZAKHSTAN ҰЛТТЫҚ БРЕНДИНГ: ЖҰМСАҚ ҚУАТ НЕ ҰЛТ-ҚҰРЫЛЫС ҚҰРЫЛҒЫСЫ? ҚАЗАҚСТАН ҮЛГІСІ НАЦИОНАЛЬНЫЙ БРЕНДИНГ: ИНСТРУМЕНТ МЯГКОЙ СИЛЫ ИЛИ НАЦИОНАЛЬНОЕ СТРОИТЕЛЬСТВО? ПРИМЕР КАЗАХСТАНА by Leila Ramankulova A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Political Science and International Relations at NAZARBAYEV UNIVERSITY - SCHOOL OF HUMANITIES AND SOCIAL SCIENCE 2020 © 2020 LEILA RAMANKULOVA All Rights Reserved NATION BRANDING: AN INSTRUMENT OF SOFT POWER OR NATION-BUILDING? THE CASE OF KAZAKHSTAN ҰЛТТЫҚ БРЕНДИНГ: ЖҰМСАҚ ҚУАТ НЕ ҰЛТ-ҚҰРЫЛЫС ҚҰРЫЛҒЫСЫ? ҚАЗАҚСТАН ҮЛГІСІ НАЦИОНАЛЬНЫЙ БРЕНДИНГ: ИНСТРУМЕНТ МЯГКОЙ СИЛЫ ИЛИ НАЦИОНАЛЬНОЕ СТРОИТЕЛЬСТВО? ПРИМЕР КАЗАХСТАНА by Leila Ramankulova Principal Adviser: Dr. Neil Collins Second Reader: Dr. Spencer L Willardson External Reviewer: Dr. Phil Harris Electronic Version Approved: Dr. Caress Schenk Director of the MA Program in Political Science and International Relations School of Humanities and Social Sciences Nazarbayev University May 2020 v Abstract Nation branding is a process by which countries seek to create an attractive image and manipulate its external perception. The process of branding a nation involves a broad array of activities from an advertisement on TV and journals to much more extensive public diplomacy initiatives. -
M. Korostikov / Russian State and Economy
’Ifri ’Ifri _____________________________________________________________________ Leaving to Come Back: Russian Senior Officials and the State-Owned Companies _____________________________________________________________________ Mikhail Korostikov August 2015 . Russia/NIS Center Ifri is a research center and a forum for debate on major international political and economic issues. Headed by Thierry de Montbrial since its founding in 1979, Ifri is a non-governmental and a non-profit organization. As an independent think tank, Ifri sets its own research agenda, publishing its findings regularly for a global audience. With offices in Paris and Brussels, Ifri stands out as one of the rare French think tanks to have positioned itself at the very heart of European debate. Using an interdisciplinary approach, Ifri brings together political and economic decision-makers, researchers and internationally renowned experts to animate its debates and research activities. The opinions expressed in this article are the authors’ alone and do not reflect the official views of their institutions. ISBN: 978-2-36567-435-5 © All rights reserved, Ifri, 2015 Ifri Ifri-Bruxelles 27, rue de la Procession Rue Marie-Thérèse, 21 75740 Paris Cedex 15 – FRANCE 1000 – Bruxelles – BELGIQUE Tél. : +33 (0)1 40 61 60 00 Tél. : +32 (0)2 238 51 10 Fax : +33 (0)1 40 61 60 60 Fax : +32 (0)2 238 51 15 Email : [email protected] Email : [email protected] Website : Ifri.org Russie.Nei.Visions Russie.Nei.Visions is an online collection dedicated to Russia and the other new independent states (Belarus, Ukraine, Moldova, Armenia, Georgia, Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan). Written by leading experts, these policy- oriented papers deal with strategic, political and economic issues. -
Putin's Return Puts Future in Doubt
Orbital odyssey Spaceflight Investing in aspirations do not get much bigger than a hotel in orbit but the reality is rather more downtoearth RUSSIA Page 4 FINANCIAL TIMES SPECIAL REPORT | Tuesday October 4 2011 www.ft.com/investingrussia2011 | twitter.com/ftreports Putin’s return puts future in doubt Now that uncertainty over the leadership has been removed, attention has turned to the longer term. Charles Clover reports or the Kremlin to do some- thing utterly predictable is quite rare. For this reason, the return of Vladimir Putin as FRussia’s president next May managed to take Russia’s political class by sur- prise. Mr Putin’s return, announced on September 24, lays to rest the prin- cipal source of intrigue over the past four years. Ever since he avoided constitutional prohibition on a third term in 2008 by appointing his friend Dmitry Medvedev to the presidency while he became prime minister, Moscow polit- ical circles have speculated about his return. Now that this uncertainty has been cleared up, the chattering classes are wondering what the third (and likely fourth) Putin term will bring. Things have not gone well thus far – the very announcement was botched, taking not only the public by surprise, but also the most senior gov- ernment officials. The decision that Mr Medvedev would take over as prime minister Changing places: Vladimir Putin (left) with current president Dmitry Medvedev at the United Russia party’s congress, where Medvedev announced the return of his predecessor Getty next year, meanwhile, provoked a row with Alexei Kudrin, the finance minis- Raising investment is a priority for growth will be about increases in effi- speech to investors at a conference in ian political system. -
The Centrality of Elites
The Centrality of Elites FREDO ARIAS-KING n the 1970s, a doctoral student in the economics department at Harvard could I not understand a case study in which two aluminum factories with the same assets produced different outputs. "The tools to understand this were completely absent in the economics profession," he mentioned later. His professor suggested that he might find the answer across the river at the business school, which he did. The main rea- son for the discrepancy turned out to be the management of the enterprises. Although it never claimed to be a science, not even a dismal one, the Sovi- etological profession has suffered from similar shortcomings, such as an inabili- ty to predict the imminent collapse of the USSR. Likewise, the debate on the rea- sons for the successes and failures ^of the postcommunist transitions at the time also seems to be deficient. As economics has, since the 1970s, learned much from management studies, so too should our profession. Renowned management guru Peter Drucker has noted that psychology is a central ingredient in management studies and in the management of corporations. The personality traits of the man- agers are routinely taken into account. Sovietology, transitology, and more specif- ically, political science and diplomacy should consider doing what has been obvi- ous to journalists and other casual observers of the East-Central European transitions and emphasize more the personal background and motivations of the leaders.' This could go a long way in explaining those transitions and the per- formance of their governments. It could provide a framework to explain not only what happened in the last thirteen years but also what might happen when Belarus, Cuba, North Korea, Turkrnenistan, and others begin their political and economic transitions.