The War Report 2016
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Yerevan, Armenia October 14, 2020 As the Conflict in the Nagorno
Yerevan, Armenia October 14, 2020 To stop disinformation surrounding the current conflict with Turkey and Azerbaijan and spread awareness in the international community, Armenia's tech community leaders came together to form the Global Awareness initiative. As the conflict in the Nagorno-Karabakh continues to escalate, more awareness is now being spread by both international media outlets and world leaders. Azerbaijan continues to violate human rights by actively bombing Stepanakert, Nagorno-Karabakh’s capital. This has resulted in many civilian casualties and extensive damage to infrastructure, garnering the attention of the international community. Further updates on the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict: ● In the afternoon of October 14, the Minister of Defense of Armenia reports that the Armed Forces of Azerbaijan have targeted hospitals in Artsakh where civilians also receive medical treatment. During the day, there has been more shelling in the town of Martuni, their artillery hit a local kindergarten. These are violations of the humanitarian ceasefire and gross violation of international humanitarian law. ● On October 14, Azerbaijan targeted the territory of the Republic of Armenia adjacent to the disputed Nagorno-Karabakh region. The attack was made on sheer assumptions that the military equipment, which was on Armenian soil, “intended” to start fire towards Azerbaijan. As a result of Azerbaijan’s unprovoked aggression on the territory of Armenia, a 14-year-old teenager was wounded. ● The Democratic nominee for president, Joe Biden, and Kamala Harris both issued separate statements on the escalating military conflict in Karabakh. In his statement, Joe Biden particularly said, “I am deeply concerned by the collapse of the October 10 ceasefire and the resumption of fighting in and around Nagorno-Karabakh.” Biden also added that the Trump Administration must tell Azerbaijan that it will not tolerate its efforts to impose a military solution to this conflict. -
The Mujahedin in Nagorno-Karabakh: a Case Study in the Evolution of Global Jihad
The Mujahedin in Nagorno-Karabakh: A Case Study in the Evolution of Global Jihad Michael Taarnby 9/5/2008 WP 20/2008 The Mujahedin in Nagorno-Karabakh: A Case Study in the Evolution of Global Jihad Michael Taarnby Summary The current volume of publications dealing with Islamist militancy and terrorism defies belief in terms of its contents. The topic of this paper is a modest attempt to direct more attention and interest towards the much overlooked sub-field of historical research within Jihadi studies. Introduction The current volume of publications dealing with Islamist militancy and terrorism defies belief in terms of its contents. This can be perceived as part of a frantic effort to catch up for the lack of attention devoted to this phenomenon during the 1980s and 1990s, when this field of research field was considerably underdeveloped. The present level of research activity is struggling to keep pace with developments. Thus, it is primarily preoccupied with attempting to describe what is actually happening in the world right now and possibly to explain future developments. This is certainly a worthwhile effort, but the topic of this paper is a modest attempt to direct more attention and interest towards the much overlooked sub-field of historical research within Jihadi studies. The global Jihad has a long history, and everyone interested in this topic will be quite familiar with the significance of Afghanistan in fomenting ideological support for it and for bringing disparate militant groups together through its infamous training camps during the 1990s. However, many more events have been neglected by the research community to the point where most scholars and analysts are left with an incomplete picture, that is most often based on the successes of the Jihadi groups. -
Omar-Ashour-English.Pdf
CENTER ON DEMOCRACY, DEVELOPMENT, AND THE RULE OF LAW STANFORD UNIVERSITY BROOKINGS DOHA CENTER - STANFORD PROJECT ON ARAB TRANSITIONS PAPER SERIES Number 3, November 2012 FROM BAD COP TO GOOD COP: THE CHALLENGE OF SECURITY SECTOR REFORM IN EGYPT OMAR ASHOUR PROGRAM ON ARAB REFORM AND DEMOCRACY, CDDRL FROM BAD COP TO GOOD COP: THE CHALLENGE OF SECURITY SECTOR REFORM IN EGYPT EXECUTIVE SUMMARY gence within the police force of a cadre of reform- ist officers is also encouraging and may help shift Successful democratic transitions hinge on the the balance of power within the Ministry of Interi- establishment of effective civilian control of the or. These officers have established reformist orga- armed forces and internal security institutions. The nizations, such as the General Coalition of Police transformation of these institutions from instru- Officers and Officers But Honorable, and begun to ments of brutal repression and regime protection push for SSR themselves. The prospects for imple- to professional, regulated, national services – secu- menting these civil society and internal initiatives, rity sector reform (SSR) – is at the very center of however, remain uncertain; they focus on admira- this effort. In Egypt, as in other transitioning Arab ble ends but are less clear on the means of imple- states and prior cases of democratization, SSR is mentation. They also have to reckon with strong an acutely political process affected by an array of elements within the Ministry of Interior – “al-Ad- different actors and dynamics. In a contested and ly’s men” (in reference to Mubarak’s longstanding unstable post-revolutionary political sphere, the minister) – who remain firmly opposed to reform. -
Introduction
1 Introduction Dennis Blair The second volume of Military Engagement relates the stories of how democratic civil-military relations developed in five world regions and fourteen individual countries. This introduction pro- vides some background on those who authored these stories and describes the patterns observed and the lessons that can be drawn from them. The Authors The regional summaries were written by a team of coauthors, almost all having both practical experience in armed forces or defense ministries of their countries and subsequent careers with security think tanks. They also contributed ideas and criticisms of the analysis and recommendations in the companion volume. Juan Emilio Cheyre, while chief of staff of the Chilean army, took the final steps to bring his service out of the Pinochet era. Matthew Rhodes is a professor at the Marshall Center in Germany, an insti- tution at the center of military-military relations among countries around the world. Istvan Gyarmati, who participated in the early brainstorming sessions for the handbook, was deputy defense minister of Hungary during the Hungarian armed forces’ transi- tion from its Warsaw Pact organization to meet NATO standards. Muthiah Alagappa, a general in the Malaysian Army, has become the foremost scholar of Asian civil-military relations subsequent to 1 01-2478-0 ch1.indd 1 5/16/13 6:03 PM 2 Dennis Blair his retirement. Tannous Mouawad served as Lebanon’s military attaché to the United States and the chief of Lebanon’s military intelligence service. Martin Rupiya was an officer in the Zimbabwean National Army and now heads a security affairs think tank in South Africa Each of the regional coauthors recruited additional authors to write the indi- vidual case studies; two of them wrote a case study as well. -
The Role of Armed Forces in the Arab Uprisings
The Role of Armed Forces in the Arab Uprisings 9 Derek Lutterbeck I. Introduction1 As popular uprisings, demanding greater political freedoms and in several countries even regime change, swept across much of the Arab world, a crucial role has been played by the armed forces of these countries in confronting the pro-reform movements. Practically all Arab countries can be described as military-based regimes, where the armed forces have been at the core of the political system, even though the status and role of the military has varied significantly from one country to the next. Moreover, powerful military forces, as well as a robust security apparatus more generally, have been seen by many, as one, if not the main, obstacle to political reform and democratization in the region.2 However, military forces have responded quite differently across the region to pro-democracy movements, ranging from openness to protest movements, to internal fracturing, to firm support for the regime in power. These different responses, in turn, have been crucial in determining the outcome of the popular uprisings, and whether authoritarian leaders were eventually overthrown. The aim of this paper is to discuss the role the armed forces have played in six Middle Eastern countries, which have 1 A more extensive study on this topic has been published as Lutterbeck, Derek, 2011: Arab Uprisings and Armed forces: between openness and resistance. DCAF SSR Paper 2. 2 See, e.g., Cook, Steven A., 2007: Ruling But Not Governing. The Military and Political Development in Egypt, Algeria and Turkey (Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press, 2007); Bellin, Eva, 2004: “The Robustness of Authoritarianism in the Middle East. -
Arab Uprisings and Armed Forces: Between Openness and Resistance
SSR PAPER 2 Arab Uprisings and Armed Forces: Between Openness and Resistance Derek Lutterbeck DCAF DCAF a centre for security, development and the rule of law SSR PAPER 2 Arab Uprisings and Armed Forces Between Openness and Resistance Derek Lutterbeck DCAF The Geneva Centre for the Democratic Control of Armed Forces (DCAF) is an international foundation whose mission is to assist the international community in pursuing good governance and reform of the security sector. The Centre develops and promotes norms and standards, conducts tailored policy research, identifies good practices and recommendations to promote democratic security sector governance, and provides in‐country advisory support and practical assistance programmes. SSR Papers is a flagship DCAF publication series intended to contribute innovative thinking on important themes and approaches relating to security sector reform (SSR) in the broader context of security sector governance (SSG). Papers provide original and provocative analysis on topics that are directly linked to the challenges of a governance‐driven security sector reform agenda. SSR Papers are intended for researchers, policy‐makers and practitioners involved in this field. ISBN 978‐92‐9222‐180‐5 © 2011 The Geneva Centre for the Democratic Control of Armed Forces EDITORS Alan Bryden & Heiner Hänggi PRODUCTION Yury Korobovsky COPY EDITOR Cherry Ekins COVER IMAGE © Suhaib Salem/Reuters The views expressed are those of the author(s) alone and do not in any way reflect the views of the institutions referred to or -
The Endgame of the Reagan Doctrine: Democratic Transition in Nicaragua and Chaos in Afghanistan
Democratic Transition in Nicaragua and Chaos in Afghanistan 19 Chapter 2 The Endgame of the Reagan Doctrine: Democratic Transition in Nicaragua and Chaos in Afghanistan John-Michael Arnold Introduction1 This chapter examines what happened, during the waning years of the American-Soviet struggle, in two conflicts that were part of the “global Cold War.”2 In both Afghanistan and Nicaragua through- out the 1980s, Soviet-supported Marxist regimes had fought Ameri- can-aided insurgencies. The United States’ support to the Afghan and Nicaraguan guerillas was central to what became widely known as the “Reagan Doctrine,” a term coined by columnist Charles Krauthammer in 1985 and which he defined as “overt and unashamed American sup- port for anti-Communist revolution.”3 While President Reagan became associated in many people’s minds with the American counter-offensive against Marxist regimes, it fell to Reagan’s vice-president and successor in the Oval Office, President George H.W. Bush, to preside over the endgame of the “Reagan Doc- trine.” The following analysis demonstrates three major things about the Bush administration’s record in that regard. First, in the midst of continuing competition with the Soviet Union, the Bush administration wanted settlements to the wars in Nicaragua and Afghanistan, pref- erably with the departure of the Soviet-aligned governments in those countries. Second, during the Bush administration’s term—which ran from January 1989 until January 1993—there was a narrowing of ideo- logical differences between the superpowers when it came to “regional conflicts,” with Mikhail Gorbachev’s Soviet Union sharing similar ideas to the United States about the need for political settlements and even democratic elections as the way to end proxy wars. -
Yerevan, Armenia October 10, 2020 As the Conflict in the Nagorno
Yerevan, Armenia October 10, 2020 To stop disinformation surrounding the current conflict with Turkey and Azerbaijan and spread awareness in the international community, Armenia's tech community leaders came together to form the Global Awareness initiative. As the conflict in the Nagorno-Karabakh continues to escalate, more awareness is now being spread by both international media outlets and world leaders. Azerbaijan continues to violate human rights by actively bombing Stepanakert, Nagorno-Karabakh’s capital. This has resulted in many civilian casualties and extensive damage to infrastructure, garnering the attention of the international community. Further updates on the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict: ● The Ministry of Defense of the Republic of Armenia reports that before the announcement of the humanitarian ceasefire, Azerbaijan attempted a subversive-intelligence infiltration in the direction of Hadrut. Russian military journalists from WarGonzo report that the adversary is assumed to be part of a foreign army, possibly Turkish Special Forces. The attempt came after Ilham Aliyev's announcement on Oct 9, 2020, about having captured the Hadrut region. However, president Aliyev's statement was immediately officially denied by the Ministry of Defense of Armenia as well as by reporters from WarGonzo, who were physically in the Hadrut area. ● After 11 hours of negotiations between Armenia and Azerbaijan, a humanitarian ceasefire was confirmed to start at 12:00 local time. Leading up to the ceasefire, Azerbaijan ramped up its shelling on Armenian civilian targets. At 12:00 it stopped. According to the Ministry of Defense of Armenia, the ceasefire lasted only about an hour before Azerbaijan launched attacks on the Southern province of Armenia proper, capital Stepanakert of Artsakh, and Hadrut. -
Afghanistan and Central Asia in 2015 an Overview of Actors, Interests, and Relationships
PRIF Report No. 132 Afghanistan and Central Asia in 2015 An Overview of Actors, Interests, and Relationships Arvid Bell the Special thanks are extended to Arundhati Bose, Botakoz Iliyas, and Kyara Klausmann for the contributions they made to this report. © Peace Research Institute Frankfurt (PRIF) 2015 Contact: PRIF Baseler Str. 27–31 60329 Frankfurt am Main Germany Phone: +49 69 959104-0 Fax: +49 69 558481 E-Mail: [email protected] Internet: www.prif.org ISBN: 978-3-942532-87-7 Euro 10,-- Summary This report assesses the interests of the most relevant state and non-state actors in Afghanistan and Central Asia in the aftermath of the 2014 Afghan presidential election. It is guided by the premise that the armed conflict in Afghanistan should be understood as being heavily inter- twined with regional politics. Its purpose is to serve as an overview of the negotiation environ- ment in Afghanistan and Central Asia. It identifies actors, interests, and relationships that are helpful to take into consideration when sequencing and orchestrating a peace process that could de-escalate the war in Afghanistan and help build a more stable and cooperative region. The ma- jority of the report focuses on relevant actors and their network of relationships, and the conclu- sion details three future scenarios and a set of recommendations that could facilitate a coordinat- ed negotiation process. The new Afghan Government of National Unity, led by President Ashraf Ghani and Chief Executive Officer Abdullah Abdullah, includes politicians with a broad range of ideological back- grounds and interests. While Ghani has spoken out in favor of peace negotiations with the Af- ghan insurgency, it is so far unclear if his efforts will be more successful than those of his prede- cessor. -
SFM Research Handbook
SFM Research Handbook Apr 15, 2020 Introduction 1 Research Handbook for Security Force Monitor1 2 Research methodology 3 3 Tutorials 7 4 Countries 9 5 What data does the Monitor collect? 19 6 Data integrity measures 21 7 Units 25 8 Persons 59 9 Persons Extra 73 10 Incidents 81 11 Sources 97 12 Frequently Asked Questions about WhoWasInCommand 111 13 Unit Records on WhoWasInCommand 117 14 Person records on WhoWasInCommand 127 15 Incident Records on WhoWasInCommand 135 i ii CHAPTER 1 Research Handbook for Security Force Monitor 1.1 About Security Force Monitor The Security Force Monitor works to make police, military and other security forces around the world more transparent and accountable. Human rights researchers, journalists, advocates, litigators and others engaged in making security forces accountable face a common problem – a lack of clear, detailed information on those forces. Often, answering even simple questions can be difficult: • Who is in charge of the specialized anti-riot police unit? • What army unit has jurisdiction over what areas? • Where did this commander previously serve? • When was a particular police unit based in a specific city? There is a vast amount of public information on security forces around the world, but it is unstructured and scattered among a wide variety of sources, making it prohibitively costly for those engaged in public interest work to understand the security forces of a particular country. The Security Force Monitor aims to solve this problem and aid those working to make police, military and other security forces accountable. The Monitor analyzes and compiles public information to provide data on: the command hierarchy, location, areas of operation, commanders and the other linkages between units – all tracked through time. -
A Journal of the Center for Complex Operations Vol. 4, No. 3
VOL. 4, NO. 3 2013 A JOURNA L O F THE CEN TER F OR C O MPL EX O PER ATIONS About PRISM is published by the Center for Complex Operations. PRISM is a security studies journal chartered to inform members of U.S. Federal agencies, allies, Vol. 4, no. 3 2013 and other partners on complex and integrated national security operations; reconstruction and state-building; relevant policy and strategy; lessons learned; Editor and developments in training and education to transform America’s security Michael Miklaucic and development Associate Editors Mark D. Ducasse Stefano Santamato Communications Constructive comments and contributions are important to us. Direct Editorial Assistant communications to: Megan Cody Editor, PRISM Copy Editors 260 Fifth Avenue (Building 64, Room 3605) Dale Erikson Fort Lesley J. McNair Sara Thannhauser Washington, DC 20319 Nathan White Telephone: (202) 685-3442 Advisory Board FAX: Dr. Gordon Adams (202) 685-3581 Dr. Pauline H. Baker Email: [email protected] Ambassador Rick Barton Professor Alain Bauer Dr. Joseph J. Collins (ex officio) Ambassador James F. Dobbins Contributions Ambassador John E. Herbst (ex officio) PRISM welcomes submission of scholarly, independent research from security policymakers and shapers, security analysts, academic specialists, and civilians Dr. David Kilcullen from the United States and abroad. Submit articles for consideration to the Ambassador Jacques Paul Klein address above or by email to [email protected] with “Attention Submissions Dr. Roger B. Myerson Editor” in the subject line. Dr. Moisés Naím This is the authoritative, official U.S. Department of Defense edition of PRISM. MG William L. Nash, USA (Ret.) Any copyrighted portions of this journal may not be reproduced or extracted Ambassador Thomas R. -
From Yemen War to Joint Army? WP Egyptian-Saudi Differences Over Arab Military Cooperation
Introduction Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik German Institute for International and Security Affairs Comments From Yemen War to Joint Army? WP Egyptian-Saudi Differences over Arab Military Cooperation Jessica Noll and Stephan Roll S On 25 March 2015 a Saudi-led coalition of Arab states launched air strikes on Yemen to halt the advance of the Houthi movement. A few days later the summit of the Arab League decided to set up a joint Arab army. Nevertheless, the two most important Arab countries support opposing concepts for military cooperation: Egypt proposes institu- tionalised long-term military cooperation to increase its political weight in the region, while Saudi Arabia prefers ad hoc coalitions precisely in order to avoid long-term dependency on other countries, not least Egypt. However, the two events suggest that states in the region are stepping up military cooperation. Germany and the European Union should treat this development with scepticism. Experience shows that such col- laborations tend to exacerbate rather than resolve regional conflicts. At their summit meeting at the Egyptian of the Saudi military operation against the resort of Sharm al-Sheikh on 28 and 29 Houthi movement in Yemen, there is no March 2015, the members of the Arab direct connection between the two events. League agreed to set up joint armed forces. Consequently the Arab League resolution According to the final declaration of the makes no mention of the Yemen conflict. summit, the force should be capable of In fact, the joint army project is an Egyptian rapid intervention to guarantee the national initiative that President Abdel Fatah al-Sisi sovereignty of member states and protect first floated in February 2015 in connection them against territorial threats.